1. On the chronology of the above incident, see Mango, C., ‘A Byzantine hagiographer at work: Leontios of Neapolis’ in Byzanz und der Westen: Studien zur Kunst des europäischen Mittelalters, ed. Hutter, I. and Hunger, H. (Vienna 1984) 25–41 Google Scholar, esp. 31: ‘We may add that the story about the children who died of the plague very probably refers to the great plague of 542 or one of its recurrences, perhaps that of 555 which is said to have affected mostly children’.

2. On the urban context of the vita of Symeon, see Krueger, D., Symeon the Holy Fool: Leontius’s Life and the late antique city (Berkeley-Los Angeles-London 1996)Google Scholar ch. 1. For the identification of Emesa and its urban characteristics in late antiquity, see Kalogeras, N., Byzantine childhood education and its social role from the sixth century until the end of iconoclasm (Ph.D. Dissertation: The University of Chicago, 2000) 174–177 Google Scholar.

3. See Vie de Syméon le Fou et Vie de Jean de Chypre (henceforth Life of Symeon the Fool), translation and commentary by A.-J. Festugière (Greek text edited by L. Rydén) (Paris 1974) 151.1-4: θανατικοῦ γάρ ποτε τή πόλει έπέρχεσθαι μέλλοντος παρελθών ὅλα тά σχολία ἢρξατο άσπάζεσθαι τούς ᴋαĩδας λένων έκάστω ώς έν γελοίῳ ‘ὕπαγε καλώς, καλέ μου’. ού πάντας δε ήσπάσατο, άλλ ὅπον ή τοῦ θεοῦ χάρις έγνώρισεν αύτῷ.

4. Mt 19.14: ‘О δέ Ίησοῦς ε’ιπεν αφετε та παιδία καì μή κωλΰετε αύτά έλθεΐν πρός με’ τών γάρ τοιοΰτων έστιν ή βασιλεία τών οΰρσνών; ibid., 18.3: άμήν λέγω ύμίν, έάν μή στροφήτε καì γένησθε ώς тά παιδία, ού μή είσέλθητε εìς τήν βασιλείαν τών ούρανών; Мк 10.14; Lk 18.16.

5. See Déroche, V., Études sur Léontios de Néapolis (Studia Byzantina Upsaliensia, 3. Uppsala 1995)Google Scholar.

6. Leontios or better Symeon flouted thus Christ’s general appeal to children. Leyerle, B., ‘Appealing to children’, Journal of Early Christian Studies 5/2 (1997) 243–270 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

7. Mt 1.18-25 and 2.1-23; also Lk 1.26-55 and 2.1-52. The Gospels of Mark and John say nothing of the childhood of Jesus.

8. There are two known Greek versions of the Apocryphon Gospel by Thomas: A. Θωμᾶ Ίσραηλίτου Φιλοσόφου ρητά εìς тά παιδικά тоῦ Κυρίου (long version), and В. Σύγγραμα тоῦ άγίου άποστόλου Θωμά περì тῆς παιδικῆς άναστροφης тоῦ Κυρίου (concise version); see Tischendorf, C., Evangelia Apocrypha, Editio Altera (Leipzig 1876; repr. 1966 and 1987) 140–163 Google Scholar. For the purpose of this paper I have used version A; ibid., 140-157. For a good introduction to the Apocrypha, see Hennecke, E., New Testament Apocrypha, ed. Schneemelcher, W., English translation ed. Wilson, R. McL., 2 vols (Philadelphia 1963-1965)Google Scholar. For a general bibliography, Wilson, R. McLachlan, Theologische Realenzyklopädie, vol. III, (Berlin-New York 1978)Google Scholar s.v. Apokryphen II, p. 316-362, esp. 334-336, ‘Kindheitserzählung des Thomas’. The composition of the Gospel of Thomas falls between the mid-first and late second century AD. Other scholars believe that the text dates from the end of the first century AD; see Koester, H., ‘Apocryphal and canonical gospels’, HThR 73/1 (1980) 105–130 Google Scholar, esp. 116-119. See also ibid., 105-107, where Koester defends the values of apocryphal literature. A much later (fourth century) date is not out of the question: see Chrestou, P., Θρησκευτικὴ кαì Ήθικη Έγκυκλοπαίδεια, vol. 6, Thomas, s.v., 575 Google Scholar.

9. C. Tischendorf, Evangelia Apocrypha, 142 (ch. 3): кαì εύθέως ό παìς έκείνος έξηράνθη ὅλος. For the present I have translated έξηράνθη as harmed. Referring to living creatures, it may mean ‘to destroy’ or ‘to make someone suffer death’. I believe that it is not clear from the text whether the lay child died or not; therefore, I have preferred to use the verb ‘to harm’.

10. C. Tischendorf, Evangelia Apocrypha, esp. ch. 6-8. Hagiographers stressed their heroes’ outrageous intelligence to such a degree that sometimes they surpassed their teachers: see N. Kalogeras, Byzantine childhood education, 42.

11. C. Tischendorf, Evangelia Apocrypha, 148-149: Kαì ώς тò παιδίον κατέπαυσε тòν λόγον, εύθέως έσώθησαν οí πάντες οí ύπο τήν κατάραν αύτοΰ πεσόντες.

12. C. Tischendorf, Evangelia Apocrypha, 149 (ch. 9): Кαì μεθ’ ήμέρας δέ тινας ἕπαιζεν ό Ίησοϋς ἕν τινι δώματι έν ύπερῴῳ, και ἕν τῶν παιδίων τῶν παιζόντων μετ’ αύτοῦ πεσών άπò тоῦ δώματος κάτω άπέθανε’ καί ἱδόντα τά ἅλλα παιδία ἕφυγον, καί κατέστη ό Ίησοῦς μόνος. Kαì ὲλθόντες οἱ γονεĩς тоῦ τεθνεώτς ένεκάλουν … έκεĩνοι δέ έπηρέαζον αύτόν. Κατεπήδησεν ό Ίησοίῦς άπò τοῦ στέγου καì ἕστη παρά то πτῶμα тоῦ παιδίου, καì ἕκραξε φωνῇ μεγάλῇ καì εȋπεν Ζῆνον,- οὕτω γάρ тò ὅνομα αύτοῦ έκαλεĩτο- άναστάς εìπέ μοι, έγώ σε κατέβαλον; καì άναστάς παραχρῆμα εìπεν Ούχì κΰριε, οὐ κατέβαλας άλλά άvέστησας. καì іδόνтєς έξεπλάγησαν. οί δὲ γονεĩς τοῦ παιδίου ἐδόξασαν τὸν θεὸν έπì τῷ γεγονότι σημείῳ, καì προσεύνησαν τῷ Ίησοῦ.

13. See Clement of Alexandria, Пαιδαγωγός I.5 in Alexandrinus, Clemens, vol. 1, Protrepticus und Paedagogus, Die griechischen Schriftsteller der ersten drei Jahrhunderte 12, ed. Stählin, O. (Leipzig 1936)Google Scholar: “Οτι πάντες οἱ περὶ τήν άλήθειαν καταγινόμενοι παῖδες παρά τῷ θεῷ see Marrou, H.-I. and Harl, Marguerite, Clément d’Alexandrie, Le Pédagogue, Livre I, (Sources Chrétiennes, 70. Paris 1960) 132–155 Google Scholar; the first chapters of book one (λόγος πρῶτος constitute a praise of children and childhood through constant citations from the Gospels.

14. Gould, G., ‘Childhood in eastern patristic thought: some problems of theology and theological anthropology’ in The Church and childhood, ed. Wood, D. (Studies in Church History, 31. Oxford 1994) 39–52, esp. 39-46Google Scholar.

15. See Clement of Alexandria, Παιδαγωγός 1.5.16.3. The innocence of childhood as expressed by Clement and Origen and as considered in this paper differs significantly from the sinful picture of infants who die prior to baptism not having yet expelled original sin. On the notion of pre-incarnate sin in the philosophical anthropology of St. Augustine, see Sancti Aureli Augustini De Genesi ad litteram libri duodecim; eiusdem libri capitula. Des Genesi ad litteram inperfectus liber. Locutionum in Heptateuchum libri septem, chapter ten (written ca. 415), 10.15.27, ed. Zycha, I. (Corpus Scriptorum Ecclesiasticorum Latinorum, 28/1. Prague-Leipzig 1984)Google Scholar.

16. On the opinion of the Church Fathers on laughter, see Adkin, N., ‘The Fathers on laughter’ Orpheus, N.S. 6 (1985) 149–152 Google Scholar. On mourning, see Hausherr, I, Penthos: La doctrine de la componction dans l’Orient chrétien (Orientalia Christiana Analecta, 132. Rome 1944)Google Scholar; also, Patlagean, E., ‘Pleurer à Byzance’ in La souffrance au Moyen Age (France, XIIe-XVe s.) (Warsaw 1988) 251–267 Google Scholar.

17. Chrysostom, John, ‘ϓπόμνημα στὸν Ἅγιου Ματθαῖον τὸν Εύαγγελιστήν’, PG 57: 69 Google Scholar (ch. 6): Ἅν οὓτω кαὶ αύτὸς δακρύῃς, μιμητὴς τοῦ Δεσπότου σου γέγονας. Also ibid., 57: 71: Ἂν δὲ γελῶμεν кαί παίζωμεν, καί διαπαντὸς ῥᾳθυμῶμεν, καὶ πρὸ τῆς συμβολῆς ύπὸ τῆς οἰκείας καταπεσούμεθα ῥᾳθυμίας. Oὐ τοίνυν ήμέτερον тό γελᾷν διηνεκῶς καὶ θρύπτεσθαι καὶ τρυφᾷν, άλλά τῶν ὲπὶ σκηνῆς, τῶν πορνευομένων γυναικῶν, τῶν είς τοῦτο ἐξυρημένων άνδρῶν, τῶν παρασίτων, τῶν κολάκων ού τῶν ἐπὶ τὸν ούρανὸν κεκλημένων, ού τῶν εἰς τὴν ἅνω πόλιν έγγεγραμένων, ού τῶν ὄπλα βασταζόντων πνευματικά, άλλά τῶν τῷ διαβόλῳ τελουμένων. Έκεῖνος γάρ έστιν, έκεῖνος ó καὶ τέχνην τὸ πράγμα ποιήσας, ἵνα τοὺς στρατιώτας έκλύσῃ, τοῦ Χριστοῦ, καὶ μαλακώτερα αύτῶν ποιήσῃ τῆς προθυμίας τά νεῦρα. Διὰ τоῦτо καὶ θέατρα ᾠκοδόμησεν έν ταῖς πόλεσι, καὶ τούς γελωτοποιοὺς ἐκείνους άσκήσας, διὰ τῆς έκείνων λύμης κατά τῆς πόλεως; άπάσης τὸν τοιοῦτον ένσκήπτει λοιμόν.

18. Clement of Alexandria, Παιδαγωγός П.5, ‘Περὶ γέλωτος’.

19. Ibid., II.5.46.3: γέλως δέ έστι πορνικός; ibid., II.5.47.3: μάλιστα γὰρ μειρακίοις καὶ γυναιξιν ολισθος εὶς διαβολὰς ό γέλως έστίν.

20. On these rules as well as on the place of children in early Christian society, see G. Clark, ‘The Fathers and the Children’, in The Church and childhood, 1-27.

21. Life of Andrew the Fool, ed. Rydén, L., The Life of St. Andrew the Fool (BHG 117), 2 vols (Studia Byzantinca Upsaliensia 4/1-2. Uppsala 1995) 1 Google Scholar, 66: ‘О δὲ μακάριος Άνδρέας τήν πορείαν έτὶ τὰ συνήθη έποιεὶτο. Έν δέ τῶ ύποστρέφειν αύτόν, μετρίοις παιγνίοις χρώμενον …. See Clement of Alexandria, Παιδαγωγόζ II.6, ‘Περὶ Αίσχρολογίας’ [= On foul language]; ibid., II.6.49.1: Αίσχρολογίας δὲ παντελῶς αύτοῖς τε ήμῖν άφεκτέον кαὶ τοὺς χρωμένους αύτῇ έπιστομιστέον καὶ ὅψει δριμυτέρᾳ καὶ προσώπου άποστροφῇ καὶ τῷ άπομυκτηρισμῷ καλουμένῳ, πολλάκις δὲ καὶ λόγῳ τραχυτέρῳ. John Chrysostom in his treatise Περὶ Κενοδοξίας καὶ ὅπως δεῖ τούς γονέας άνατρέφειν τὰ τέκνα provided parents with advice on proper upbringing and denoted that the quality of children’s behaviour depended on the care of parents and tutors. See Sur la vaine gloire et l’éducation des enfants (= On vainglory and on the education of children) ed. Malingrey, A.-M. (Sources Chrétiennes, 188. Paris 1972)Google Scholar. Also, Basil the Great, Πρὸς τοὺς νέους ὅπως ἃν ἐξ ἑλληνικῶν ώφέλοιντο λόγων, ed. Wilson, N., On Greek Literature (London 1975)Google Scholar. Among secondary literature, see Kyrtatas, D., Παιδαγωγός: H ηθική διαπαιδαγώγηση στην ύστερη ελληνική αρχαιάτητα (Ιστορικό Αρχείο Ελληνικής Νεολαίας, 24. Athens 1994)Google Scholar.

22. See the Lives of: Niketas of Medikion, AASS April 1 (3rd ed.) 19; Evaristos the Stoudite (BHG 2153), ed. de Vorst, Van, AB 41 (1923) 299 Google Scholar.1-18: τοῖς όμήληξι κοινωνεῖν ούκ ήνείχετο; George of Amastris (BHG 668), ed. Vasil’evskij, V., Russkovizantijskija Izsledovanija, vol. 2 (St. Petersburg, SPB 1893) 1–73 Google Scholar, repr. in V. Vasil’evskij, Trudy 3, 1-71, esp. 9; Plato of Sakkoudion (BHG 1553), PG 99:808; Loukas of Steiris, ed. Sophianos, D., Hosios Loukas (Athens 1993) ch. 42, 148–149 Google Scholar; Antony Kauleas (BHG 139), ed. Pietro Luigi, Leone, M., ‘L’ Encomium in patriarcham Antonium II Cauleam’ del filosofo e retore Niceforo’, Orpheus 10 (1989) 414 Google Scholar: ούδὲ γὰρ εἰς παιδοτρίβου φοιτᾶν τοὺς τῶν παίδων έπιτωθασμοὺς καὶ τὴν ἅλλην μειρακιώδη τεθρείαν έκκλίνων ήνέσχετο.

23. On the stages of life, according to calendar age, A. Kiousopoulou, Xρóvoς καὶ ήλικίες στή βυζαντινὴ κοινωνία: Ή κλίμακα τῶν ήλικιῶν άπὸ τὰ άγιολογικὰ κείμενα τῆς μέσης έποχῆς (7ος-11ος αὶ.) (Ιστορικό Αρχείο Ελληνικής Νεολαίας, 30. Athens 1997) esp. 46-58; N. Kalogeras, Byzantine childhood, op.tït., 133-134 and note 45. As for Byzantine art: in his manual Έρμηνεῖα τῆς CwypcupiKqç révr/c, ed. Papadopoulos-Kerameus, A. (St. Petersburg 1909) 214 Google Scholar, Dionysios of Fourra provides clear definitions about these terms; that is, παιδίον applies to children between seven and fourteen and παῖς applies to adolescents between fourteen and twenty-one. The term παῖς refers to servants as well.

24. G. Clark, ‘The Fathers and the children’, 12: ‘Childhood, Philippe Ariès suggested, is a recent invention. That is, parents were not indifferent or hostile to their children, but they did not spend much time attending to children and did not expect child development, or the child’s perspective on life, to be particularly interesting. They saw children as adults in the making, not as individuals with a distinct experience of life and a developing understanding of the world.’

25. See Moffatt, A., ‘The Byzantine Child’, Social Research 53/4 (1986) 707 Google Scholar.

26. Brett, G., Macaulay, W., Stevenson, R., The Great Palace of the Byzantine emperors (London 1947) esp. pls 28–34 Google Scholar, which represent, among other scenes, a boy attempting to trap a hare in a basket, a boy who bends down to offer a nosebag to a donkey, two boys playing with geese, a small boy holding a dog, and a boy who pulls a longhaired goat by the horns.

27. For the representation of children in Byzantine art, see Drewer, L., ‘Saints and their families in Byzantine art’, DChAE 16 (1991-1992) 259–270 Google Scholar; Ševčenko, N., The Life of Saint Nicholas in Byzantine art (Turin 1983)Google Scholar; Antonopoulos, E., ‘Προλεγόμενα γιὰ μία τυπολογία τῆς παιδικῆς ήλικίας καὶ τῆς νεότητας στὴ βυζαντινὴ εικονογραφία’, in Πρακτικά τον Διεθνούς Συμποσίου Ίστορικότητα τῆς παιδικῆς ήλικίας καὶ τῆς νεότητας, vol. I (Ιστορικό Αρχείο Ελληνικής Νεολαίας, 33. Athens 1986) 271–286 Google Scholar. Millet, G., Recherches sur l’iconographic de l’évangile aux XIVe, XVe et XVIe siècles, d’après les monuments de Mistra, de la Macédoine et du Mont-Athos (Paris 1916) 256–260 Google Scholar.

28. Life of Antony the Great, in Vie d’Antoine/Athanase d’Alexandrie, introduction, texte, critique, traduction, ed. Bartelink, G.H.M. (Sources Chrétiennes, 400. Paris 1994)Google Scholar chs 1-2, esp. ch. 1.2: Έπειδὴ δὲ καὶ αύξήσας έγένετο παῖς καὶ προέκοπτε τῇ ήλικία, γράμματα μὲν μαθεῖν ούκ ήνέσχετο, βουλόμενος ἐκτὸς εὶναι καὶ τῆς πρὸς τοὺς παῖδας συνηθείας.

29. See Mango, C., Byzantium: the empire of New Rome (New York 1980) 246–251 Google Scholar; also Abrahamse, D., ‘Images of childhood in early Byzantine hagiography’, The Journal of Psychohistory 6/4 (1979) 499–500 Google Scholar.

30. The model of the puer-senex (= παιδαριογέρων) is not a Byzantine innovation. Through the history of Greek childhood, children with mature qualities are known to have existed as early as in the classical period, as this is shown in grave reliefs and in obituaries. On Roman childhood, see Dixon, S., The Roman Family (Baltimore 1984) 98–108 Google Scholar, esp. 105, where there are specific examples of children of infant prodigy. In early Christian antiquity the ultimate παιδαριογέρων is Jesus Christ: see Lk 2.46-52. The puer-senex found several ways of expression in the world of art. For an introduction to the topic, see Antonopoulos, E., ‘Παιδαριογέρων: ‘H άπεικόνηση τῆς πρρώιμης σοφίας’ in Οἱ Χρόνοι τῆς Ιστορίας-. Γιά μία Ίστορία τῆς Παιδικῆς Ήλικίας καὶ τῆς Νεάτητας (Ιστορικό Αρχείο Ελληνικής Νεολαίας, 33. Athens 1998) 215–231 Google Scholar.

31. Life of Gregentios (BHG 705), ed. Vasiliev, A., Žitie sv. Grigentija, episkopa Omiritskogo’, VV 14 (1907, ed. 1909) 42 Google Scholar.

32. Life of Gregentios, 41: γεγονότος δὲ αύτοῦ έτῶν έπτά παρέδωκαν αύτὸν οἰ γονεῖς αύτοῦ εἰς τὸ διδασκαλεῖον έκμανθάνειν τὰ ἰερά γράμματα. On ἱερὰ γράμματα, see N. Kalogeras, Byzantine childhood education, op.cit., 124-130.

33. Life of Gregentios, 42: τοὺς δὲ σταυροὺκ καὶ τὰς τιμίας καὶ σεπτάς εἰκὸνας τοσοῦτον έπόθει, $$$$$$$$$$$$$$$$$$$$$$$$$$$$$$$$$$$$$$$$$$$$$ώστε εϊ ποτε έσχόλαζεν cbrò τών αύτοΰ μαθημάτων, бш πάσης της ήμέρας ταύταις ένητένιζεν καί κατησττάζετο … φιλο7τόνως δέ πάντοτε άνεγίνωσκεν και θείω ερωτι έτίθει άκριβώς τον vovjv топ συνιένοα ii то λεγόμενον έν δε τω άναγινώσκειν αύτον οϋκ έπαυετο βρέχειν тоіс δάκρυσιν τήν παρ’ αύτοο κατεχομένην δέλτον, ώστε 7τολλάκις και та έν role φΰλλοις έγγεγραμμένο άπο τών δακρύων αύτου άλλοιοί3σθαι.

34. Byzantine saints in their majority were born to be holy. In western medieval hagiography, one can clearly see the difference between children who were holy from birth and those who became holy after repentance. Weinstein, D. and Bell, R., Saints and society: the two worlds of western Christendom, 1000-1700 (Chicago 1982)Google Scholar esp. chs 1 and 2; also I. Bejczy, ‘The Sacra Infamia in medieval hagiography’, The Church and childhood, 143-151. For a concise introduction to western medieval childhood, see Pierre Riché, ‘L’enfant dans le haut Moyen Age’, in Annales de démographie historique (1973) 95-98. The volume of Annales de Démographie Historique for 1973 is dedicated to childhood in various historical periods.

35. In Late Antiquity demons were in constant opposition to holy men: Brown, P., ‘Sorcery, demons and the rise of Christianity’, in Witchcraft confessions and accusations (London 1970) 17–46 Google Scholar.

36. Life of Theodore of Sykeon, ed. Festugière, A.-J., Vie de Théodore de Sykéôn (Subsidia Hagiographica, 48. Brussels 1970)Google Scholar ch. 11.

37. See also an episode from the Life of Symeon Stylite the Younger, ed. den Ven, P. Van, La vie ancienne de S. Syméon Stylite le jeune (521-592) 2 vols. (Subsidia Hagiographica, 32. Brussels 1962-70) 1 Google Scholar, 39, where the devil appears in front of Symeon in the guise of a misshapen black boy.

38. Childish games are not absent from Byzantine literature: see A. Moffatt, ‘The Byzantine child’, 707: ‘There are references to children falling down wells, cracking their heads on rocks, and falling off buildings while playing.’ Also, D. Abrahamse, ‘Images of childhood’, 507: ‘Particularly striking are the accounts of accidents. Children’s curiosity led them to fall into boiling cauldrons, eat the eggs of serpents, and crawl to the edge of windows.’

39. Life of Theodore of Sykeon, 19: οπως και οΊ νέοι παίοες άκοΰσαντες τήν παιδικήν και ένάρετον αύτοΰ πολιτείαν ζηλώσωσι τον αύτοί άγγελικον και αμεμπτον βίον κώ καταξιωθώσι τής τών ούρανών βασιλείο«:. The issue of the audience of saints’ Lives and the ways that vitae were being delivered is vast and the final word has not been written yet. For an introduction, see Metaphrasis: redactions and audiences in middle Byzantine hagiography, ed. Høgel, Chr. (KULTs skriftserie, 59. Oslo 1996)Google Scholar.

40. Life of Theodore of Sykeon, chs 8, 18, 46, 65, 68, 72, 83, 84, 86, 95, 107, 108, 109, 111, 112, 113, 140, 154, 156a, 157 and 159. Among other texts of early Byzantine literature that contain episodes with children’s healing are: The Life of Symeon Stylite the Younger; The Miracles of St. Artemios, trans, and comm. Crisafulli, V.S. and Nesbitt, J.W. (Leiden 1997)Google Scholar; Life of Patriach Eutychius, ed. Laga, C., Eustratii presbyteri vita Eutychii patriarchae Constantinopolitani (Corpus Christianorum, Series Graeca, 25. Turnhout-Brepols 1992)Google Scholar.

41. On the illnesses of children in Greco-Roman and Byzantine periods through medical literature, see Hummel, C., Das Kind und seine Krankheiten in der griechischen Medizin: von Aretaios bis Johannes Aktuarios (1. bis 14. Jahrhundert) (Medizingeschichte im Kontext, 1. Frankfurt am Main 1999)Google Scholar. also, A. Eutychides, Είσαγωγή eie τήν βυζανπνήν θεραπευηκήν (Athens 1983) ch. 18 ‘Παιδιατρικη’, 175-182.

42. Life of Theodore of Sykeon, 130.11: παιδίον πάσχον ώσει έτών δώδεκα κράζον πολλά. The vita preserves several incidents that involve ‘possessed’ children.

43. Life of Theodore of Sykeon, 22-23.

44. Life of Theodore of Sykeon, 88-89: Έλθοΰσης δέ τής πανδήμου λιτής τής καθ’ έκαστον χρόνον συνήθοχ παρανινομένης έκ πάντων τών πέριξ χωρίων έν τω μοναστηρίω μετά τήν Άνάληψιν του κυρίου ήμών Ίησου Χριστου τή ήμέρα του σαββάτου, και πολλών ό’χλων καταχυθέντων, ήν έστώς προ κατωφόρου ó θερμοΰ λέβης έν όρυκτώ τόπω ύποκαιόμενος παρ’ αύτήν τήν στράταν. Γενομένης δέ της λειτουρνίας και τών ό’χλων εϋωχηθέντων κου έτοιμαζομένων έξελθεΚν του μοναστηρίου, έξηλθε παιδίον έκ τοΰ ναοΰ άγίου μάρτυρος Γεωργίου και ετρεχεν έπι τήν άπόθεσιν τών πραγμάτων ούτου. Ού’σης δε τής οοοϋ αύτοΰ εννιστα τοϋ λέβητος, έξ ένεργείας тоі5 διαβόλου τρέχον ένέπεσεν έν τώ λέβητι του θερμου.

45. D. Abrahamse, ‘Images of childhood’, 506: ‘Children were also, then as now, especially vulnerable to accidents: they fell into pits and cisterns, blinded themselves by looking at the sun, and were carried off by wild animals.’ Several among these incidents are preserved in vitae of the early Byzantine period, such as — among other texts — the Life of Symeon Stylitě the Younger, the Life of Andrew the Fool, the Life of Symeon the Fool, the Life of Theodore of Sykeon and the account of a miracle which was about a child who fell into a well and was saved: see Lackner, W., ‘Ein byzantinisches Marienmirakel; in Byzantina 13/2 (1985) 835–860 Google Scholar: the Byzantine author, Elias by name, entitled the whole incident as ‘Ήλία πρεσβυτέρου και ο’ικονόμου τής μενάλης έκκλησίο«; περ\ τοϋ γενομένου σημείου (= miracle in this case) έν τω ναω τής ύπεραγίας θεοτόκου τής άχράντου (that is the church of the Virgin in Chalkoprateia)’.

46. Life of Symeon the Fool, 122-123: ó θέλων σοφος ε’ιναι έν τώ α’ιώνι τούτω μωρος γενέσθω,’ίνα γένηται σοφός. See Rydén, L., ‘The Holy Fool’ in The Byzantine Saint, ed. Hackel, Sergei (Studies Supplementary to Sobornost, 5. London 1981) 106–113 Google Scholar, esp. 106: ‘In principle, the disguise [of the holy fool] is not discovered until the fool is dead. Then he or she becomes a saint.’ Of great interest is the text of John of Damascus, Περι νεότητος κάι τής νέας ήλικίας, PG 96: 188A: διαφέρει тоС νηπίου καθ’ ήλικίαν ούδέν, ό raie φρεσι νηπιάζων.

47. Unlike hagiographers who reserve a bad place — if any at all — for non-holy children (and this for certain purposes) in their work, John Chrysostom depicts children in their ordinary dimensions. However, as B. Leyerle, ‘Appealing to children’, 245 correctly wonders about Chrysostom: ‘why this self-styled “ambassador of the poor” discusses only the children of the wealthy?’

48. For example, compare the recent (1997) Danish film Breaking the Waves by Lars von Trier. The story is set in the early 1970s in a small community of northern Scotland. The protagonist Bess (actress Emily Watson), a naive and deeply religious girl turned ‘crazy’ after the serious injury of her beloved Jan. Her non-standard behaviour was provocative to a mob of children, who one day decided to follow her, mocked her and pelted her with stones increasing the sympathy and the compassion of the viewer. Bess could be a saintly figure, who endures the adversities of a hard life.

49. Life ofSymeon the Fool, 145.19-25.

50. Life of Symeon the Fool, 149.19. About the game λυσόπορτα, see Rydén, L., ‘Gaza, Emesa and Constantinople: late antique cities in the light of hagiography’, in Aspects of late antiquity and early Byzantium, eds. Rydén, L. and Rosenquist, J.O. (Uppsala 1993) 139 Google Scholar; also, Aerts, W.J., ‘Emesa in der Vita Symeonis Sali von Leontios von Neapolis’, in From late antiquity to Byzantium, ed. Vavřínek, V. (Prague 1985) 114–115 Google Scholar, where there is a description of the game.

51. Life of Symeon the Fool, 149.29: μηκέτι μοίχευε, ταπεινέ, και ούκ έγνίζει σοι ό δαίμων.

52. Life of Patriarch Eutychius, 11.241-248: τινες δέ [παίδες] και τά έαυτών όνόματα Ίδιοχείρως έν τω τοίχω κατέγραψαν, μεθ’ ής ήθελεν άξίας ёксштос. Ούτος μέντοι ό μέγας άνήρ, θεόθεν έμπνευσθείς, το έαυτοΰ γράψας ό’νομα, τήν той πατριάρχορ προεχάραξεν άξίαν μέχρι γάρ τής σημερον έν έκείνω τω χωρίω διά χειρος τοΤς ποαδικοίς αύτοϋ γράμμασιν έντετιίπωται ρη’μασι τούτοις- ‘Εύτύχιος πατριάρχης’.

53. Life of Patriarch Eutychius, 11.249-251: “Επαιξε μεν και Ίσαάκ μετά τοβ Ίσμαηλ, άλλά 7τορεσιω7Γη’θη то τής πατριαρχίας άξίωμα; ibid., 11.254-258: Και Άθανασιος δέ. ó μέγας τής Άλεξανδρέων πόλεως έπίσκοπος, όμοίαν παιδιάν μετά τών συνηλικιωτών πεποιηκώς φαίνεται, καθιίχ; ο’ι та περ\ αύτοβ γράψαντες άπη’γγειλαν. Άλλ’ ούδέ оѓтос τοιοΰτό n γέγραφεν ή είπε περ\ αύτου.

54. Life of Andrew the Fool, vol. I, 66.

55. Life of Symeon the Fool, 157.19-20.

56. Life of Symeon the Fool, 157.22: άνάλυσον, Σαλε, άνάλρσον.

57. Life of Symeon the Fool, 157.24-25: àia θέλει έξ ύμών ύγιάναι, φιλήσω τον όφθαλμον αύτης τον στραβωθέντα και ύγιαίνει.

58. A. Moffatt, ‘The Byzantine child’, op.cit., 705-723; Patlagean, E., ‘L’enfant et son avenir dans la famille byzantine (IVe-XIIe siècles), in Structure sociale, famille, chrétienté à Byzance, IVe-XIe siècles (London 1981)Google Scholar X. D. Ambrahamse, ‘Images of childhood’, op.cit., 497-517 and H. Antoniadis-Bibicou, ‘Quelques notes sur l’enfant de la moyenne epoque byzantine (du Vie au Xlle siècle)’, Annales de démographie historique (1973) 77-84.

59. D. Ambrahamse, ‘Images of childhood’, 497.