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A history of the caesar John Doukas in Nikephoros Bryennios’ Material for History?

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  22 January 2016

Leonora Neville
Leonora Neville*
Affiliation:
Department of History, The Catholic University of America
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Abstract

This article suggests that the history of Nikephoros Bryennios draws on a now lost text that told the history of the 1070s from the perspective of the caesar John Doukas. Changes in perspective, narrative style, and vocabulary in the sections dealing predominantly with John suggest that Bryennios was incorporating portions of a written text rather than orally preserved stories. These stylistic arguments are not definitive but, especially in light of the way the author freely included portions of Psellos’ and Skylitzes’ histories, they lead to the supposition that Bryennios also used a text about John Doukas that no longer survives.

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Articles
Information
Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies , Volume 32 , Issue 2 , 2008 , pp. 168 - 188
Copyright
Copyright © The Centre for Byzantine, Ottoman and Modern Greek Studies, University of Birmingham 2008

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References

1 Komnene, Anna, ‘Alexiad,’ in Annae Comnenae Alexias, ed. Reinsch, D. R. and Kambylis, A. (New York 2001)Google Scholar prologue: I. 3.1-4 (pp. 7-8).

2 This manuscript, ‘Tolosanus,’ has been lost since the middle of the eighteenth century. All published editions are based on a transcription made by Pierre Poussines and published in the Paris Corpus in 1661. Poussines and his colleagues only had access to the manuscript for a brief time and were unable to make the corrections to the transcription which Poussines believed were necessary. Nicèpbore Bryennios Histoire, ed. Gautier, P. (Brussels 1975) 33–40 Google Scholar. A new fragment of Nikephoros’ history, book 1 chapters 7-11, has recently come to light in a fifteenth-century manuscript containing works by Pachymeres: Marcianus Gr. 509. This section of Nikephoros’ history is mostly taken from Skylitzes’ description of the origins of the Turks. The conclusion of the editor’s comparison of Marcianus Gr. 509 with Skylitzes and the Tolosanus is that the Tolosanus (or rather Poussines’ transcription of it) contained many more errors than the Marcianus. See Failler, A., ‘Le texte de l’histoire de Nicéphore Bryennios à la lumière d’un nouveau fragment,’ REB 47 (1989) 239-50Google Scholar.

3 Bryennios, ed. Gautier, prologue: 10 (p. 71).

4 Howard-Johnston, J., ‘Anna Komnene and the Alexiad,’ in Alexias I Komnenos, ed. Mullett, M. and Smythe, D. (Belfast 1996) 232–302 Google Scholar; Macrides, R., ‘The pen and the sword: who wrote the Alexiad?,’ in Anna Komnene and her times, ed. Gouma-Peterson, T. (New York 2000) 63–81 Google Scholar. Stanković calls attention to differences in Anna’s and Nikephoros’ portrayal of the same character: Stanković, V., ‘Nikephoros Bryennios, Anna Komnene and Konstantinos Doukas: a story about different perspectives,’ BZ 100 (2007) 169-75Google Scholar. Reinsch emphasizes Nikephoros’ work as an apologist for his grandfather’s political career: Reinsch, D., ‘O Νικηφόρος Βρυέννιος — ενας Μακεδόνας συγγραφέας’, in В’ Αιεθνές Συμπόσιο βυζαντινής Μακεδονίας (Thessalonike 2003) 169-78Google Scholar.

5 Jeffreys, E., ‘Nikephoros Bryennios Reconsidered,’ in The Empire in Crisis (?) Byzantium in the Eleventh Century (Athens 2003) 211-13Google Scholar.

6 Bourbouhakis points out some of the dangers in allowing our interpretations of Byzantine texts to be driven by what we think we know about authorial contexts. Bourbouhakis, E. C., ‘“Political” personae: the poem from prison of Michael Glykas: Byzantine literature between fact and fiction,’ BMGS 31/1 (2007) 53–75 Google Scholar.

7 Seger, J., Byzantinische Historiker des zehnten und elften Jahrhunderts. I. Nikephoros Bryennios. Eine philologisch-historische Untersuchung (Munich 1888) 32-3Google Scholar.

8 For the political situation see Angold, M., The Byzantine Empire, 1025-1204: A Political History, 2nd edn. (London 1997) 124-90Google Scholar. On twelfth-century court culture and politics in general see Maguire, H., ed., Byzantine Court Culture from 829-1204 (Washington, DC 1997)Google Scholar, Cheynet, J.-C., Pouvoir et contestations à Byzance (963-1210) (Paris 1990)Google Scholar, Kazhdan, A. and Wharton, A. J., Change in Byzantine Culture in the Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries (Berkeley 1985)Google Scholar, Magdalino, P., ‘Constantinople and the outside world,’ in Strangers to Themselves: the Byzantine Outsider, ed. Smythe, D. (Aldershot 2000)Google Scholar.

9 Carile, A., ‘La “Τλη ίστορίας del cesare Niceforo Briennio,’ Aevum 43 (1969) 56–87 Google Scholar; Seger, Nikephoros Bryennios, 40-57.

10 On the ‘intense recycling of sources’ as one of the ‘creative and political principles’ of Byzantine history writing see Nilsson, I., ‘To narrate the events of the past: on Byzantine historians and historians on Byzantium,’ in Byzantine Narrative, ed. Burke, J. (Melbourne 2006) 51 Google Scholar.

11 Zonaras, John, in Ioannis Zonarae epitomae historiarum libri xviii, ed. Büttner-Wobst, T., III (Bonn 1897) 682 Google Scholar, 704, 708-11, 733; Attaleiates, Michael, in Michaelis Attaliotae Historia, ed. Bekker, I. (Bonn 1853) 184–93 Google Scholar; Skylitzes continuatus, in H συνεχεια τής χρονογροίφίας τοΰ Ίωάννου Σκυλίτση , ed. Tsolakes, E. (Thessalonike 1968) 124 Google Scholar, 152-61.

12 In the encomium to Michael VII Doukas which ends his history, Psellos included a paragraph praising John. Psellos especially praised John for his intense study—but not practice—of warfare and tactics. Psellos’ description of John is particularly difficult to evaluate because of the real possibility that the entire last book of the Chronographia, in which Psellos lavishly praises the Doukai, should be read as ironic. Krallis, D., ‘Attaliates as a reader of Psellos,’ in Reading Michael Psellos, ed. Barber, C. and Jenkins, D. (Leiden 2006) 189-90Google Scholar, Krallis, D., ‘History as Politics in Eleventh-Century Byzantium’ (Ph.D., University of Michigan 2006) 154–206 Google Scholar.

13 Polemis, D. I., The Doukai: a Contribution to Byzantine Prosopography (London 1968) 35 Google Scholar.

14 Carile, ‘La “Τλη ίστορίας’, 67-8.

15 Bryennios, 1.18.12-14, 1.18.24-25 (p. 119).

16 Bryennios, 1.23.1-2 (p. 131).

17 Psellos, Michael, Chronographie, ed. Renauld, É., 2 vols. (Paris 1926-1928) 7.36Google Scholar (II, p. 168).

18 Psellos, 7.43 (II, p. 172).

19 Bryennios, 1.25.27-32 (p. 137).

20 Holmes, C., Basil II and the Governance of Empire (976-1025) (Oxford 2005) 99–119 CrossRefGoogle Scholar, 125-52; eadem, ‘The rhetorical structures of Skylitzes’ Synopsis Historion,’’ in Rhetoric in Byzantium , ed. Jeffreys, E. (Aldershot 2003) 187–200 Google Scholar. Shepard has suggested the existence of a pamphlet lauding Maniakes and denouncing his enemies and a laudatory biography of Katakalon Kekaumenos: Shepard, J., ‘Byzantium’s last Sicilian expedition: Scylitzes’ testimony,’ Rivista di studi bizantini e neoellenici 14—16 (1977-9) 156 Google Scholar; idem, ‘A suspected source of Scylitzes’ Synopsis Historiom the great Catacalon Cecaumenus,’ BMGS 16 (1992) 178. Work of Sjuzjumov and Kazhdan on identifying an anti-Phokas source and a pro-Phokas family chronicle used by Skylitzes and Leo the Deacon has become generally accepted: Ljubarskij, J., ‘Nikephoros Phokas in Byzantine historical writings. Trace of the secular biography in Byzantium,’ BS 54/2 (1993) 252-3Google Scholar; Tinnefeid, F. H., Kategorien der Kaiserkritik in der byzantinischen Historiographie (Munich 1971) 108–110 Google Scholar; Leo the Deacon, The History of Leo the Deacon, trans. Talbot, A.-M. and Sullivan, D. (Washington, D.C. 2005)14–15 Google Scholar; Skylitzès, Jean, Empereurs de Constantinople,trans. Flusin, B. and annotated Cheynet, J.-C. (Paris 2003) XIII–XVI Google Scholar.

21 Sections 1.7-1.10 follow John Skylitzes: Ioannis Skylitzae Synopsis historiarum, ed. Thurn, I. (Berlin-New York 1973) 442—47Google Scholar; Bryennios, 1.7-1.10 (pp.89-99). Carile points out improvements that Bryennios made to Skylitzes’ style: Carile, ‘La ‘Ύλη ίστορίας’, 57-9.

22 Bryennios 1.5 (pp. 83-85) follows Psellos 7.3 (II p. 164). A few lines of Bryennios (pp. 105-111) follow Psellos 7.18-19 (II, p. 161). Substantial portions of Bryennios 1.17-25 (pp. 115-141) follow Psellos 7.22-43 (II, pp. 162-68). The first chapter of Bryennios, book 2 contains a line from Skylitzes continuatus, ed. Tsolakes, 155.

23 He occasionally adds biblical references to Psellos’ text: Carile, ‘La “Υλη ίστορίας’, 57.

24 I suspect parts of book 1.23 about Andronikos Doukas; 1.25 lines 27-33 on Andronikos’s efforts to prevent the blinding of Romanos; also possibly parts of book 2 chapters 1-3 on John Doukas: Bryennios, 131-33, 139, 143-17.

25 Ibid., 2.14.6-12 (p. 167).

26 Ibid., 2.14.8 (p. 167).

27 Ibid., 2.14.15 (p. 167).

28 Ibid., 2.14.21-22 (p. 167).

29 Ibid., 2.14.10-12 (p. 169).

30 Ibid., 2.14.15-18 (p. 169).

31 Ibid., 2.15.9-10 (p. 171).

32 Bryennios, 2.15.13-31 (p. 173).

33 Attaleiates, 185-86; Skylitzes continuatus, 158; Zonaras, III, 710.

34 Bryennios, 2.15 (pp. 171-73).

35 Ibid., 2.16.8-9 (p. 173).

36 Ibid., 2.17.1-13 (p. 177).

37 Ibid., 2.17.13-14 (p. 177).

38 Bryennios, 2.16 (pp. 173-75).

39 Ibid., 2.17.1-2 (p. 179).

40 Ibid., 2.17.18-2.17.1-4 (pp. 177-79).

41 Zonaras, III, 710-711; Attaleiates, 189-191; Skylitzes continuatus, 159.

42 Bryennios, 2.17.26-32 (p. 179).

43 Ibid., 2.18 (p. 181).

44 ‘О δέ καΐσαρ τήν προς θάνατον φερόμενον όρών τον υίον και τους ποαδας αύτοΰ κομιδΐί νέους, εσπευδεν ώς εοικεν έπίκουρον τή οίκία έκείνου είσαγαγεΐν, έκείνου τε προς τοϋτο αύτον παραθήγοντος κα\ τής καλλίστης πασών γυνοακών αύτοΰ όμευνίτιδος, ής τω εξωθεν κάλλει το έντος ξυνεξέλαμπε κάλλος και τή περιφανεία τοϋ γενους ai τών άρετών άγλαίαι και ή τών ήθών κοσμιότης συνήστραπτε: Bryennios, 3.6 (p. 219).

45 Ibid., 3.6.18 (p. 219).

46 Bryennios, 3.6.7-10 (p. 223).

47 After Basiliakes had sworn loyalty to Bryennios the Elder’s rebellion, he was given a further promotion by Michael VII. The conjecture that Michael did not yet know that Basiliakes had joined the rebellion is modified by οΐμαι. Bryennios, 3.8 (p. 225).

48 Ibid., 4.15.1-7 (p. 281).

49 Ibid., 3.6.12 (p. 221).

50 Ibid., 3.6.22 (p. 223).

51 Ibid., 3.6.19-21 (p. 221): ‘Ev άγωσιν οδν εύθυς απας οΐκος τοϋ καίσαρος, τής καλλίστης πασών γυναικών διεγειράσης απαν το θεραπευτικον και οίκίδιον.

52 Ibid., 3.6.2-5 (p. 223).

53 Ibid., 3.18.17-22 (p. 245).

54 Ibid., 3.18.15-17 (p. 245 and n. 6).

55 Ibid., 3.2-5 (p. 245).

56 Bryennios, 3.25 (pp. 253-55).

57 Bryennios, 3.25.7-17 (p. 253-5).

58 Bryennios, 2.14.1 (p. 167).

59 Ibid., 2.19.1-2 (p. 183).

60 Ibid., 2.4.24 (p. 147): Αλλ’ ουτω μεν οδτοι.

61 Ibid., 1.23.27 (p. 131).

62 Ibid., 3.6.13 (p. 219): Αλλά τά μέν κατά τοΰτον έν τούτοις ήν. Ό δε κοασαρ...

63 Ibid., 2.14. 13-14, 14, 21 (p. 169).

64 Ibid., 2.16.1 (p. 173)..

65 Ibid., 1.24.5 and 8 (p. 135); 2.4.1-2 (p. 147); 2.24.28 (p. 193).

66 Ibid., 3.3, (p. 214-15); 4.4 (p. 265-67); 4.6 (p. 269); 4.7 (p. 270-71); 4.10 (p. 275); 4.14 (pp, 279-81); 4.24 (p. 291-92).

67 Ibid., 169; 2.14.

68 Ibid., 169 note 8; Ahrweiler, H., ‘Choma-Aggelokastron,’ REB 24 (1966) 279 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; eadem, ‘Recherches sur l’administration de l’empire byzantin aux IX-XI siècles,’ Bulletin de Correspondance Hellénique 84 (1966) 34-36.

69 Bryennios, 4.4, 4.7, 4.9 (p. 265, 271, 273).

70 Ballo appears four times in book 2 chapter 15; once in book 1 chapter 17, and once in book 4 chapter 34. paio appears not at all in books 1-3, but twelve times in book 4.

71 Liddell, H. G. et al., A Greek-English Lexicon, rev. edn. (Oxford 1968) 1289 Google Scholar. The assessment of the increasing use of paio in the medieval period is based on a search of the Thesaurus Linguae Graecae, web version, in May 2006.

72 Polemis, The Doukai, 63-66.

73 Constantine Porphyrogenitus, De administrando imperio, ed. Moravcsik, G., trans. Jenkins, R. J. H., rev. edn. (Washington, D.C. 1967) 16, 32-33Google Scholar.

74 Psellos, Michael, Scripta minora, ed. Kurtz, E. and Drexl, F., II (Milan: 1936-41) 276–278 Google Scholar. On Bryennios’ literary activities see Jeffreys, ‘Nikephoros Bryennios Reconsidered,’ 203-204.

75 Moore, P., Iter Psellianum: a detailed listing of manuscript sources for all works attributed to Michael Psellos, including a comprehensive bibliography, Subsidia mediaevalia 26 (Toronto 2005) 580–586 Google Scholar. Letters of Psellos to John: Psellos, Michael, De operatione daemonum, ed. Boissonade, J. F. (Nürnberg 1838; repr. Amsterdam 1964) 170–188 Google Scholar; Scripta minora, II, 65-65, 129-130, 249-153, 276-178, 290, 303-124, 306-127; Sathas, K. N., ed., Mesaionike Bibliotheke, 7 vols. (Venice, Paris 1872-94) V, 399–402 Google Scholar, 406-399, 295-396, 306-397.

76 Michael Psellos, De operatione daemonum, 176.

77 Jean Skylitzès, Empereurs de Constantinople, trans. Flusin, v-vi; Holmes, Basii II, 89.

78 Holmes, Basil II, 111, 268-289; Shepard, ‘Byzantium’s last Sicilian expedition: Scylitzes’ testimony.’; idem, ‘A suspected source of Scylitzes’ Synopsis Historiom the great Catacalon Cecaumenus,’ 25-39.

79 Lemerle, P., Prolégomènes à une édition critique et commentée des “Conseils et récits” de Kékaumenos (Brussels 1960) 41–56 Google Scholar.

80 Holmes, Basil H, 66-239.