¹ The original reads: Na gubakh TeZhe, na shchekakh TeZhe, na broviakh TeZhe, tselovat' gde zhe?

² There were three trusts: TeZhe, Lenzhet (Leningrand) and Kharzhet (Kharkov). Markuze, M., “Parfiumerno-kosmeticheskoe proizvodstvo SSSR,” Masloboino Zhirovoe Delo ([Butter Beating Fat Work] hereafter MZhD) 12 (1936): 597–99Google Scholar; “Sovetskaia parfiumerno-kosmeticheskaia promyshlennost',” MZhD 11 (1957): 12–17Google Scholar. TeZhe dominated the category with over 75 percent for fine soaps, more than 76 percent for perfumery, and 91 percent for cosmetics in 1927. Otchet o deiatel'nosti tresta TeZhe za 1928–29 (Moscow, 1929), 6Google Scholar; Zhitomirsky, V., “Voprosy ratzional'noĭ togrovli,” Sovetskaia Torgolia [Soviet Trade] 31 (1927): 28Google Scholar; Zhemchuzhina, Polina, “Zadachi parfiumerno-kosmeticheskoĭ promyshlennosti TeZhe,” MZhD 6 (1934): 8Google Scholar.

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⁹ Ewen, Stuart, Captains of Consciousness: Advertising and the Social Roots of the Consumer Culture (New York, 1976)Google Scholar. For a nineteenth-century British example of this process, see Harvey, Charles, Press, Jon, and Maclean, Mairi, “William Morris, Cultural Leadership, and the Dynamics of Taste,” Business History Review 85 (Summer 2011): 245–71CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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¹⁵ Barulina, Anna, “Novaia Zaria,” 2006, 11–15: http://www.novzar.ru/Google Scholar; Blizniak et al., Parfiumerno-kosmeticheskaya Promyshlennost'; Vasil'eva, 100 let Parfiumernoĭ Fabrike.

¹⁶ Bukharin, Nikolai and Preobrazhensky, Evgeny, The ABC of Communism (Baltimore, 1969; 1st ed. 1922)Google Scholar; Hessler, , Social History, 24Google Scholar.

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¹⁸ Wheatcroft, S. G., Davis, R. W., and Cooper, J. M., “Soviet Industrialization Reconsidered: Some Preliminary Conclusions about Economic Development between 1926–1941,” Economic History Review 39 (1986): 264–94CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Fitzpatrick, “After NEP”; Osokina, Our Daily Bread.

¹⁹ Quoted in Gronow, , Caviar with Champagne, 138Google Scholar; Fitzpatrick, Sheila, Everyday Stalinism: Ordinary Life in Extraordinary Times (New York, 1999)Google Scholar; Randall, Soviet Dream.

²⁰ Gronow, , Caviar with Champagne, 119–44Google Scholar; Hessler, , Social History, 197–247Google Scholar; Randall, , Soviet Dream, 137–79Google Scholar.

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²² Elias, Norbert, The Civilizing Process: The History of Manners (Oxford, 1978; trans. Jephcott, Edmund)Google Scholar; for Soviet context, see Kharkhordin, Oleg, The Collective and the Individual in Russia (London, 1999)Google Scholar.

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²⁹ Reid, Susan, “All Stalin's Women: Gender and Power in Soviet Art of the 1930s,” Slavic Review 1 (Spring 1998): 133–73CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Simpson, Pat, “Parading Myths: Imaging New Soviet Woman on Fizkul'turnik's Day, July 1944,” Russian Review 63 (Apr. 2004): 187–211CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

³⁰ Il'in-Landsky, , “Neobkhodimost' organizovat' posyltorg,” Sovetskaia Torgovlia 52 (1928): 21–22Google Scholar; this is consistent with the 1920s Russian Constructivists' conception of objects as comrades. See Kiaer, Christina, Imagine No Possessions: The Socialist Objects of Russian Constructivism (Cambridge, Mass., 2005), 2–87Google Scholar.

³¹ Hessler, Social History; Randall, Soviet Dream.

³² In the 1930s, several consumer-goods trusts partook in Soviet civilizing efforts. Moscow Miasokombinat (meat-products trust) promoted modern canned and readymade meat products. Confectionary enterprises such as Krasnyi Oktiabr' and Rot Front advertised the bounties of the Soviet life. Gronow, Caviar with Champagne; Snopkov, Aleksandr, ed., Advertising Art in Russia (Moscow, 2007)Google Scholar.

³³ Blizniak, et al., Parfiumerno-kosmeticheskaia Promyshlennost', 77–78Google Scholar.

³⁴ Ibid.; Stasenkov, , Moskovskaia Parfiumernaia Fabrika, 3–7Google Scholar; Dubnov, , “Obrazets Bolshevistskoĭ Bor'by za Plan,” MZhD 4 (1934): 46Google Scholar.

³⁵ Vasil'eva, Larisa, Kremlin Wives (New York, 1994; trans. Porter, Cathy), 136–60Google Scholar; Kun, Miklos, Stalin: An Unknown Portrait (Budapest, 2003), 270–81Google Scholar.

³⁶ Polina Zhemchuzhina was first accused of spying against the Soviet state in 1939. After the Politburo heard her case, the allegations against her were deemed slanderous. However, in 1948, facing similar accusations, she was imprisoned. The treason accusation seemed to stem from her support of the Jewish Anti-Fascist Committee during World War II and her friendship with Golda Meir, the first Israeli ambassador to the USSR after the establishment of the state of Israel in 1948 (Vasil'eva, Kremlin Wives; Kun, Stalin).

³⁷ Vasil'eva, , 100 let Parfiumernoĭ Fabrike, 19Google Scholar.

³⁸ Given that there was an overall political support for the consumer goods, which was withdrawn as the threat of war approached, Zhemchuzhina's specific contribution to the rise of TeZhe is difficult to ascertain. However, TeZhe's public relations materials convincingly show that Zhemchuzhina championed TeZhe's development.

³⁹ Kun, Stalin.

⁴⁰ Mikoyan, Anastas, Tak Bylo (Moscow, 1999), 298Google Scholar.

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⁴³ For example, in 1927 the rubric “V Chem Krasota” in Rabotnitsa [worker woman] repeatedly stated that beauty as purveyed by TeZhe was artificial and unnecessary (e.g., no. 26 [1927]: 13); also Gurova, Olga, “Ideology of Consumption in Soviet Union: From Asceticism to the Legitimating of Consumer Goods,” Anthropology of East Europe Review 24 (2006): 91–98Google Scholar.

⁴⁴ For a discussion of letters as a medium between rulers and the public, see Sokolov, Andrei, Golos Naroda (Moscow, 1998)Google Scholar.

⁴⁵ “Strana Trebuet Mylo–Dadim Mylo,” Rabotnitsa 33 (1933): 6–9Google Scholar.

⁴⁶ Zhemchuzhina first referred to the letter as “a socialist order” in TeZhe's 1933 report (Zhemchuzhina, , “Vypolnim sotsialisticheskiĭ zakaz,” 12Google Scholar); at the 1934 Conference, the functionaries appeared to ratify such framing. “Slet Udarnikov TeZhe,” MZhD 1 (1935): 50–53Google Scholar.

⁴⁷ Kandiba, F., “Industriia Tsvetov,” Ogonek 30 (1936): 20–21Google Scholar.

⁴⁸ Blizniak, et al., Parfiumerno-kosmeticheskaia Promyshlennost', 94–99Google Scholar.

⁴⁹ Ibid.; Zhemchuzhina, “Zadachi Parfiumernoĭ Promyshlennosti.”

⁵⁰ Vaĭnshteĭn, S., “Parfiumerno-kosmeticheskaia Promyshlennost' k XX Velikoĭ Revolutsii,” MZhD 5 (1937): 29–30Google Scholar.

⁵¹ “Sovetskaia Parfiumerno-kosmeticheskaia Promyshlennost',” 15.

⁵² Zhemchuzhina, , “V Tiskakh Depressii”; Polina Zhemchuzhina, “Dadim Strane Bol'she Parfiumerii,” MZhD 12 (1936): 563Google Scholar.

⁵³ Shneerson, I., “Itogi i Perspectivy,” MZhD 5 (1938): 35Google Scholar; Kursky, F., “V Bor'be za Kachestvo Tualetnogo Myla,” MZhD 3 (1937): 22Google Scholar.

⁵⁴ See footnote 2; Vaĭnshteĭn, “Parfiumerno-kosmeticheskaia Promyshlennost'.”

⁵⁵ Zhemchuzhina, Polina, “Parfiumerno-kosmeticheskaia Promyshlennost' Soiuza SSR i Zapadnoi Evropy,” MZhD 9 (1935): 391Google Scholar.

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⁵⁸ Gurova, “Ideology of Consumption.” The beauty industry faced a similar legitimization challenge in the West, albeit for different reasons; see Jones, Beauty Imagined.

⁵⁹ Zhemchuzhina, , “Zadachi Parfiumerno-kosmeticheskoi Promyshlennosti,” 8Google Scholar.

⁶⁰ Naimark, A., “Vitamizatsiia Kosmeticheskoĭ Promyshlennosti,” MZhD 5 (1937): 30–31Google Scholar.

⁶¹ Barulina, “Novaia Zaria.”

⁶² In the 1920s, Auguste Michel, the French specialist, worked in Novaia Zaria and trained Soviet perfumers there; his fate after the 1930s is unknown. Vasil'eva, , 100 let Parfiumernoĭ fabrike, 20–23Google Scholar.

⁶³ Kiaer, , Imagine No Possessions, 143–96Google Scholar; Snopkov, , ed. Advertising Art in Russia, 5 and 145Google Scholar.

⁶⁴ “Eva Stricker Zeisel—Life Chronology” at www.evazeisel.org.

⁶⁵ Zemenkov, , Grafika v bytu (Moscow, 1930)Google Scholar.

⁶⁶ “Slet Udarnikov TeZhe.”

⁶⁷ Zhemchuzhina, “Zadachi Parfiumerno-kosmeticheskoĭ Promyshlennosti.”

⁶⁸ Otchet o deiatel'nosti tresta TeZhe za 1928–29.

⁶⁹ “Slet Udarnikov TeZhe,” 51; Vaĭnshteĭn, , “Parfiumerno-kosmeticheskaia Promyshlennost',” 29Google Scholar. The Soviet emphasis on design contrasts with that of Western companies. For example, Coty's packaging sought to preserve an aura of prestige while democratizing perfume consumption; Jones, , Beauty Imagined, 29–33Google Scholar.

⁷⁰ Zhemchuzina, “Dadim Strane Bol'she Myla i Parfiumerii.”

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⁷² Zemenkov, Grafika v bytu; on the socialist objects' ideological mission, see Kiaer, Imagine No Possessions.

⁷³ Sivulka, , Stronger than Dirt, 98–106Google Scholar; the phrase “brightening the dark corners of the earth” appeared in a Pear's Soap ad from 1899 and drew from Rudyard Kipling's poem “The White Man's Burden”; also Jones, , Beauty Imagined, 71–93Google Scholar.

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⁷⁵ Vasil'eva, , 100 let Parfiumernoĭ Fabrike, 47–52Google Scholar; Barulina, “Novaia Zaria.”

⁷⁶ Vaĭnshteĭn, , “Parfiumerno-kosmeticheskaia Promyshlennost',” 29Google Scholar; “Sovetskaia Parfiumerno-kosmeticheskaia Promyshlennost',” 12; Dubnov, “Obrazets Bol'shevitskoĭ Bor'by.”

⁷⁷ Gregory and Harrison, “Allocation under Dictatorship.”

⁷⁸ Otchet o Deiatelnosti Ttresta TeZhe za 1928–29, 27; Dubnov, “Obrazets Bol'shevitskoĭ Bor'by”; “Slet Udarnikov TeZhe,” 50–51.

⁷⁹ Barulina, “Novaia Zaria.”

⁸⁰ Jones, Beauty Imagined.

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⁸² Such price segmentation originated in the postwar “pact” with the Soviet labor aristocracy that gave them access to a middle-class lifestyle in exchange for production effort and political loyalty; Dunham, Vera, In Stalin's Time: Middleclass Values in Soviet Fiction (Durham, N.C., 1990)Google Scholar; Osokina, Our Daily Bread.

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⁸⁴ Hilton, Marjorie L., “Retailing the Revolution: The State Department Store (GUM) and Soviet Society in the 1920s,” Journal of Social History 37 (2004): 939–64CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Prigarin, A., “Rabota Obraztsovykh Univermagov,” Sovetskaia Torgovlia 10/11 (1935): 79–88Google Scholar.

⁸⁵ Randall, Amy E., “Legitimizing Soviet Trade,” Journal of Social History 37 (2004): 965–90CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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⁸⁷ Gronow, , Caviar with Champagne, 103Google Scholar.

⁸⁸ Exemplary shops' pedagogical role was consistent with the intent of Stalin's discourse, which “consisted of presenting his plans and wishes as accomplished fact”; Bonnell, Victoria, “The Peasant Woman in Stalinist Political Art of the 1930s,” American Historical Review 98 (1993): 67CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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⁹⁰ Iurina, M., “Kul'tura i Krasota,” Rabotnisa 11 (1936): 17–18Google Scholar; Kandiba, F., “Flakon Dukhov,” Ogonek 5 (1936): 19–21Google Scholar; Osokina, , Our Daily Bread, 78–81, 154Google Scholar.

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⁹² Gronow, , Caviar with Champagne, 56Google Scholar; Zhemchuzhina, Polina, “Blizhaĭshie Zadachi Parfiumernoĭ Promyshlennosti,” MZhD 10 (1936): 465–66Google Scholar.

⁹³ Narkomvnutorg (Ministry of Internal Trade), “Pravila Organizatsii i Soderzhania Vetrin,” ratified 3 July 1935Google Scholar; Cherkasheninov, M., “Dekorativno-khudozhesvtennie Raboty v Sovetskoĭ Togrovle,” Sovetskaia Torgovlia 4/5 (1936): 143–48Google Scholar.

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⁹⁵ This contrasted with the American practice, where “mention[ing] factory life” was regarded as deleterious to sales because products shown in a factory conjured up an “unhappy familiarity”; Ewen, , Captains of Consciousness, 80Google Scholar.

⁹⁶ Tsitron, “Bor'ba za Poterbitelia.”

⁹⁷ Cherkasheninov, “Dekorativno-khudozhesvtennie Raboty v Sovetskoĭ Togrovle.”

⁹⁸ Iurina, “Kul'tura i Krasota”; Vaĭnshteĭn, “Parfiumerno-kosmeticheskaia promyshlennost.”

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¹⁰³ Zhemchuzhina, “Blizhaĭshie Zadachi Parfiumernoĭ Promyshlennosti”; on mail order see Emmet, Boris and Jeuck, John E., Catalogues and Counters: A History of Sears, Roebuck and Company (Chicago, 1950)Google Scholar and for histories of traveling salesmen, see articles in the special issue of Business History Review 82 (2008)Google Scholar.

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¹⁰⁸ On GUM see Hilton, “Retailing the Revolution”; on univermag see Hessler, Social History.

¹⁰⁹ West, “Material Promised Land.”

¹¹⁰ Snopkov, , ed., Advertising Art in Russia, 93Google Scholar.

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¹¹³ Marchand, Advertising the American Dream.

¹¹⁴ Ibid.; see advertisements in Heimann, Jim, ed., All-American Ads: 30s (Cologne, 2003), 24–27Google Scholar.

¹¹⁵ Anastas Mikoyan outlined these contrasts between capitalist and Soviet advertising; Tsitron, “Bor'ba za Pokupatelia.”

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¹¹⁸ Butuzova, Kooperirovanie.

¹¹⁹ Natanson, “Reklama v Usloviiakh Sovetskoĭ Torgovli”; Bonnell, “The Representation of Women”; Vesela, “The Hardening of Cement.”

¹²⁰ Hoffmann, Stalinist Values; Simpson, “Parading Myths.”

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¹²² Ibid.

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¹²⁴ Marchand, Advertising the American Dream.

¹²⁵ Gronow, , Caviar with Champagne, 36Google Scholar.

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¹²⁷ Ibid., 17; Zhemchuzhina seems to refer to the US Cleanliness Institute, established in 1927 by Lever Brothers, Palmolive, and Colgate, among others, to teach the public about cleanliness; Sivulka, , Stronger than Dirt, 229–47Google Scholar; Jones, , Beauty Imagined, 99Google Scholar.

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¹²⁹ Western companies also sought to democratize consumption but for the purpose of expanding the cosmetics market; Jones, Beauty Imagined.

¹³⁰ Iurina, , “Eshche Raz o Krasote i Kul'ture,” 18Google Scholar.

¹³¹ Kandiba, , “Flakon Dukhov,” 20Google Scholar.

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