Published online by Cambridge University Press: 22 January 2016
Narratives on the birth of the Ottoman city of Bursa, the first capital of the Ottomans, known to the Byzantines as Prousa, highlight its early Ottoman identity. Although Bursa represents one of the richest legacies of early Ottoman architecture, the city’s urban fabric has suffered from several fires and earthquakes that resulted in heavy restorations and remodellings. The first aim of this paper is to discuss the textual and visual evidence for the built environment in the early fourteenth century and, second, to offer commentary on the Ottoman attitude toward Byzantine architecture in an effort to unearth the Byzantine substrata of Ottoman Bursa. In the service of the latter goal, this article debunks the Ottoman-centric views. With the aid of drawings of Bursa’s upper city that predate the 1855 earthquake we may begin to visualize a city far less uniform in character, in which the Byzantine legacy both endured and informed the construction and urban design practices of the ascendant Ottomans.
This paper is derived from a chapter of the author’s PhD dissertation, Visualizing the Cultural Transition in Bithynia: Architecture, Landscape, and Urbanism (University of Illinois at Urbana–Champaign 2007). Previous incarnations of the paper were presented at several conferences, including its first draft, at Encounters with Islam: The Medieval Experience (April 4–5, 2003). I thank Robert Ousterhout and Dede F. Ruggles as well as Scott Redford, for their comments on the earlier versions. Research for this paper was made possible by grants from the Dan David Foundation at Tel Aviv University, the American Research Institute in Turkey, the Barakat Foundation at the University of Oxford, the Research Center for Anatolian Civilizations at Koç University, Dumbarton Oaks, the Turkish Cultural Foundation and finally a travel grant from the Swedish consulate in Istanbul. I am grateful to Mr. Ingmar Karlsson, the Swedish consul general in Istanbul, and Karin Adahl, director of the Swedish Research Institute in Istanbul. Thanks to Lars Karlsson and Jesper Blid who made my stay and research in Uppsala comfortable and joyous. Last but not least, I am sincerely grateful for the perceptive critiques of the two anonymous BMGS reviewers.
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5 Spelling of the city’s name varies from Prousa, Prussia, Prusa, Bursa, Brussia, to Wursa. For consistency throughout this work, I will use Prousa when I refer to the city in the Byzantine period and Bursa to refer to it in the Ottoman and Republican periods.
6 Byzantine authors rarely mention Prousa before the twelfth century. The city became famous because of its hot springs, which were frequented by the Byzantine emperors. C. Foss, ‘Prusa’, ODB, III, 1750; Kandés, V., ‘H Προυσα (Athens 1883) 59–60 Google Scholar. On the Byzantine monastic establishments, see Janin, R., Les églises et les monastères des grands centres byzantins (Paris 1975) 174—5Google Scholar; Çelebi, Evliya, Seyahatname, F. İz, ed. (Istanbul 1989) 20 Google Scholar; Koyunluoğlu, M. T., İznik ve Bursa Tarihi (Bursa 1935)Google Scholar; Kuran, A., ‘A spatial study of three Ottoman capitals: Bursa, Edirne, and Istanbul’, Muqarnas 13 (1996): 114–31CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Crane, H., ‘The Ottoman sultan’s mosques: icons of imperial legitimacy’, in Bierman, I., Abou-El-Haj, R. A., and Preziosi, D. (eds.), The Ottoman City and its Parts (New Rochelle, NY 1991) 173–243 Google Scholar.
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8 Distinctions between chorography and other types of mapmaking were made by Ptolemy in his disquisitions on chorography versus geography. See Claudii Ptolemaei geographia, ed. Müller, C. and Fischer, C. T., I (Paris 1883-1901) 1.1Google Scholar.
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11 Gabriel, Une capitale turque, 44 and note 2, states that Osman was interred in a building of circular plan while Orhan was buried in a church of basilican plan. Another example is Eyice, S., ‘Bursa’ da Osman ve Orhan Gazi Türbeleri’, Vakiflar Dergisi 5 (1963) 131-47Google Scholar. Eyice accepts Gabriel’s identification for the former, while for the latter he identifies the building as a basilica with an annexed chapel, op. cit. 145–7. Eyice, S., ‘Monuments byzantins anatoliens inédits ou peu connus’, paper presented at Corsi di cultura sull’Arte Ravennate e Bizantina, 1971 (Ravenna 1971) 313 Google Scholar, proposes a tenth-century date for the mausoleum of Orhan.
12 The reconstruction was made in 1863. Sultan Abdül-Aziz visited the city in ruins and authorized Ahmed Vefik Paşa to invite the French architect Leon Parvillée, a student of Viollet-le-Duc, to restore the tombs and mosques, among other buildings. Laurent, B. St., ‘Ottomanization and modernization: the architectural and urban development of Bursa and the genesis of tradition’, unpublished PhD dissertation (Harvard University 1989)Google Scholar, and more recently, Ersoy, A., ‘Architecture and the search for Ottoman origins in the Tanzimat Period’, Muqarnas 24 (2007) 79–102 Google Scholar.
13 With an aim to assess history, myth, and the reliability of the written record in the context of the fourteenth-century city, the author conducted a ground-penetrating radar (GPR) survey for which she received a permit from the Turkish Ministry of Culture and Tourism and financial support from the institutions credited above. The survey was carried out in the summer of 2009 with the collaboration of Prof. Larry Conyers and April Kamp-Whittaker, MA, both from the University of Denver, and it yielded crucial evidence about the pre-earthquake state of the city.
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17 Most depictions of Bursa by foreign travellers and artists reveal the deep influences of an oversimplified Orientalism: Said, E., Orientalism (New York 1978) xxii Google Scholar. For a reinterpretation of Said’s position on the concepts of East and West in the medieval art, see Ousterhout, R. and Ruggles, D. Fairchild, ‘Encounters with Islam: the medieval Mediterranean experience; art, material culture, and cultural interchange’, Gesta 43.2 (2004) 83-5CrossRefGoogle Scholar, esp. 83.
18 Furthermore, as Amanda Wunder claims, travelling European antiquarians, other travellers, and members of the elite accused Ottomans of being uninterested in and even hostile toward the remains of antiquity. See Wunder, A., ‘Western travelers, eastern antiquities, and the image of the Turk in Early Modern Europe’, Journal of Early Modern History 7/1-2 (2003) 89–119 CrossRefGoogle Scholar, especially 89-96. Also, see Kafadar, C., ‘The Ottomans and Europe’, in Brady, T. A. Jr., Oberman, H. A., and Tracy, J. D. (eds.), Handbook of European History, 1400-1600: Late Middle Ages, Renaissance and Reformation (Leiden 1995) 589–636 Google Scholar, esp. 589-90.
19 Nuti, L., ‘Mapping places: chorography and vision in the Renaissance’, in Cosgrove, D. (ed.), Mappings (London 1999) 90–109, esp. 96-7Google Scholar.
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28 Though no archaeological evidence survives, several travellers including Evliya Çelebi, Seyabatname, II, 9, and İbn Battuta, Seyabatname , ed. Şerif, M., I (Istanbul 1914), 341 Google Scholar, state that Orhan built a mosque (Çelebi) or converted a Byzantine church (Battuta) in the upper city in the vicinity of the tombs. Menthon, B., Une terre de légendes de Bithynie (Paris 1935) 45 Google Scholar and 48, gives a similar account. Also see Ayverdi, Istanbul Mi’mari, 58, and Gabriel, , Une capitale turque, I, 43-4Google Scholar; Eyice, ‘Bursa’da Osman ve Orhan Tiirbeleri’, 131-47.
29 Aşıkpaşazade, Tevârih 112, and Neşri, Kitab I 115, refer to Osman’s wish to be buried in this legendary silver-domed building.
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33 Pralong and Grélois, ‘Les monuments byzantins’, 134-49, figure 2.
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38 Archaeological expeditions conducted in the late 1990s and early 2000s under the authority of the Bursa Archaeological Museum, immediately to the west of the tombs and the palace, appear to reveal a series of residential units that could be dated to the late antique, Byzantine and the Ottoman periods. See Unal, Funda and Ozkan, Emel, Hisarkeoloji (Bursa 2010)Google Scholar. I thank the authors for sharing a copy of their work with me.
39 Ayverdi, Osmanli Mimarisinin, 105-6.
40 Pralong and Grélois, ‘Tombeau d’Orcan à Brousse’, 138-9.
41 See note 20 above.
42 A. Pralong and J. P. Grélois, ‘Les monuments byzantins’, 134–49.
43 Krautheimer, R., Early Christian and Byzantine Architecture, 4th edn, with Ćurčić, S. (New Haven and London 1984) 382-3Google Scholar, and Ousterhout, R., Master Builders of Byzantium (Princeton 1999) 26-7Google Scholar; for the former, Krautheimer, op. cit. 430-4, and Ousterhout, op. cit. 243-A, for the latter.
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56 Ousterhout, Master Builders, 86-92 and figures 55, 56, as evidenced in the churches at Amorium, Kydna, and Selçikler. The excavations of the church in Choma in Lycia unearthed similar architectural results; see Çağaptay, S., ‘The church at Choma: a revisiting of the development of a regional style’, Byzantine Studies Conference Abstracts 28 (2002) 62-3Google Scholar, which summarized the results of the author’s MA thesis, The Church at Choma (Hactmusalar, Limait, Antalya) and Its Materials (Social Sciences Institute Bilkent University 2001).
57 Smith, An Account of the City, 431-3.
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59 See E. H. Ayverdi, Istanbul Mi’marî, 1-16.
60 Here I follow Michael Camille’s writings on the appropriation of the past: The Gothic Idol: Ideology and Image-Making, in Medieval Art (Cambridge 1989) 70-1.
61 M. Camille, op. cit. 71.
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63 The Ottoman registers support the claim that Bithynia became predominantly Muslim only in the sixteenth century. See H. Lowry, Ottoman Bursa in Travel Accounts, which uses travellers’ accounts and Ottoman cadastral registers, known as the tahrir defters (the earliest was compiled in 1487), studied by Barkan, Ö. L. and Meriçli, E., Hüdavendigâr Livasi Tahrir Defterleri (Ankara 1988) 1–9 Google Scholar, register no. 23, 1487: 1-32, to comment on the presence of non-Muslim local and foreign communities in the city. İnalcık, H., ‘The question of the emergence of the Ottoman State’, International Journal of Turkish Studies 2/2 (1981-2) 1–91 Google Scholar and esp. 71–80.
64 Kafadar, Between Two Worlds, 19-28.
65 The building is named ‘Gümüşlü Kümbet’ (literally, ‘silver-domed tomb’). It should be noted that lead, not silver, was used in Byzantine monuments and lead did not become the standard covering for Ottoman domes until much later. For the legendary interpretation of the tombs, see note 28 above.
66 Grabar, O., The Formation of Islamic Art (New Haven 1987) 43–71 Google Scholar. The nature of appropriation has previously been questioned by Pancaroğlu, O. who suggested that the process of appropriation has two categories: symbolic and practical: ‘Architecture, landscape, and patronage in Bursa: the making of an Ottoman capital city’, Turkish Studies Association Bulletin 20/1 (1995) 40–55 Google Scholar, esp. 70.
67 Nelson, R. and Shiff, R., Critical Terms for Art History (Chicago 1996) 117-29Google Scholar, especially 120. Also see Carr, A. M. Weyl, ‘Correlative spaces: art, identity, and appropriation in Lusignan Cyprus’, Modern Greek Studies Yearbook 14/15 (1998/1999) 68 Google Scholar.
68 Church construction postdating the conquest of Bursa and Bithynia: S. Çağaptay, ‘The Church of the Panagia Pantobasilissa in Trigleia (ca. 1336) revisited: content, context, and community’, The Annual Bulletin of the Istanbul Research Institute 1 (forthcoming 2010).
69 I thank Robert Nelson for sharing with me his thoughts on the concepts of appropriation and accommodation.
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74 See note 61 above. An account by Johannes Schiltberger, who visited the city in 1394, speaks for the presence of members of the city’s three monotheistic religions: Buchan, J. (ed.) Bondage and Travels (Telfer 1879) 40 Google Scholar.
75 The same ‘minimal’ approach is valid for the conversions of churches into mosques. Ousterhout, R., ‘The East, the West, and the appropriation of the past in early Ottoman architecture’, Gesta 43/2 (2004) 165-81CrossRefGoogle Scholar, esp. 170. An oft-cited case of a Byzantine building subjected to Ottoman conversion is St. Sophia, for which much of the original interior decoration was left intact. This is so even though visibly Christian connotations were regarded as non-Islamic by later generations; see Necipoğlu, G., ‘The life of an imperial monument: Hagia Sophia after Byzantium’, in Mark, R. and Çakmak, A. (eds.), Hagia Sophia from the Age of Justinian to the Present (Cambridge 1992) 195–225 Google Scholar, esp. 206-7.
76 The Ottomans had acquired these items as provincial governors of the dilapidated Seljuq state. Neşri, Kitab, 111 and 175; Grélois, Dr John Covel, 146–7; and more recently Redford, S., ‘Byzantium and the Islamic World, 1261-1557’, in Evans, H. (ed.), Byzantium: Faith and Power, 1261-1557 (New York 2004) 392 Google Scholar. A discussion of the Seljuq associations is beyond the purview of this paper.
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80 Kuran, Mosque, 32-3; E. H. Ayverdi, Istanbul Mi’mari, 58-9, and Gabriel, Une capitale turque, 45-6.
81 As noted in this article. See note 51 above.
82 Kuran, Mosque, 162-4. The identification of the Şehadet Camii as belonging to Murad I has been a matter of debate, as well as its original ground plan. Gabriel, Une capitale turque 45, dates it to the reign of Orhan, and Ayverdi, Istanbul Mi’mari, 267, locates it within the reign of Murad I. The drawings by Cassas (Figure 4) and Löwenhielm (Figure 10-11) mentioned in this paper indicate a two-domed unit corroborating the findings of Eldem, S. H., ‘Bursa’da Şehadet Camii Konusunda bir Araştirma’, Türk Sanati Tarihi Arastirma ve İncelemeleri 1 (1963) 313-26Google Scholar.
83 A copy of this cadastral map is stored in the Bursa Public Library. The figure 1 in this article is redrawn from this map.
84 In Byzantine architecture, it is common to have residential/palatial complexes enclosed within citadels, such as Eskihisar in Bithynia and the Blachernai in Constantinople. Kline, G. R., The Voyage d’ Outremer by Bertrandon de la Broquière (New York and Bern 1988) 136 Google Scholar, and Lubenau, R., Beschreibung der Reisen des Reinhold Lubenau herasgegeben von W. Sams (Königsberg 1930) 176 Google Scholar; von Hammer, Umblick auf einer Reise, 42; Smith, ‘An account of the city’, 432. For the additions and changes to the palace complex, see Grélois, Dr John Covel, 150; Spon and Wheler, Voyage d’Italie de Dalmatie, 215; Baykal, K.,‘Bursa’da Saray ve Köşk’, Milli Saraylar Sempozyumu (Istanbul 1984) 21-3Google Scholar.
85 The city’s fortifications, which date to Hellenistic times, were constantly being reused and repaired by the Byzantines and have never been surveyed properly. Covel, visiting the city in 1675, copied several inscriptions from the walls highlighting interventions undertaken during the Byzantine era. See Grélois, Dr John Covel, fig. 14, 18,19, 21, and 23; also see Kiourtzian, G., ‘L’époque protobyzantine á travers les monuments épigraphiques’, in Geyer, B. and Lefort, J. (eds.), La Bithynie au Moyen Age (Paris 2003) 43–64 Google Scholar.
86 For Constantinople/Istanbul: Kafescioğlu, Ç., Constantinopolisllstanbul: Cultural Encounter, Imperial Vision and the Construction of the Ottoman Capital (University Park 2009)Google Scholar. For the Balkans: Ćurčić, S. and Hadjitryphonos, E., Secular Medieval Architecture in the halkans, 1300-1500, and its Preservation (Thessalonike 1997)Google Scholar; Lowry, H., The Shaping of the Ottoman Balkans, 1350-1550: The Conquest, Settlement and lnfrastructural Development of Northern Greece (Istanbul 2007)Google Scholar.
87 A more complex ideological route has been established between the imperial mausolea and mosques in Ottoman Istanbul; see Necipoğlu, G., ‘Dynastic imprint on the cityscape: the collective message of imperial funerary mosque complexes in Istanbul’, in Bacqué-Grammont, J. L. and Tibet, A. (eds.), Cimetières et traditions funéraires dans le monde islamique: Acte du Colloque International, Istanbul 28-30 September 1991 (Ankara 1996) 23–36 Google Scholar and more recently see by the same author, The Age of Sinan: Architectural Culture in the Ottoman Empire (London 2007) 79-82.
88 Here, I mainly use Trachtenberg, M., Dominion of the Eye: Urbanism, Art, and Power in Early Modern Florence (Cambridge 1997)Google Scholar.
89 Crane, ‘The Ottoman sultan’s mosques’, 173-243; Kuran, ‘A spatial study’, 114-7; Pancaroğlu, ‘Architecture, landscape, and patronage’, 43-6.
90 Necipoğlu, The Age of Sinan, 77.
91 Necipoğlu, The Age of Sinan, 77. The külliye established by Orhan in the lower city is exceptional in this case, as the body of Orhan was interred in the upper city. The funerary character of the dynastic complexes in Bursa starts with Murad I.
92 Kandés, Προϋσα, 13-6 and 23-5; B. St. Laurent, ‘Ottomanization and modernization’, for the pre-Ottoman and Ottoman neighbourhoods of the city.
93 I owe this descriptive term to Watenpaugh, H. Z., see The Image of an Ottoman City: Imperial Architecture and Urban Experience in Aleppo in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries (Leiden 2004) 59 Google Scholar.
94 Nora, P., et al. (ed.), Realms of Memory: Rethinking the French Past (New York 1996) xi Google Scholar.
95 Kuran, ‘A spatial study’, 118-22, especially 122; Ousterhout, R. and Bakirtzis, C., The Byzantine Monuments of Evros/Meriç Kiver Valley (Thessalonike 2007) 169 Google Scholar.
96 Necipoğlu, , Architecture, Ceremonial, and Power: The Topkapi Palace (Cambridge 1991), 12–13 Google Scholar, and as noted by Pancaroğlu, ‘Architecture, landscape, and patronage’, 48.
97 Lowry, The Shaping of the Ottoman Balkans, 159-60; Bakirtzis, C., ‘The urban continuity and size of late Byzantine Thessaloniki’, DOP 57 (2003) 45 Google Scholar and note 79.