1 See the anonymously published Ύπόμνημα περί τής των Άρμενίωνμετά τής Άνατολικής Όρθοδόξου Έκκ-λησίας άσυμφωνίας (Constantinople 1850) 55, and the study by the Metropolitan of Chios Gregorios, Περί ένώσεως τών Άρμενίων μετά τής Άνατολικής Όρθοδόξου Έκκλησίας (Constantinople 1871) 155, a text written in 1866. On Germanos’ pro-Armenian initiatives, consult Gedeon, M. I., Μνεία τών πρό εμοϋ, 1800-1863-1913 (Athens 1934) 276-9Google Scholar; cf. Archives of the Benaki Museum (Athens), Mavrokordatos’ Papers [Thereafter AMB/AM], 146/67, unnumbered (N. Th. Soullidis to N. Mavrokordatos, Constantinople, 19 May/1 June 1891). The dates of the Western sources are in the N.S. (Gregorian Calendar), and those of Greece and the Ottoman Empire in the O.S. (Julian Calendar) or, according to the custom of the time, in both styles.

2 Lascaris, S. Th., La politique extérieure de la Grèce, avant et après le Congrès de Berlin, 1875-1881 (Paris 1924)52-3Google Scholar.

3 Kofos, E., Greece and the Eastern Crisis, 1875-1878 (Thessaloniki 1975) 83ff., 91-4Google Scholar.

4 Ibid., 84 n. 2.

5 Walker, C. J., Armenia: The Survival of a Nation (London and New York 1980) 110-11Google Scholar; cf. Zeidner, R. F., ‘Britain and the launching of the Armenian Question’, International journal of Middle East Studies 7 (1976) 470-1 and n. 17 Google Scholar. A totally reverse approach is discussed by Chochiev, G. and KoÇ, B., ‘Some notes on the settlement of Northern Caucasians in Eastern Anatolia and their adaptation problems (the second half of the XlXth century-the beginning of the XXth century)’, Journal of Asian History 40.1 (2006) 80–103 (in particular 86ff.)Google Scholar.

6 Sarkissian, A. O., History of the Armenian Question to 1885 (Urbana, IL 1938) 53 n. 51, 58-9Google Scholar; cf. Fesch, P., Constantinople aux derniers jours d’ Abdul-Hamid (Paris 1907) 291-2Google Scholar. On the Armenian dilemmas see Beylerian, A., ‘Les origines de la Question arménienne, du traité de San Stéfano au congrès de Berlin (1878)’, Revue d’histoire diplomatique 87.1-2 (1973) 152ffGoogle Scholar.

7 Scattered references to the collaboration of Sarakiotis with the Ecumenical Patriarchate and the Greek Embassy are to be found in Kofos, Greece and the Eastern Crisis, 87-8, 230.

8 See the observations of a contemporary witness, Odysseus’ ( SirEliot, Charles), Turkey in Europe (London 1900) 445 Google Scholar; cf. Pasdermadjian, H., Histoire de l’Arménie, depuis les origines jusqu’au traité de Lausanne (Paris 1949 Google Scholar; 3rd facsimile edn 1971) 346-8. In any case, Russian policy in the 1870s was not rigid, at least with regard to the intellectual - though in fact political - activities of the Armenians of Transcaucasia; cf. Bournoutian, G. A. (ed.), Russia and the Armenians of Transcaucasia, 1797-1889: A Documentary Record (Costa Mesa, CA 1998) 407-9, 433ffGoogle Scholar.

9 Hovannisian, R. G., ‘The Armenian Question in the Ottoman Empire’, East European Quarterly 6.1 (1972) 6 Google Scholar.

10 Kofos, Greece and the Eastern Crisis, 189-90.

11 Beylerian, ‘Les origines’, 157-9.

12 Noradounghian, G., Recueil d’actes internationaux de l’empire ottoman, III (Paris 1902) 516-17Google Scholar; Bournoutian, Russia and the Armenians of Transcaucasia, 443, no. 438.

13 Zeidner, ‘Britain and the launching of the Armenian Question’, 473-4 and n. 22-3; Ohanian, P. C., La cuestión armenia y las relaciones internacionales, I (Buenos Aires 1975), 223 Google Scholarff.; Kirakossian, A. J., British Diplomacy and the Armenian Question: From the 1830s to 1914 (Princeton, NJ 2003) 73 Google Scholarff., 84ff., 114ff.

14 Kofos, Greece and the Eastern Crisis, 191ff.; Beylerian, ‘Les origines’, 161ff.

15 The Armenian delegation arrived in Manchester early in April. On its co-operation with the local Greek community, see George, J., Merchants in Exile: The Armenians in Manchester, England, 1835-1935 (London 2002) 31 Google Scholar.

16 Tricha’s, Lydia exemplary edition, Διπλωματία και πολιτική: Χαρίλαος Τρικούπης - Ιωάννης Γεννάδιος, Αλληλογραφία, 1863-1894 (Athens 1991)Google Scholar does not include the crucial years 1878-9.

17 Hellenic Committee of London, fasc. V: Miscellanea, no. 1: Greeks and Armenians (London n.d. [1878]) 1–8 Google Scholar.

18 Kofos, Greece and the Eastern Crisis, 248ff. Cf. Walker, Armenia, 115ff.

19 On the Armenian disenchantment on the outcome of the Berlin Conference, see Nalbandian, L., The Armenian Revolutionary Movement: The Development of Armenian Political Parties through the Nineteenth Century (Berkeley, CA 1963) 28-9Google Scholar. For Gennadios’ remarks and his negative suggestions about the unification of the Greek and Armenian committees in London, see Tricha, , Διπλωματία και πολιτική, 245, 278-9Google Scholar, 316, 319 n. 4.

20 Paschidis, Th. A., Oí άνατολικοί λαοί ώς πρός τόν Έλληνισμόν, ήτοι ο’ι Ίσραηλίται, ο’ι Άρμένιοι, ο’ι Μου-σουλμάνοι έν τφ Έλληνισμω (Athens 1880) 26–33 Google Scholar.

21 Rangavis’s brief references with some measured comments are published in his Απομνημονεύματα, IV (Athens 1930) 537-8.

22 Historical Archives of the (Greek) Foreign Ministry: II. Embassy to Constantinople [thereafter AFM/C], nos. 220, 282 (June 1883).

23 Walker, Armenia, 132-3.

24 Information on Tsolakidis’s activities within the Ecumenical Patriarchate is contained in a letter Soullidis wrote to Mavrocordatos on 19 May/1 June 1891: AMB/AM/146/67, unnumbered. A Greek translation of the ‘Armenian Constitution’ of 1853-63 (Sahmanadru’iun) is included among other Tsolakidis’s writings on the Armenian Church: Tzolakidis, D. I. Ch., Γενικοί Κανονισμοί τών έν Κωνσταντινουπόλει Άρμενικών Πατρι-αρχείων (Constantinople 1894) 58 Google Scholar.

25 ΑΜΒ/ΑΜ, 146/67, unnumbered (Soullidis to Mavrokordatos, Constantinople, 19 May/1 June 1891).

26 AMB/AM/146/67, unnumbered (Tsolakidis to Soullidis, Phanar, 17 May 1891). Cf. Hassiotis, I. K., ‘The Greeks and the Armenian massacres (1890-1896)’, Neo-hellenika (Austin) 4 (1981) 71-2Google Scholar.

27 Nikolaos Mavrokordatos’ relevant correspondence with his superiors in Athens is to be found in the special file in AFM/C/1895: ‘Armenika’, unnumbered.

28 Hassiotis, ‘The Greeks and the Armenian massacres’, 73 and n. 11, 74.

29 Cf. the promotion of Bulgarian territorial claims in the wider region of Ottoman Macedonia and their connection with the Armenian Question in the writings of Francis de Pressensé: Manifestations franco-anglo-italiennes pour l’Arménie et la Macédoine (Paris 1904) 27-42, 83-4, 90-4, 314. There was no notable Greek presence at those events, in which, nevertheless, some of the participants were distinguished philhellenes.

30 Ovnanian, S. V., Armiano-bolgarskie istoriceskie sujazi i armianskie kolonii v Bolgarii vo vtoroi polovine XIX veka (Yerevan 1968) 109ffGoogle Scholar. Cf. Ulunyan, A. A., ‘Otzvuci na Aprilskoto vastanie v armenkija pecat i v armenskoto nacionalnoosvoboditelno dvizenie’, Istoričeski Pregled 32.1 (1976) 56–66 Google Scholar.

31 Nalbandian, The Armenian Revolutionary Movement, 175, 219 n. 68, 69; cf. Minassian, A. Ter, ‘Le mouvement révolutionnaire arménien, 1890-1903’, Cahiers du monde russe et soviétique 14/4 (1973) 561-2Google Scholar. Perry, D. M., ‘The Macedonian Revolutionary Organization’s Armenian connection’, Armenian Review 42.1 (1989) 61–70 Google Scholar, and Chiclet, C., ‘Les prodromes du terrorisme moderne: Fedaïs et Komitadjis à l’aube du XXème siècle’, Confluences Méditerranée 20 (1996-7) 25-9Google Scholar, are hasty and rather superficial summaries of the Armeno-Bulgarian guerrilla collaboration.

32 Zeidner, ‘Britain and the launching of the Armenian Question’, 481 n. 56.

33 National Research Foundation/Centre for Neohellenic Research (EIE/KNE), Archive of A. S. Karatheodori, A, no. 05/43, Ostend, 4/16 Aug. 1895.

34 It was to this Armenophobia that some Armenian patriots abroad attributed the passive attitude of the Greeks of the Ottoman Empire, especially in the Pontus, during the Armenian massacres of 1895 and 1896. For the Greek reactions to these charges see Hassiotis, ‘The Greeks and the Armenian massacres’, 76-7.

35 Ibid., 93ff, 96-109.

36 Kirakossian, British Diplomacy, 173ff., 263ff. For the British response, mainly through the contemporary press, see the same author’s The Armenian Massacres, 1894-1896: British Media Testimony (Dearbon, MI 2007). On Gladstone’s pro-Armenian initiatives cf. Douglas, R., ‘Britain and the Armenian Question, 1894-7’, The Historical Journal 19.1 (1976) 113-33CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

37 Driault, É. and Lhéritier, M., Histoire diplomatique de la Grèce de 1821 à nos jours, IV (Paris 1926) 550-4Google Scholar; Lascaris, S. Th., Διπλωματική ιστορία της Ελλάδος, 1821-1914 (Athens 1947) 207-8Google Scholar.

38 Cf. Hassiotis, ‘The Greeks and the Armenian massacres’, 88-90.

39 For details of the ‘Armenian Affair’, consult the memoirs of Malkhas [Ardashes Hovsepian], a leading figure in Dashnak, in Malkhas, (ed.), Hai Hegapokbagan Dashanktsutian ir karasnamiagi artiv (For the Four-tieth Anniversary of the Armenian Revolutionary Federation), I (Boston 1931) 386-95Google Scholar. Cf. Aghabatian, S., ‘H δίκη των Αρμενίων επαναστατών στη Λαμία’, Armenika (Athens) 64 (Jan.-Feb. 2010) 27–30 Google Scholar.

40 Malkhas, Hai Hegapokbagan Dashanktsutian, 393-4.

41 Fesch, Contantinople, 384ff. On the Ottoman prince’s rapprochement with the Armenian revolutionary movement, see Hanioglu, M. Sukru, Preparation for a Revolution: The Young Turks, 1902-1908 (New York 2001) 191ffGoogle Scholar. passim.

42 Kaligian, D. M., Armenian Organization and Ideology under Ottoman Rule, 1908-1914 (New Brunswick, NJ 2009) 3ffGoogle Scholar, 43ff., 47ff., 231ff. Cf. Davison, R. H., ‘The Armenian crisis, 1912-1914’, The American Historical Review 53.3 (1948) 484-5CrossRefGoogle Scholar. On the disputed involvement of the Young Turks in the massacres, see testimony of a contemporary Greek observer: Adossidès, A., Arméniens et Jeunes Turcs: Les massacres de Cilicie (Paris 1910) 21-5Google Scholar, 51ff. A considerable number of Greeks were also among the victims: Hassiotis, I. K., ‘The Armenian Genocide and the Greeks: response and records (1915-23)’, in Hovannisian, R. G. (ed.), The Armenian Genocide: History, Politics, Ethics (New York 1992) 132 Google Scholar.

43 Vlachos, N. B., Ιστορία των κρατών της χερσονήσου του Αίμου, 1908-1914, 1 (Athens 1954) 57 Google Scholarff., 125ff, 134-137, 192ff., 202-215. Cf. Kechriotis, V., ‘The modernization of the Empire and the community “privileges”: Greek Orthodox responses to the Young Turk policies’, in Atabaki, T. (ed.), The State and the Subaltern: Modernization, Society and the State in Turkey and Iran (London 2007) 53–70 Google Scholar.

44 Veremis, Th. and Boura, K. (eds.), Αθαν. Σουλιώτης-Νικολαΐδης, ΟργάνωσιςΚωνστανπνουπόλεως (Ioannina and Athens 1984) 112ffGoogle Scholar., 201,239,242,266,267. The allusion to the Slavic threat refers to the tsarist regime’s Russianizing efforts in Transcaucasian Armenia; see Suny, R. G., ‘Images of the Armenians in the Russian Empire’, in Hovannisian, R. G. (ed.), The Armenian Image in History and Literature (Malibu, CA 1981) 125-33Google Scholar. However, at that very moment the Tsarist government was attempting to impose upon the Sublime Porte a purely Russian plan for reforms in the Armenian vilayets: Davison, ‘The Armenian crisis’, 490ff.

45 Ohanian, , La cuestión armenia, II (1982) 332 Google Scholar.

46 Cf. supra, n. 30-34.

47 According at least to Andranik’s biographer: Chalabian, A., General Andranik and the Armenian Revolutionary Movement (Southfield, MN 1988) 199–204 Google Scholar.

48 Bjørnlund, M., ‘The 1914 cleansing of Aegean Greeks asacase of violent Turkification’, Journal of Genocide Research 10.1 (2008) 41–57 Google Scholar.

49 Hassiotis, ‘The Armenian Genocide and the Greeks’, 135-40; cf. Leon, G. B., Greece and the Great Powers, 1914-1917 (Thessaloniki 1974) 274-5Google Scholar.

50 Adalian, R. P., ‘Comparative policy and differential practice in the treatment of minorities in wartime: The United States archival evidence of the Armenians and Greeks in the Ottoman Empire’, Journal of Genocide Research 3.1 (2001) 31–48 Google Scholar. Cf. Georgelin, H., ‘La fin de la société ottomane multiethnique dans les récits en grec’, Revue du monde arménien moderne et contemporain 6 (2001) 97–129 Google Scholar.

51 Hassiotis, ‘The Armenian Genocide and the Greeks’, 139-41, 150-1 n. 41.

52 The Armenian patriarch himself recorded his misfortune to witness the extermination of his flock: Yeghiayan, Zaven Der, My Patriarchal Memoirs, trans. Misirliyan, A. (Monterey, CA 2002) 112ffGoogle Scholar., 125ff. On Germanos V’s tenure of the patriarchal throne during that turbulent period see Emmanouilidis, E. Ch., Ta τελε-υταία έτη της Οθωμανικής Αυτοκρατορίας (Athens 1924) 288ffGoogle Scholar.

53 Hassiotis, I. K., ‘Shared illusions: Greek-Armenian cooperation in Asia Minor and the Caucasus (1919-1922)’, Greece and Great Britain during World War 1 (Thessaloniki 1985) 142ffGoogle Scholar. On the co-ordinated demarches of the Ecumenical and the Armenian Patriarchates of Constantinople see Der Yeghiayan, op. cit., 195ff. A narrative of the Armenian-Greek military collaboration during the Great War is to be found in Ramvel Ramazian’s bilingual (Greek/Armenian) illustrated book, Ιστορία των οφμενο-ελληνικών στρατιω-τικών σχέσεων και συνεργασίας/Hay-hunakan razmakan arnchutyunneri ev hamagortzaktsutyan patmutyun (Athens 2010) 148ffGoogle Scholar.

54 For some relevant documents consult Şimşir, B. N., İngiliz Belgelerinde Atatürk (1919-1938)/British Documents on Ataturk (1919-1938), III (Ankara 1979) 323-5Google Scholar.

55 On similar Armeno-Kurdish links after the Mudros armistice: Sasuni, G., Kurt Azgayin Sharzhumnere ev Hay-Krtakan Haraberutiunnere (The Kurdish National Movement and Armenian-Kurdish Relations) (Beirut 1969) 227ffGoogle Scholar.

56 Hassiotis, ‘Shared illusions’, 170, 172; cf. Hovannisian, R. G., The Republic of Armenia, I (Los Angeles 1974) 273 Google Scholar.

57 On the incapacity of the Greeks and the Armenians to co-ordinate their efforts, cf. Ohanian, , La cuestión, V (2005) 212-13Google Scholar, VI (2010) 97-108.

58 Hassiotis, ‘Shared illusions’, 180. Stavridakis’ comprehensive confidential memorandum is published in extenso, ibid., 178-87.

59 Ohanian, , La cuestión armenia, VI, 942 Google Scholar.

60 Walker, Armenia, 291-2. The significance of the Treaty of Sèvres for the Armenian phases of the Eastern Question is analysed in Ohanian, , La cuestión armenia, VI, 833ffGoogle Scholar.

61 Records of Proceedings and Draft Terms of Peace. Lausanne Conference on Near Eastern Affairs, 1922-1923 (London 1923) 184-5Google Scholar (cf. also 178-80, 189, 210, 299). Venizelos’ initiative was taken after communicating with the leaders of the two Armenian delegations (on 3 January 1922): Khatissian, A., ‘The Lausanne Conference and the two Armenian delegations’, Armenian Review 15.1 (1962) 64 Google Scholar.

62 Hassiotis, I. K., ‘Armenians’, in Clogg, R. (ed.), Minorities in Greece: Aspects of a Plural Society (London 2002) 96 Google Scholar.

63 Zapantis, A. L., Greek-Soviet Relations, 1917-1941 (New York 1982) 140ffGoogle Scholar. Cf. Hovannisian, R. G., The Republic of Armenia, II (1982), 526 Google Scholar, 527, and Hassiotis, ‘Shared illusions’, 145-6.

64 Zapantis, Greek-Soviet Relations, 289 n. 8.

65 Hassiotis, I. K. (ed.), Oi Έλληνες της Ρωσίας και της Σοβιετικής Ένωσης: Μετοικεσίες και εκτοπισμοί, οργάνωση και ιδεολογία (Thessaloniki 1997) 317ffGoogle Scholar.

66 For unexploited archival material on the Soviet attempt to re-open the Armenian question in 1945-6, see Kirakossian, A., Armeniia i sovetsko-turetskie otnosheniia v diplomaticheskikh dokumentakh 1945-1946 gg. (Yerevan 2010)Google Scholar.

67 Hassiotis, ‘Armenians’, 97-8, 109-10 (n. 19-23).

68 Alexandrie, A., The Greek Minority of Istanbul and Greek-Turkish Relations, 1918-1974 (Athens 1983) 270-4Google Scholar, and the same author’s ‘Imvros and Tenedos: A study in Turkish attitudes toward two ethnic Greek island communities since 1923’, Journal of the Hellenic Diaspora 8.1 (1990) 10-19. On the riots of September 1955, which effected the Armenians of Constantinople as well, see Vryonis’, Speros well-documented research: The Mechanism of Catastrophe: The Turkish Pogrom of September 6-7, 1955, and the Destruction of the Greek Community of Istanbul (New York 2005)Google Scholar.

69 Dekmejian, R. H., ‘Soviet-Turkish relations and politics in the Armenian SSR’, Soviet Studies 19.4 (1968) 510-25CrossRefGoogle Scholar, alleged (510) that ‘the reluctance of the United States to support Turkey on the Cyprus question, the rise of the Turkish left and the declining threat of the USSR have been some of the factors contributing to the development of closer Soviet-Turkish relations since 1963’. See Mouradian, C., ‘Les relations soviéto-turques et la question arménienne depuis 1945’, Esprit 88 (April 1984) 118-22Google Scholar.

70 Hassiotis, ‘Armenians’, 104.

71 Hadjilyras, Al.-M., The Armenians of Cyprus (Larnaca 2009) 32 Google Scholar. In April 1990 the Cypriot Parliament reiterated its resolution of 1975, and announced 24 April as the national commemoration date for this genocide.

72 Uras, A. Esat, The Armenians in History and the Armenian Question (Istanbul 1988) 58 Google Scholarff. The author, a high official in the Kemalist movement, published his book in Turkish in 1950. The English edition was enhanced with a lot of additions: Kaiser, H., ‘From Empire to Republic: The continuities of Turkish denial’, Armenian Review 48.3-4 (2003) 12–14 Google Scholar, 22-4, n. 60-71.

73 Cf. Mango, A., Turkey and the War on Terror: For Forty Years we Fought Alone (London 2005) 12 Google Scholar: ‘But one also finds Armenian terrorists living in or transiting through Athens and Greek-administrated [sic] Cyprus. It is hard to believe that authorities there were unaware of their activities’.

74 Watanabe, P., ‘Ethnicity and foreign policy: Greek-American activism and the Turkish arms ban’, in Constas, D. C. and Platias, A. G. (eds.), Diasporas in World Politics: The Greeks in Comparative Perspective (London 1993) 31–50 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

75 Cf. the relevant reporting from the Turkish capital in the Athenian newspapers Ethnos, Eleftherotypia, Ta Nea, I Proti, and Kathimerini on 20, 23,24, 25, 30 June 1987. The text of the European Parliament’s resolution (June 18,1987) is to be found in Charny’s, I. W. Encyclopedia of Genocide, II (Jerusalem 1999), 80-1Google Scholar.

76 On the denial of the Armenian genocide, which has already accumulated a considerable literature, see Smith, R. W., Markusen, E., Lifton, R. J., ‘Professional ethics and the denial of the Armenian genocide’, in Hovannisian, R. G. (ed.), Remembrance and Denial: The Case of the Armenian Genocide (Detroit 1999), 271–296 Google Scholar, and Akçam, T., ‘The genocide of the Armenians and the silence of the Turks’, in Akçam, T. (ed.), Dialogue Across an International Divide: Essays Towards a Turkish-Armenian Dialogue (Cambridge, MA and Toronto 2001) 75–101 Google Scholar.

77 Eleftherotypia, June 22, 1987.

78 Turkish attempts to prevent such a development are examined in Vryonis, S. Jr., The Turkish State and History. Clio meets the Grey Wolf (Thessaloniki 1991) 121-31Google Scholar.

79 Smith, K. E., Genocide and the Europeans (New York 2010) 60-1CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

80 The Hellenic Parliament Resolution no. 2397/1996 (25 April 1996), ratified in a Presidential Decree (no. 162), was published later in the Εφημερίδα τηςΚυβερνήσεως, no. 144 (7 July 1997): Hassiotis, I. K., ‘Politicizing the past: World War I in modern Greek ideology’, in Farschid, O. et al. (eds.), The First World War as Remembered in the Countries of the Eastern Mediterranean (Beirut and Würzburg 2006), 46 Google Scholar.

81 Chrysanthopoulos, L. T., Caucasus Chronicles: Nation-Building and Diplomacy in Armenia, 1993-1994 (London 2002)Google Scholar offers a lively account of this climate during his mission as the first ambassador of Greece to the newly independent Republic of Armenia. On the main ethnic competitions in Transcaucasia, see Jones, S. F., ‘Georgian-Armenian relations in 1918-20 and 1991-94: A comparison’, Armenian Review 46.1-4 (1993) 57–77 Google Scholar, and Dudwick, N., ‘Armenian-Azerbaijani relations and Karabagh: History, memory, and politics’, Armenian Review 46.1-4 (1993) 79–92 Google Scholar.

82 For similarities and some important differences between the two issues, see Caspersen, N., ‘From Kosovo to Karabakh: International responses to de facto states’, Südosteuropa 56.1 (2008) 58–83 Google Scholar. Cf. Krüger, H., The Nagorno-Karabakh Conflict: A Legal Analysis (Berlin 2010) 41ffCrossRefGoogle Scholar.

83 Cheterian, V., War and Peace in the Caucasus: Ethnic Conflict and New Geopolitics (New York 2008) 52-3Google Scholar, 87ff.

84 Chrysanthopoulos, Caucasus Chronicles, 16ff., 59ff., 162ff. Since 1998 a number of Armenian officers and servicemen are being trained in Greek military academies: Ramazian, Ιστορία των αρμενο-ελληνικών στρατιωτικών σχέσεων, 244.

85 See Croissant, M. P., The Armenia-Azerbaijan Conflict: Causes and Implications (Westport, CT 1998) 60ffGoogle Scholar., 131ff. Cf. Kechichian, J. A., ‘Armenian foreign policy: Patterns and prospects’, Armenian Review 46.1-4 (1993) 148ffGoogle Scholar.