1 See Vagenas, N., Συνομιλώντας με τον Καβάφη (Athens 2000) 26Google Scholar. In this anthology I would point in particular to the insightful Nachdichtungen by L. A. de Villena (op. cit., 183), which hints at the sack of Rome by Alaric in 410, and Jovan Hristic (op. cit., 323) on the arrival of the barbarians.

2 See Seferis, G., ‘Ακόμη λίγα για τον Αλεξανδρινό’, Δοκιμές, I (Athens 1974) 409Google Scholar. On the idea of the ‘historical consciousness’ in Cavafy's poems see also G. Seferis, ‘Κ. Π. Καβάφης, Θ. Σ. Έλιοτ· παράλληλοι’ (1946), op. cit., I, 324-63: 340 and 352-6); Pieris, M., ‘Καβάφης και ιστορία’ (1983), in Pieris, M. (ed.), Εισαγωγή στην ποίηση του Καβάφη (Iraklio 2006) 397–411: 403Google Scholar; Hirst, A., ‘C. P. Cavafy: Byzantine historian?’, Κάμπος 8 (2000) 45–74Google Scholar; Milionis, Ch., ‘Κ. Π. Καβάφης: Περιμένοντας τους βαρβάρους’, in Πρακτικά τρίτου συμποσίου ποίησης (Athens 1984) 197–204: 203-4Google Scholar.

3 Beaton, R., ‘The history man’, Journal of the Hellenic Diaspora 10.1–2 (1983) 23–44: 25Google Scholar.

4 Seferis, Δοκιμές, I, 394.

5 As in Fatouros, G., ‘Some unknown sources of inspiration in the works of C. P. Cavafy’, Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies 24 (2000) 211–27CrossRefGoogle Scholar: 211-12.

6 Kavafis, K. P., Τα ποιήματα (1897-1918), ed. Savvidis, G. P., 2^nd edn (Athens 1991) 174Google Scholar.

7 In 410 emperor Honorius was not in Rome (he had moved to Ravenna), and in 455 emperor Petronius Maximus was killed by the mob while trying to flee the town. Accounts of the sack of Rome by Alaric and Genseric, as well as of Odoacer's coup in 476, were available in several Greek sources known to Cavafy, such as Zosimus, Sozomen and above all Procopius’ Wars (see e.g. Roberto, U., Roma capta (Rome and Bari 2012))Google Scholar, and Cavafy was familiar with Alaric's descent into Greece in 396: Haas, D., ‘Cavafy's reading notes on Gibbon's “Decline and Fall”’, Folia Neohellenica 4 (1982) 25–96: 56-9Google Scholar; Anton, J., Η ποίηση και η ποιητική του Κ.Π. Καβάφη (Athens 2000) 250–2Google Scholar.

8 See e.g. Burns, T. S., Rome and the Barbarians (Baltimore and London 2003)Google Scholar.

9 Michaletos, G., Καβαφικά θέματα (Athens 1955) 6–23Google Scholar and 43-6. More thoughts on the Roman setting in Gialourakis, M., Ο Καβάφης του κεφαλαίου Τ: Συνομιλίες με τον Τίμο Μαλάνο (Alexandria 1959) 130Google Scholar; Pontani, F. M. (ed.), Kavafis. Poesie (Milan 1961) 485Google Scholar; Kavafis, K. P., Ποιήματα, ed. Savvidis, G. P. (Athens 1963), I, 124Google Scholar; Keeley, E., Cavafy's Alexandria (London 1976) 30–1Google Scholar.

10 Michaletos, Καβαφικά, 18-19 and 64; Tsirkas, S., Ο Καβάφης και η εποχή του (Athens 1958) 332–3Google Scholar.

11 Tsirkas, S., Ο πολιτικός Καβάφης (Athens 1971) 330–2Google Scholar. I share the scepticism of Dimaras, K., Σύμμικτα Γ´ (Athens 1992) 141Google Scholar: the historical context is quite different (there is no reference to barbarians in the play, nor to the real threat of a collapse of the empire), and verbal parallels are limited to the rather conventional lines describing the emperor's grandeur (part I, sc. 9, in the words of the megas domestikos: ‘αν ο το στέμμα φέρων, αυτοκράτωρ σύ, / και ο κρατών το σκήπτρον, είδωλον χρυσούν / των μαμμακούθων εκθαμβούν τα όμματα’). I shall not dwell on Tsirkas’ attempt (328) to detect hidden references to the topography of Alexandria, nor on his unlikely proposal of interpreting the poem as an oblique reference to the 1899 war between Sudan and the British army commanded by Lord Kitchener (Tsirkas, Ο Καβάφης, 334-6; Tsirkas, Ο πολιτικός, 52-4), which has been vigorously countered both in recent and in less recent times (McKinsey, M., ‘Αναζητώντας τους βαρβάρους’, in Η ποίηση του κράματος (Athens 2000) 37–45Google Scholar; Gialourakis, M., Καβάφης: από τον Πρίαπο στον Καρλ Μαρξ (Athens 1975) 156–8Google Scholar; Gialourakis, Ο Καβάφης, 134-6; see however Arampatzidou, L., ‘The Empire awaits the barbarians: a new perspective’, Journal of Modern Greek Studies 29.2 (2011) 171–90: 182-3)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

12 See Gialourakis, Ο Καβάφης, 133 and Michaletos, Καβαφικά, 18.

13 Seferis, Δοκιμές, I, 395.

14 Ftyaras, K., ‘Το 1928 ή ᾽29 μ.Χ. στην Αλεξάνδρεια’, Χάρτης 5–6 (1983) 545–7: 546Google Scholar. See Jeffreys, P., Reframing Decadence: C. P. Cavafy's Imaginary Portraits (Ithaca, NY 2015) 227CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

15 Choniates, Niketas, Historia, ed. van Dieten, J.-L. (Berlin 1975), 15.10.4, pp. 477.66–478.1Google Scholar. See the translation, the apparatus fontium and the commentary on this elaborated passage in Pontani, A. (ed.), Niceta Coniata. Grandezza e catastrofe di Bisanzio, III (Milan 2014) 464–6Google Scholar.

16 Translation adapted from Magoulias, H. J., O City of Byzantium. Annals of Niketas Choniates (Detroit 1984) 262Google Scholar. Two flaws in Magoulias’ notoriously unreliable translation concern crucial sentences: instead of ‘that. . . almost ridiculed the Romans’ (ῥυὲν μικροῦ πρὸς Ῥωμαίων κατάγελων, i.e. it turned to the ludibrium of the Romans), Magoulias wrongly translates ‘which appeared almost ridiculous in the eyes of the Romans’. More importantly, instead of ‘the Germans were so far from being astonished by what they saw’ (τοσοῦτον ἀπεῖχον ἔκθαμβοι τοῖς ὁρωμένοις τούτοις φανῆναι), Magoulias misunderstands the verb ἀπεῖχον and has ‘so astonished were the Germans by what they saw’. Magoulias’ mistakes are unfortunately inherited by recent scholars: Simpson, A., Niketas Choniates. A Historiographical Study (Oxford 2013) 261CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Simpson, A. and Efthymiadis, S., Niketas Choniates. A Historian and a Writer (Geneva 2009) 23Google Scholar.

17 Savvidis, Μικρά, 227-31. See also Haas, D., Le problème religieux dans l'oeuvre de Cavafy (Paris 1996) 428–30Google Scholar. That the poems listed here belong to the vast Cavafian topic of the πτώσεις από την εξουσία is also maintained by Dallas, G., Καβάφης και ιστορία (Athens 1974) 147–8Google Scholar.

18 On the meaning of this poem (and the ‘falsity of its perspective’) see Hirst, A., ‘Two cheers for Byzantium: equivocal attitudes in the poetry of Palamas and Cavafy’, in Ricks, D. and Magdalino, P. (eds), Byzantium and the Modern Greek Identity (Aldershot 1998) 105–17: 111Google Scholar (followed by Ekdawi, S., ‘Cavafy's Byzantium’, Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies 20 (1996) 17–34: 28CrossRefGoogle Scholar), and particularly Hirst, A., ‘C. P. Cavafy: Byzantine historian?’, Κάμπος 8 (2000) 45–74Google Scholar: 48-53; but already Pontani, F. M., ‘Saggio sulla poesia di Costantino Cavafis’, Επιθεώρησις ελληνοϊταλικής πνευματικής κοινωνίας 4 (1940) 521–40Google Scholar and 590-604: 526; Savvidis, G., Βασικά θέματα της ποίησης του Καβάφη (Athens 1993) 63Google Scholar. A meticulous analysis, albeit leading to a different conclusion, is provided by Haas, Le problème religieux, 413-41 (esp. 435-41); see also Agapitos, P. A., ‘Byzantium in the poetry of Kostis Palamas and C. P. Cavafy’, Kampos 2 (1994) 1–20Google Scholar; and Jeffreys, Reframing, 146-48.

19 As opposed to the ideal strategy described in ‘The god abandons Anthony’ (1910). We should thus probably refrain from ranging ‘Manuel Komnenos’ together with the poems concerning αξιοπρέπεια, as Dallas, Καβάφης, 147 does (following e.g. Gialouris, A., ‘Ο Καβάφης και το Βυζάντιο’, Πνευματική Ζωή 2, 25-6 (1938) 153–7: 154Google Scholar).

20 Niketas Choniates, Historia 8.7.4, pp. 221-22 van Dieten. See Gialouris, ‘Ο Καβάφης’, 154; Pontani, F. M., Επτά δοκίμια και μελετήματα για τον Καβάφη (1936-1974) (Athens 1991) 59Google Scholar (= Id., ‘Fonti della poesia di Kavafis’, Rivista di cultura greco-italiana 3 (1940) 657-69: 662); Malanos, Ο ποιητής, 316-17; Fatouros, ‘Some unknown’, 224-5.

21 The first published version of the poem (1904) had ‘και πάντα οι βάρβαροι μ’ αυτά θαμπώνονται’ (see Tsirkas, Ο Καβάφης, 327), which is even closer to Niketas’ wording ‘ἔκθαμβοι. . . φανῆναι’.

22 See Dagron, G., ‘Trônes pour un empereur’, in Avramea, A. et al. (eds), Byzantium: State and Society (Athens 2003) 179–203Google Scholar: 184-5, insisting on the symbolism of this ritual, and on its ‘théatralisation’ starting precisely with the 1196 episode. Scepticism on the definition of this ritual as πρόκυψις is expressed by Macrides, R., Munitiz, J. A. and Angelov, D., Pseudo-Kodinos and the Constantinopolitan Court: Offices and Ceremonies (Farnham 2013) 404–5Google Scholar.

23 As for jewels (coupled with the empty imperial titles), we find a similar hint in ‘Alexandrian kings’ (see Milionis, ‘Κ.Π. Καβάφης’, 199-203), but elements of luxury, variously declined, are quite frequent in Cavafy's poems: see Haas, Le problème religieux, 263-85. It should be remarked that in Niketas’ text the word ἀμεθύσοις, accepted by editors against the manuscript's ἐν θυάσοις, occurs in the apparatus of Bekker's 1835 edition, and is guaranteed by the paretymologic link with the immediately following μεθύουσι.

24 Theophyl. Achrid. Opera I, p. 193.21-27 Gautier (a speech for Constantine Doukas): ‘don't believe that your golden and “purple mantle” [Diod. Sic. 5.40.1] will subjugate the “servants of Ares” [Il. 2.110 al.], men with the “terrible gaze” [Il. 3.342] of a lion, if they do not see you dressed in a “bronze armour” [Il. 4.448 al.] and ready to fight in person: for no barbarian is startled when he sees the emperor in the garments of a bridegroom, but he rather pokes fun at him and his gold as if he were a child, and mocks him as effeminate and cowardly, believing he can be killed without even a punch’: this passage (for which no ancient source is detected by Praechter, K., ‘Antike Quellen des Theophylaktos von Bulgarien’, Byzantinische Zeitschrift 1 (1892) 399–414)CrossRefGoogle Scholar was spotted by Simpson, Niketas, 261. On a possible link between Cavafy and Theophylact see Mullett, M., Theophylact of Ochrid (London 1997) 282–3Google Scholar.

25 On this ‘humiliating deconstruction’ of the court's rhetoric and taxis see A. Kaldellis, ‘Paradox, reversal, and the meaning of history’, in Simpson and Efthymiadis, Niketas Choniates, 75-110: 92-3. Shortly after this episode, a similar, embarrassing outcome characterized the Sicilian embassy of Eumathios Philokalos, who was granted permission by Alexios to appear at Henry's court in his official solemn attire, and was then ridiculed by the Germans (Nik. Chon. 15.10.5, p. 478.3-11 van Dieten).

26 This reciprocal attitude of contempt is far from isolated in the context of the Byzantine-Western relationship during the centuries of the Crusades: see A. Pontani, Niceta Coniata III, 464-5; Schreiner, P., ‘Byzanz und der Westen: Die gegenseitige Betrachtungsweise in der Literatur des 12. Jahrhunderts’, in Haverkamp, A. (ed.), Friedrich Barbarossa (Sigmaringen 1992) 551–80Google Scholar (with further bibliography).

27 The stress laid on imperial garments is particularly ironic, for precisely after this embassy Alexios was obliged – in order to be able to pay the Western emperor – to strip the tombs of his predecessors of their apparel and paraments, leaving the emperors naked, with their ‘ultimate coat’, ἔσχατος χιτών: see Nik. Chon. 15.10.6, with A. Pontani, Niceta Coniata III, 467.

28 See Nik. Chon. 15.10.3, p. 476 van Dieten.

29 On the general issue see K. Lechner, ‘Hellenen und Barbaren im Weltbild der Byzantiner’, Ph.D. thesis, Univ. of Munich 1954, 74-95, and 105-6 on the Latins being labelled as ‘barbarians’. Specifically on Niketas see esp. Nik. Chon. 10.6.7-8, p. 301.9ff. van Dieten (also 299.50), the famous passage where Niketas states the irreconcilable ‘χάσμα διαφορᾶς’ between Byzantines and Latins. See also 17.6.2 (p. 560.21); 18.8.3 (p. 581); 19.3.6 (p. 590.2); de stat. 2.8 (p. 649.24). On the barbarians’ greed as a topos in Byzantine literature see Pontani, A., Niceta Coniata. Grandezza e catastrofe di Bisanzio, II (Milan 1999) 751–2Google Scholar note 129; on the general issue of Niketas’ attitude towards the Latins see Asdracha, C., ‘L'image de l'homme occidental à Byzance’, Byzantinoslavica 44 (1983) 31–40Google Scholar; Schmitt, O. J., ‘Das Normannenbild im Geschichtswerk des Niketas Choniates’, Jarhbuch der Österreichischen Byzantinistik 47 (1997) 157–77Google Scholar, esp. 168-9; Harris, ‘Distortion’, esp. 19-21.

30 An overview on these topics in Kazhdan, A., Introduzione, in Kazhdan, A., Pontani, A. and Maisano, R. (eds), Grandezza e catastrofe di Bisanzio, I (Milano 1994), xxi–xxixGoogle Scholar; Simpson, Niketas Choniates. Compare the attitude of Cavafy's Byzantine poems (see below), which ‘present, mainly in dramatic form, and sometimes through fictional characters, the realities of Byzantine politics. . . Byzantium as a state divided against itself’ (Hirst, ‘Two cheers’, 112).

31 See e.g. Nik. Chon. 19.2.1 (p. 586.67-69 van Dieten): ‘ἡ γὰρ ὑπτιότης καὶ οἰκουρότης τῶν τὰ Ῥωμαίων χειριζόντων πράγματα δικαστὰς ἡμῶν καὶ κολαστὰς τοὺς λῃστὰς ἐπεισήνεγκεν’, ‘the negligence and the inaction of those who were governing the state of the Romans brought to us these plunderers as judges and chastisers’ (note the pun in the Greek). See also Harris, J., ‘Distortion, divine providence and genre in Nicetas Choniates’ account of the collapse of Byzantium 1180-1204’, Journal of Medieval History 26 (2000) 19–31CrossRefGoogle Scholar: 27-31.

32 The same term semnon is used by Cavafy for Manuel Komnenos: see Haas, Le problème religieux, 432-5 and – more pointedly – Hirst, ‘C. P. Cavafy’, 52-4.

33 See Nik. Chon. 15.10.4 (p. 477.68 van Dieten), with A. Pontani, Niceta Coniata III, 464 n. 136. For Niketas’ harsh verdict on Alexios’ cowardice and stupidity see Macrides, R., ‘1204: the Greek sources’, in Laiou, A. (ed.), Urbs Capta (Paris 2005) 141–50Google Scholar: 146-9. It should be stressed that the passage on the embassy was added by Niketas in the final version (van Dieten's ‘a’) of his Chronike diegesis, written after the end of Alexios III's reign in 1203, and containing many elements of Kaiserkritik unknown to the earlier version (van Dieten's ‘b’).

34 See esp. Nik. Chon. 15.13.4 (pp. 483-58 - 484.75 van Dieten) on the general corruption of the Roman state (παντάπασι τὰ Ῥωμαίων διέφθαρται πράγματα).

35 Gibbon, E., Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire (London 1969) ch. 60 (V, 141–42Google Scholar, and particularly 144 on Alexios).

36 Paparrigopoulos, K., Ιστορία του ελληνικού έθνους, IV (Athens 1963) 200Google Scholar. On Paparrigopoulos’ reception of Niketas, see C. Maltezou, ‘The Greek version of the Fourth Crusade: from Nicetas Choniates to the History of the Greek Nation’, in Laiou, Urbs Capta, 151-9: 153-4.

37 Paparrigopoulos, Ιστορία IV, 206. In Paparrigopoulos’ view, the new start, at least on the cultural and intellectual level, was brought about by the new interest in Classical antiquity represented by Niketas’ brother Michael Choniates – a man to whom Cavafy paid homage in the 1892 article on the Byzantine poets: Kavafis, K., Πεζά, ed. Papoutsakis, G. (Athens 1963) 47Google Scholar.

38 See Haas, ‘Cavafy's reading notes’; Anton, Η ποίηση, 247. These poems were then followed in 1892 by a newspaper article on the Byzantine poets: Kavafis, Πεζά, 43-50.

39 ‘Θέλω θανεῖν μᾶλλον ἢ ζῆν’: see Ekdawi, ‘Cavafy's Byzantium’, 26 and 32.

40 See Haas, Le problème religieux, 66; Savvidis, Μικρά, I, 354 on the historical context; and particularly Jeffreys, Reframing, 154: ‘What we ultimately encounter in this poem is another version of the decadent dilemma articulated in “Waiting for the Barbarians”, in which the only real “solution” is utter annihilation’.

41 Jeffreys, Reframing, esp. 128-33 (in an attempt to reconcile different readings of Cavafy's ‘Byzantinism’). See already Tsirkas, Ο Καβάφης, 333-4. Savvidis, Μικρά, I, 91-9. Hirst, ‘Two cheers’; Lavagnini, R., ‘Sette nuove poesie bizantine di Costantino Cavafis’, Rivista di Studi Bizantini e Neoellenici n.s. 25 (1988) 217–81Google Scholar: 219-20; Agapitos, ‘Byzantium’; Pieris, ‘C. P. Cavafy’.

42 On this development see Haas, Le problème religieux, 422; Hirst, ‘Two cheers’, 117, contra Christidis, V. F., Ο Καβάφης και το Βυζάντιο (Athens 1958)Google Scholar.

43 See Ekdawi, ‘Cavafy's Byzantium’, 19-24; Haas, ‘Cavafy's reading notes’, 83 and 91 and particularly Haas, Le problème religieux, 67-8.

44 See Forster, E. M., Pharos and Pharillon (Berkeley 1980; 1^st edn 1923) 91–2Google Scholar; Pieris, ‘C. P. Cavafy’, 262.

45 See Hirst, ‘Two cheers’, 110; Haas, Le problème religieux, 68; Jeffreys, Reframing, 139-46. On Cavafy's appraisal of the Byzantine historians see the thought attributed to him by J. A. Saregiannis (trans. D. Haas), ‘What was most precious – his form’, Grand Street 2 (1983) 108-26: 113 ‘they are not appreciated as they should be. One day they will be discovered and will be admired for their originality. They cultivated a genre of historiography which was never written before and has not been written since. They wrote history dramatically.’

46 See Tsirkas, Ο Καβάφης, 329; Haas, ‘Cavafy's reading notes’, 95-6; Savvidis, Μικρά, Ι, 91-7: 96; Anton, Η ποίηση, 247-58.

47 See in particular Cavafy's text published by Savvidis, G. P., Φύλλα φτερά (Athens 1995) 112–14Google Scholar (orig. Τα Νέα, 23 April 1983): ‘The society reaches such a grade of affluence, civilisation and unease, that, in desperation over the situation it cannot solve in a way compatible with its usual life-style, it decides to introduce a radical change - to sacrifice, to change, to turn back, to simplify (these are the “barbarians”). Having made this decision, it rejoices and undertakes various preparations (the emperor, the luxuries of consuls and praetors) and takes preliminary measures (the interruption of the Senate's legislation). But as soon as the time of the action has come, it suddenly becomes clear that it had envisaged a utopia (the night falls without the barbarians’ arrival)’ (trans. Tziovas, D., ‘Cavafy's barbarians and their western genealogy’, Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies 10 (1986) 161–78CrossRefGoogle Scholar: 165-6, adapted). A similar interpretation emerges from the account by Petridis, Pavlos (‘Ένας Αλεξανδρινός ποιητής’, Νέα Ζωή 55 (1909) 201–6: 204Google Scholar, now in Pieris, Εισαγωγή, 35-46: 43; see also Tsirkas, Ο Καβάφης, 323; Gialourakis, Ο Καβάφης, 127-8 and Tziovas, ‘Cavafy's Barbarians’, 163-4); but on the concept of the ‘ideal city’ see Michaletos, Καβαφικά, 36-42 and 55-65.

48 This was Cavafy's poetic intention according to Malanos (Ο ποιητής, 300) and to Petridis’ account (Tsirkas, Ο Καβάφης, 323; Gialourakis, Ο Καβάφης, 129; Anton, Η ποίηση, 260): the perspective, however, is less optimistic than in Gibbon's statement ‘it may safely be presumed that no people, unless the face of nature is changed, will relapse into their original barbarism’ (Gibbon, Decline and Fall, ch. 38, IV, 111: see Haas, ‘Cavafy's reading notes’, 95-6). Anton, Η ποίηση, 253-7 sees in this poem a ‘satire of Gibbon’; see also Tziovas, ‘Cavafy's barbarians’, 166 and 174-77; and particularly M. Boletsi, ‘On the threshold of the twentieth century: history, crisis, and intersecting figures of barbarians in Cavafy, C. P.’s “Waiting for the Barbarians”’, in Winkler, M., Boletsi, M. and Herlth, J. (eds), ‘Barbarian’: Explorations of a Western Concept, I (Stuttgart 2018) 16–17Google Scholar (my thanks to the author for sending me this important article ahead of publication). I refer to the page numbers of the manuscript.

49 See Agras, T., Κριτικά, I (Athens 1980) 45–6Google Scholar (article first published 1922); Malanos, T., Ο ποιητής Κ. Καβάφης (Athens 1957) 300–1Google Scholar; Gialourakis, Ο Καβάφης, 130. An overt reference to Verlaine's sonnet was later detected in Cavafy's notes on Gibbon's Decline and Fall: see Haas, ‘Cavafy's reading notes’, 59-62, who nevertheless remains sceptical about the idea that it might have inspired ‘Waiting for the barbarians’ (see also Haas, Le problème religieux, 204).

50 Vassiliadi, M., Les fastes de la décadence chez Constantin Cavafy (Athens 2008) 99–111Google Scholar; Poggioli, R., ‘“Qualis artifex pereo!” or barbarian and decadence’, Harvard Library Bulletin 13 (1959) 135–59Google Scholar; Ilinskaya, S., Ο Κ.Π. Καβάφης και η ρωσική ποίηση του αργυρού αιώνα, 2^nd edn (Athens 2004) 36Google Scholar; Jeffreys, Reframing, 85-6 on the pictorial tradition; Boletsi, ‘On the threshold’, 37-54. I find less persuasive Dimaras’ reference to Panagiotis Synodinos’ poem ‘Εις τας Αθήνας Τούρκοι’ (first published in 1883, and taken up by Kostis Palamas in the newspaper Ακρόπολις of June 1897), where the Turks’ entry into Athens as ‘ελευθερωταί’ is prefigured: Dimaras, Σύμμικτα Γ´, 140-5.

51 Boletsi, ‘On the threshold’. Some scholars have detected parallels with Nietzsche's thought, some even a prefiguration of Spengler's Untergang des Abendlandes. See Gialourakis, Ο Καβάφης, 132, quoting other Greek authors of the late 19th century on the same topic. Malanos, Ο ποιητής, 299 evokes Nietzsche's ‘eternal return’ (apparently called into question by the author himself in private conversations) and Tziovas (‘Cavafy's barbarians’, 171-6) recalls the Gay Science.

52 Boletsi, ‘On the threshold’, 25.

53 Poggioli, ‘“Qualis artifex”’, 135. Contrary to most interpreters, Liddell, R., Cavafy: A Biography, 2^nd edn (London 2000), 86Google Scholar, maintains that the poem's finale does not give voice to a real regret, and that the absence of barbarians should in fact be read as a positive note of hope. Seferis, Δοκιμές, I, 395 interprets the final line as ‘the murmuring of a man who reads History, thinks about it, and concludes within himself’.

54 See Boletsi, ‘On the threshold’, 54-6; Anton, Η ποίηση, 254-5 (and 260-2, where he argues for a different reading of the city). On the broader issue see also Boletsi, M., Barbarism and its Discontents (Stanford 2013)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Halim, H., Alexandrian Cosmopolitanism (New York 2013)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. On the poem's dialogic form see Milionis, ‘Κ.Π. Καβάφης’, 197-200 and Pontani, Επτά δοκίμια, 223; Valaoritis, N., ‘Κ. Π. Καβάφης και Ε. Α. Πόου’, Χάρτης 5–6 (1983) 650–4Google Scholar: 652 identifies the source of this unusual structure in Poe's tale ‘Four beasts in one’; a slightly different approach (evoking the detective story) in P. M. Minucci, Η λυρική αφήγηση στον Καβάφη (Athens 1987) 37-8. I disagree with Tziovas, ‘Cavafy's barbarians’, 176, who describes this voice as ‘a kind of spokesman for barbarians’ intentions and habits’: the poem is a dialogue that takes place within the Empire's capital, showing how inadequate the construction of the ‘social myth’ of the barbarian actually is.

55 Boletsi, ‘On the threshold’, 36-7.

56 See on this poem Savvidis, G. P., ‘H Μεγάλη Ελλάδα του Καβάφη’, in his Τράπεζα πνευματική (Athens 1994) 233–46Google Scholar. The affinity with ‘Waiting for the barbarians’ was remarked by Seferis, Δοκιμές, I, 394; see also Tziovas, ‘Cavafy's barbarians’, 167.

57 Cavafy's source has been identified by Savvidis (Kavafis, K. P., Τα αποκηρυγμένα (Athens 1983) 117–19Google Scholar) in a long passage of Paparrigopoulos’ Ιστορία, mentioning inter alia that the Tarentines, instead of discussing with the ambassadors, ‘poked fun at their Greek pronunciation and their manners, called them barbarians and finally sent them away from the theatre’. The ancient source behind Paparrigopoulos is Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Roman Antiquities 19.5.3, a fragment preserved among the excerpts of Constantine VII Porphyrogenitus.