¹ North, Douglass C., Institutions, Institutional Change and Economic Performance (Cambridge, U.K., 1990), 61–69.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

² U.S. Department of Commerce and Labor, Twenty-Fourth Annual Report of the Commissioner of Labor: Workmen's Insurance and Compensation Systems in Europe, 1909, vol. 1 (Washington, D.C., 1911), 5, 94, and 1150Google Scholar ; Rubinow, Max, Social Insurance with Special Reference to American Conditions (New York, 1913)Google Scholar ; Bartrip, Peter W. and Burman, Sandra B., The Wounded Soldiers of Industry: Industrial Compensation Policy, 1833–1897 (Oxford, 1983), ch. 1Google Scholar ; Lewchuk, Wayne, “Industrialization and Occupational Mortality in France prior to 1914,” Explorations in Economic History 28 (July 1991): 344–66CrossRefGoogle Scholar ; Aldrich, Mark, Safety First: Technology, Labor, and Business in the Building of American Work Safety, 1870–1939 (Baltimore, 1997)Google Scholar ; Fishback, Price V. and Kantor, Shawn E., A Prelude to the Welfare State: The Origins of Workers' Compensation (Chicago, 2000)CrossRefGoogle Scholar ; Murray, John E. and Nilsson, Lars, “Accident Risk Compensation in Late Imperial Austria: Wage Differentials and Social Insurance,” Explorations in Economic History 44 (July 2007): 568–87CrossRefGoogle Scholar ; Silvestre, Javier, “Workplace Accidents and Early Safety Policies in Spain, 1900–1932,” Social History of Medicine (Mar. 2008): 67–86Google Scholar.

³ Eastman, Crystal, Work Accidents and the Law (Philadelphia, 1910), 4.Google Scholar

⁴ “Direct” costs refer to liability claims and medical aid. Reproduced in Dominion Department of Labour's Labour Gazette (Sept. 1931), 995–96. See, among others, the exhaustive ILO Report on Prevention of Industrial Accidents (Geneva, 1919)Google Scholar. 6Rodgers, Daniel T., Atlantic Crossings: Social Politics in a Progressive Age (Cambridge, Mass., 1998), 246.Google Scholar See also Bartrip and Burman, The Wounded Soldiers; Hepple, Bob, “Welfare Legislation and Wage-Labour,” in The Making of Labour Law in Europe: A Comparative Study of Nine Countries Up to 1945, ed. Hepple, Bob (London, 1986), 114–53Google Scholar ; Aldrich, Safety First; Fishback and Kantor, A Prelude; and Witt, John F., The Accidental Republic: Crippled Workingmen, Destitute Widows, and the Remaking of American Law (Cambridge, Mass., 2004)Google Scholar.

⁷ International Labour Organization, Factory Inspection: Historical Development and Present Organisation in Certain Countries (Geneva, 1923).Google Scholar

⁸ See the articles by Doctor Friedrich Ritzmann, the chief of the Safety Service of the ILO, included in the journals Industrial Safety Survey and International Labour Review between 1926 and 1934. See also Bartrip, Peter W. J. and Fenn, Paul T., “Factory Fatalities and Regulation in Britain, 1878–1913,” Explorations in Economic History 25 (Jan. 1988): 60–74CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed ; Jones, Helen, “An Inspector Calls: Health and Safety at Work in Inter-War Britain,” in The Social History of Occupational Health, ed. Weindling, Peter (London, 1985), 223–39Google Scholar ; Fishback, Price V., “The Irony of Reform: Did Large Employers Subvert Workplace Safety Reform, 1869 to 1930?” NBER Working Paper, 2005Google Scholar ; Aldrich, Safety First; and Silvestre, “Workplace Accidents.”

⁹ Aldrich, Safety First. See also Fishback and Kantor, A Prelude, and the works cited therein.

¹⁰ Aldrich, Safety First.

¹¹ Aldrich, Mark, “Regulating Transportation of Hazardous Substances: Railroads and Reform, 1883–1930,” Business History Review 76 (Summer 2002): 267–97.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

¹² For the theoretical model, See Stigler, George J., “The Theory of Economic Regulation,” Bell Journal of Economics and Management Science 2 (Spring 1971): 3–21.CrossRefGoogle Scholar Mark Aldrich reviews a number of case studies analyzed by business and economic historians in “Regulating Transportation,” 268. See also Cox, Mark, “Innovation on Trial: British Columbia Fruit Growers and the Rise and Retreat of Regulation, 1923–1931,” in Canadian Papers in Business History, vol. 2, ed. Baskerville, Peter A. (Victoria, B.C., 1993), 125–46Google Scholar.

¹³ In the field of workplace health and safety, See Stern, Marc J., “Industrial Structure and Occupational Health: The American Pottery Industry, 1897–1929,” Business History Review 77 (Autumn 2003): 417–45; andCrossRefGoogle ScholarEsbester, Michael, “‘No Good Reason for the Government to Interfere’: Business, the State and Railway Employee Safety in Britain, c.1900–39,” Business and Economic History On-Line 4 (2006)Google Scholar.

¹⁴ Seftel, Howard, “Government Regulation and the Rise of the California Fruit Industry: The Entrepreneurial Attack on Fruit Pests, 1880–1920,” Business History Review 59 (Autumn 1985): 369–402CrossRefGoogle Scholar ; Law, Marc T., “The Origins of State Pure Food Regulation,” Journal of Economic History 63 (Dec. 2003): 1103–30CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁵ Williamson, Oliver E., “Public and Private Bureaucracies: A Transaction Cost Economics Perspective,” Journal of Law, Economics, and Organization 15 (Apr. 1999): 306–47, esp. 320CrossRefGoogle Scholar and “The New Institutional Economics: Taking Stock, Looking Ahead,” Journal of Economic Literature 38 (Sept. 2000): 595–613, esp. 602–3Google Scholar.

¹⁶ Langlois, Richard N., “Chandler in a Larger Frame: Markets, Transaction Costs, and Organizational Form in History,” Business and Economic History On-Line 1 (2003), 8–9Google Scholar and “The Vanishing Hand: The Changing Dynamics of Industrial Capitalism,” Industrial and Corporate Change 12 (Apr. 2003): 351–85, esp. 368–69CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁷ Scholz, John T., “Enforcement Policy and Corporate Misconduct: The Changing Perspective of Deterrence Theory,” Law and Contemporary Problems 60 (Summer 1997): 253–68CrossRefGoogle Scholar ; Scholz, John T. and Gray, Wayne B., “Can Government Facilitate Cooperation? An Informational Model of OSHA Enforcement,” American Journal of Political Science 41 (July 1997): 693–717CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁸ Piva, Michael J., The Condition of the Working Class in Toronto (Ottawa, 1979), 16Google Scholar ; Campbell, Elizabeth J., “The Balance Wheel of the Industrial System: Maximum Hours, Minimum Wage, and Workmen's Compensation Legislation in Ontario, 1900–1939,” PhD diss., McMaster University, 1980, 199Google Scholar ; McCallum, Margaret E., “Corporate Welfarism in Canada, 1919–1939,” Canadian Historical Review 71 (Mar. 1990): 46–79Google Scholar ; Naylor, James, The New Democracy: Challenging the Social Order in Industrial Ontario, 1914–1925 (Toronto, 1991), 165–75CrossRefGoogle Scholar ; Grant, Hugh M., “Solving the Labour Problem at Imperial Oil: Welfare Capitalism in the Canadian Petroleum Industry, 1919–1929,” Labour/Le Travail 41 (Spring 1998): 69–95CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁹ Mining and construction are not included. Data come from rearrangements of census data by Drummond, Ian M., George, Peter, Inwood, Kris, Sinclair, Peter W., and Traves, Tom, Progress without Planning: The Economic History of Ontario from Confederation to the Second World War (Toronto, 1987), 362–64.CrossRefGoogle Scholar See also Taylor, Graham D. and Baskerville, Peter A., A Concise History of Business in Canada (Toronto, 1994), 317–19 and 244Google Scholar.

²⁰ McCalla, Douglas, “The Ontario Economy in the Long Run,” Ontario History 90 (Autumn 1998): 97–115, esp. 99.Google Scholar

²¹ Statutes of the Province of Ontario, The Ontario Factories' Act, 1884 (Toronto, 1884), ch. 39, 146–61, esp. 153Google Scholar ; Statutes of the Province of Ontario, The Ontario Factories' Amendment Act, 1889 (Toronto, 1889), ch. 43, 155–61 and 160–61.Google Scholar The size of factories subject to inspection was reduced from twenty to five employees in 1889. Work in agriculture, lumbering, mining, the building trades and construction of railways and canals was excluded.

²² Non-fatal accidents are usually more affected by changes in inspection and reporting efforts, as well as “moral hazard” problems. In fact, the non-fatal accident rate (not shown here) tripled after the Workmen's Compensation Act entered the statute book in 1914. Another more reliable source on non-fatal accidents is utilized below.

²³ Annual Report of the Inspectors of Factories (hereafter ARIF), 1899, 6Google Scholar ; ARIF 1901, 6; ARIF 1903, 5 and 27; ARIF 1904, 13–14; ARIF 1905, 31; ARIF 1910, 6. Michael Piva and Eric Tucker minimize the impact of improvements in reporting on accidents recorded from 1900 onwards; Piva, Michael J., “The Workmen's Compensation Movement in Ontario,” Ontario History 67 (Mar. 1975): 39–56, esp. 39–41, andGoogle ScholarTucker, Eric, Administering Danger in the Workplace: The Law and Politics of Occupational Health and Safety Regulation in Ontario, 1850–1914 (Toronto, 1990), 181.Google Scholar See also ARIF 1917, 63.

²⁴ Output data in this section are based on census data for 1890, 1900, and 1910, and include rearrangements by Drummond et al., Progress without Planning, 353–59 and 393, as well as previous adjustments by Gordon Bertram. Output has been deflated using the general wholesale index for fully and chiefly manufactured materials included in Leacy, Frank H. and Urquhart, Malcolm C., eds., Historical Statistics of Canada (Toronto, 1983), K–44Google Scholar.

²⁵ ARIF 1900, 6; , Naylor, The New Democracy, 168–69Google Scholar ; , Tucker, Administering Danger, 186–87Google Scholar.

²⁶ , Piva, “The Workmen's Compensation,” 42–43Google Scholar ; , Campbell, “The Balance Wheel,” 189Google Scholar ; Risk, Richard C. B., “‘This Nuisance of Litigation’: The Origins of Workers' Compensation in Ontario,” in Essays in the History of Canadian Law, ed. Flaherty, David H. (Toronto, 1983), 424–25 and 432Google Scholar.

²⁷ , Tucker, Administering Danger, 49.Google Scholar

²⁸ , Risk, “‘This Nuisance of Litigation,’” 450–52Google Scholar ; , Tucker, Administering Danger, 39–40Google Scholar.

²⁹ The Ontario Factories' Act, 1884, 146–61. See a detailed list of amendments to 1914 in , Tucker, Administering Danger, 223–27Google Scholar.

³⁰ , Tucker, Administering Danger, 154 and 197Google Scholar ; , Devine, Industrial Safety Legislation in Ontario: The History of an Act and its Administration (Toronto, 1975), 15, 20, and 30Google Scholar.

³¹ , Tucker, Administering Danger, 145–55 and 199Google Scholar ; ARIF 1897, 7; ARIF 1890, 12.

³² ARIF 1919, 63. There is no systematic, disaggregated record of prosecutions. The number of prosecutions for breaches of all labor laws, including safety, child labor, and hours of work, remained very low and irregular.

³³ Tucker, Eric, “The Determination of Occupational Health and Safety Standards in Ontario, 1860–1982: From the Market to Politics to …?” McGill Law Journal 29 (Mar. 1984): 260–311, esp. 284–85.Google Scholar

³⁴ , Tucker, Administering Danger, 155, 162, and 167.Google Scholar

³⁵ ARIF 1914, 7; ARIF 1915, 7. The same argument for the whole of Canada is utilized in Sessional Papers, Report of the Department of Labour, 1916 (Ottawa, 1917), number 36, 94.Google Scholar It is also possible that confusion following the passing of the Workmen's Compensation Act in 1914 contributed to the sharp fall in 1915. See , Piva, “The Workmen's Compensation,” 41Google Scholar.

³⁶ ARIF 1916, 12.

³⁷ Extraordinary events occurring in 1923 and 1929 contributed to the peaks in those years. In 1923, nine workers were killed by gas fumes in a single accident. See ARIF 1923, 48–49. The number of fatalities due to “falling substances” and “falls” was unusually high in 1929. See ARIF, various years.

³⁸ The annual compound rates of growth in output per worker in manufacturing for 1918–1922 and 1929–1933 were -2.4 and -12.3 respectively. Statistics on output and gainful workers are from the Dominion Bureau of Statistics, The Manufacturing Industries of Canada, various years (Ottawa)Google Scholar ; and , Drummond et al. , Progress without Planning, 362–64.Google Scholar For de-fl ation, see note 24.

³⁹ Data refer to compensated cases in “Schedule I,” which is explained below. Schedule I also includes lumbering, mining, and construction, but the source reports rates as a whole. I have estimated annual fatality rates between 1911 and 1939 for these three industries based on information published in the Labour Gazette (hereafter LG). Interestingly, fatality rates in lumbering, where the employers' safety association was created in 1915, displayed a downward trend in the 1920s and the 1930s. Fatality rates in mining and construction, with no safety associations until 1929 and 1930 respectively, present an upward trend.

⁴⁰ I follow the methods proposed by Aldrich, Safety First. According to available data, first, I have estimated the average fatality rate in 1941 if the industry mix in manufacturing had been the same as in 1921. I have also estimated hours of work for skilled and unskilled workers (between 1911 and 1939, and between 1901 and 1939, respectively). Finally, I have gathered data on the number of electric power and light installations, which are utilized as a proxy for the extent of electrifi cation, as well as information on industrial medicine. Estimates, statistical analyses and sources, not shown here, are available upon request.

⁴¹ Reproduced in LG (Mar. 1929): 298Google Scholar.

⁴² The process of adopting workers' compensation in Ontario is analyzed by , Piva, “The Workmen's Compensation,” 43–47Google Scholar ; , Campbell, “The Balance Wheel,” 186–92Google Scholar ; , Risk, “‘This Nuisance of Litigation,’” 453–62Google Scholar ; Gordon, Margaret S., “Industrial Injuries Insurance in Europe and the British Commonwealth before World War II,” in Occupational Disability and Public Policy, ed. Cheit, Earl F. and Gordon, Margaret S. (New York, 1963), 191–220, esp. 207Google Scholar ; and Fudge, Judy and Tucker, Eric, “Pluralism or Fragmentation? The Twentieth-Century Employment Law Regime in Canada,” Labour/Le Travail 46 (Autumn 2000): 251–306, esp. 260CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁴³ For Britain, see Bartrip and Burman, The Wounded Soldiers. For the U.S., see Fishback and Kantor, A Prelude. For Quebec, See Copp, Terry, The Anatomy of Poverty: The Condition of the Working Class in Montreal, 1897–1929 (Toronto, 1974), 125; andGoogle ScholarStritch, Andrew, “Power Resources, Institutions and Policy Learning: The Origins of Workers' Compensation in Quebec,” Canadian Journal of Political Science 38 (Autumn 2005): 549–79CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁴⁴ Sir Meredith, William R., Final Report on Laws Relating to the Liability of Employers to Make Compensation to Their Employees for Injuries Received in the Course of Their Employment Which Are in Force in Other Countries, and as to How Far Such Laws are Found to Work Satisfactorily (Toronto, 1913), 14–15 and 18Google Scholar ; Clark, Samuel D., The Canadian Manufacturers Association: A Study in Collective Bargaining and Political Pressure (Toronto, 1939), 33–34Google Scholar.

⁴⁵ , Fudge and , Tucker, “Pluralism or Fragmentation?” 260.Google Scholar Several amendments were made between the first act and 1939, but basic features such as exclusions (agricultural and domestic employment as well as casual workers and home-based work) remained.

⁴⁶ Similar exclusions prevailed in other countries at this time, as reported by Gordon, “Industrial Injuries.”

⁴⁷ LG (Aug. 1920): 1017–19.Google Scholar

⁴⁸ In 1939, the employee or (usually) the employer could opt to accept the compensation law in thirty-four U.S. states. See , Fishback and , Kantor, A Prelude, 103–4; andGoogle ScholarU.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, Comparison of Workmen's Compensation Law of the United States as of January 1, 1925 (Washington, D.C., 1925), 2Google Scholar.

⁴⁹ Some industries, however, were permitted self-insurance. This is explained below. In the U.S., seven states had exclusive state funds, eleven had competitive state funds, and the rest had a private system. Self-insurance was often allowed under certain conditions. See , Fishback and , Kantor, A Prelude, 103–4Google Scholar.

⁵⁰ Hookstadt, Carl, “Comparison of Canadian Workmen's Compensation Laws,” Monthly Labor Review 10 (Mar. 1920): 765–74, 766Google Scholar ; LG (Apr. 1930): 397–99Google Scholar ; Department of Labour of Canada, Workmen's Compensation in Canada: A Comparison of Provincial Laws (Ottawa, 1944)Google Scholar.

⁵¹ Appeals to courts were allowed in U.S. states. See U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, Comparison of Workmen's Compensation Law, 13Google Scholar ; and LG (Apr. 1930): 399Google Scholar.

⁵² LG (Aug. 1920): 1016–17; ILO, Factory Inspection, 258–60Google Scholar ; Department of Labour of Canada, Workmen's Compensation in Canada, 18–19Google Scholar.

⁵³ Workmen's Compensation Board, The Workmen's Compensation Act (Toronto, 1914), 33.Google Scholar This mirrored the German model, as did other key features of the system. Meredith took his inspiration in writing the Ontario Workers' Compensation Act from his thorough study of existing laws in Europe and some U.S. states, especially Washington. See U.S. Department of Commerce and Labor, Twenty-Fourth Annual Report, 1039–42Google Scholar ; , Hookstadt, “Comparison of Canadian Workmen's Compensation,” 171Google Scholar ; and Department of Labour of Canada, Workmen's Compensation in Canada: Legislation Branch (Ottawa, 1969)Google Scholar.

⁵⁴ ILO, Factory Inspection, 258–60.Google Scholar

⁵⁵ The industries included in Schedule I formed the collective fund. Schedule II included national, provincial, and municipal corporations, as well as telephone and telegraph companies, steam and street railways, and navigation companies. These industries were individually liable.

⁵⁶ LG/i(June 1925): 582Google Scholar ; LG (Oct. 1933): 975Google Scholar.

⁵⁷ Sir Meredith, William R., Interim Report on Laws Relating to the Liability of Employers to Make Compensation to Their Employees for Injuries Received in the Course of Their Employment Which Are in Force in Other Countries, Brief submitted by Canadian Manufacturers Association (Toronto, 1912), 54.Google Scholar

⁵⁸ , Morley, “Accident Prevention,” 286.Google Scholar

⁵⁹ , Piva, “The Workmen's Compensation,” 46Google Scholar; , Risk, “‘This Nuisance of Litigation,’ ” 461–62Google Scholar.

⁶⁰ See, for example, LG (June 1925): 585Google Scholar ; and Ceramics and Stone Safety Association (hereafter SA), Report of the Annual General Meeting (hereafter RAGM) (Toronto, 1926), 6Google Scholar.

⁶¹ Workmen's Compensation Board, Annual Reports, 1915–1939 (Toronto, 1916–1940)Google Scholar ; Workmen's Compensation Board, The Workmen's Compensation Act with Amendments to 1920 (Toronto, 1920), 7–9Google Scholar ; Workmen's Compensation Board, The Workmen's Compensation Act with Amendments to 1942 (Toronto, 1942), 7–8Google Scholar.

⁶² LG (Aug. 1920): 1017–18 and 1918–19.Google Scholar

⁶³ Compensation in many U.S. states, meanwhile, was limited to between 150 and 400 weeks. Waiting periods for temporary disabilities were usually longer in U.S. states than in Ontario. See LG (Aug. 1920): 1012–20Google Scholar ; LG (Apr. 1930): 399Google Scholar ; , Hookstadt, “Comparison of Canadian Workmen's Compensation,” 173Google Scholar ; U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, Comparison of Workmen's Compensation, 7–12Google Scholar ; Workmen's Compensation Board, The Workmen's Compensation Act with Amendments to 1932 (Toronto 1932), 8Google Scholar ; Dawson, Miles M., “Ontario Procedure in Settlement of Workmen's Compensation Claims,” Monthly Labor Review 42 (Jan. 1936): 1–9, esp. 3-4; andGoogle Scholar, Fishback and , Kantor, A Prelude, 208–17Google Scholar.

⁶⁴ Reproduced in LG (Aug. 1922): 844.Google Scholar See also Logan, Harold A., Trade Unions in Canada: Their Development and Functioning (Toronto, 1948), 402Google Scholar ; , Piva, “The Workmen's Compensation,” 55Google Scholar ; , Campbell, “The Balance Wheel,” 311–14Google Scholar ; and LG (Oct. 1918): 888Google Scholar.

⁶⁵ , Campbell, “The Balance Wheel,” 320–21Google Scholar ; Workmen's Compensation Board, Ontario, Annual Report, 1918 (hereafter ARWCB), 63Google Scholar ; ARWCB 1927, 8–9; LG (June 1928): [599–600Google Scholar.

⁶⁶ ARWCB 1916, 7.

⁶⁷ Workmen's Compensation Board, Table of Rates, various years (Toronto).

⁶⁸ Workmen's Compensation Board, Table of Rates, 1921 (Toronto, 1921), 6.Google Scholar

⁶⁹ Workmen's Compensation Board, Annual Reports, 1921–1939 (Toronto, 1922–1940).Google Scholar

⁷⁰ See also ARWCB 1926, reproduced in the LG (June 1927): 636Google Scholar ; and ARWCB 1927, 27.

⁷¹ ARWCB 1915, 29; ARWCB 1919, 3; ARWCB 1930, 29.

⁷² I have estimated an equation, available upon request, relating the natural logarithm of the rate of assessment on a constant and a time trend.

⁷³ , Morley, “Accident Prevention,” 286.Google Scholar

⁷⁴ Joint Safety Convention, Discussion to the Ontario's Accident Prevention Problem (Toronto, 1922), 10.Google Scholar

⁷⁵ See for example LG (March 1922): 263Google Scholar ; Furniture Manufacturers SA, RAGM 1923, 2; Food and Tobacco Products SA, RAGM 1926, 4 and 8; Metal Trades SA, RAGM 1921, RAGM 1928, 8; Chemical Industries SA, RAGM 1932, 2; Printing Trades SA, RAGM 1933, 2; Joint Safety Convention, Discussion to the Solution of the Accident Problem from the Engineering Standpoint (Toronto, 1922), 15Google Scholar ; and Joint Safety Convention, The Solution of the Accident Problem by the Educational Method (Toronto, 1922)Google Scholar.

⁷⁶ ILO, Factory Inspection, 259Google Scholar ; LG (Oct. 1933): 975Google Scholar ; , Campbell, “The Balance Wheel,” 324Google Scholar.

⁷⁷ , Morley, “Accident Prevention,” 287Google Scholar ; LG (Oct. 1933): 974Google Scholar ; Joint Safety Convention, Ontario's Accident Prevention Problem (Toronto, 1922), 9Google Scholar ; ARWCB 1927, 6–7; ILO, Factory Inspection, 259; ARWCB 1933, reproduced in the LG (May 1934): 429Google Scholar ; , Campbell, “The Balance Wheel,” 324Google Scholar.

⁷⁸ Industrial Canada (Jan. 1907): 506Google Scholar ; , Meredith, Interim Report, Minutes of Evidence, 10Google Scholar.

⁷⁹ Joint Safety Convention, Discussion to the Solution of the Accident Problem, 15Google Scholar ; LG (June 1925): 591Google Scholar ; IAPA, Report of the Safety Convention and Annual General Meeting (hereafter RSCAGM) 1927,Google Scholar reproduced in the LG (June 1927): 640.Google Scholar See also Metal Trades SA, RAGM 1921, 8, and RAGM 1927, 19.

⁸⁰ Metal Trades SA, RAGM 1921, 8. See also , Meredith, Interim Report, Minutes of Evidence, 163Google Scholar ; IAPA, RSCAGM 1931, 21; and Metal Trades SA, RAGM 1927, 19.

⁸¹ Dawson, “Ontario Procedure.” See also , Gordon, “Industrial Injuries,” 208; andGoogle Scholar, Piva, “The Workmen's Compensation,” 54Google Scholar.

⁸² LG (June 1927): 639.Google Scholar See also ARWCB 1926, reproduced in the LG (June 1927): 636; and ARWCB 1927, 27. An additional problem was the increase in medical costs. The Associations recognized that accident prevention was the priority rather than accident follow-up. See Metal Trades SA, RAGM 1921, 5; Textile Manufacturers SA, RAGM 1928, 4; and Printing Trades SA, RAGM 1933, 5.

⁸³ Reproduced in LG (June 1925): 587Google Scholar ; and LG (Oct. 1933): 974Google Scholar.

⁸⁴ Metal Trades SA, RAGM 1921, 6; Metal Trades SA, RAGM 1928, 15; Textile Manufacturers SA, RAGM 1923, 5; Printing Trades SA, RAGM 1932, 2; LG (June 1925): 586–89Google Scholar.

⁸⁵ ARIF 1922, 83–88; Joint Safety Convention, Ontario's Accident Prevention Problem, 3–4 and 13Google Scholar ; IAPA, RSCAGM 1931, 24–26; LG (Mar. 1929): 298 and 1301; , Campbell, “The Balance Wheel,” 322Google Scholar ; , McCallum, “Corporate Welfarism,” 66Google Scholar ; , Naylor, The New Democracy, 167Google Scholar.

⁸⁶ ILO, Factory Inspection, 258Google Scholar ; LG (Oct. 1933): 975.Google Scholar The new inspectorate supplemented rather than substituted for provincial inspection. Provincial inspectors remained in charge of the enforcement of the Factories' Act, which was expanded with the enactment of the Factory, Shop and Office Building Act in 1913.

⁸⁷ , Morley, “Accident Prevention,” 287.Google Scholar Information on the number of inspectors and inspections, not available annually, is taken from: ARWCB, 1920–1928; IAPA, RSCAGM 1923, 11; LG (June 1925): 582Google Scholar ; LG (May 1940): 413Google Scholar ; and , Morley, “Accident Prevention,” 287–88Google Scholar.

⁸⁸ ILO, Factory Inspection, 253 and 258.Google Scholar See also Morley, “Accident Prevention”; and IAPA, RSCAGM 1931, 29–30.

⁸⁹ For 1928, see Ceramics and Stone SA, RAGM 1928, 5; Leather, Rubber and Tanners SA, RAGM 1928, 5; Metal Trades SA, RAGM, 9; Packers SA, RAGM 1928, 7; Printing Trades SA, RAGM 1928, 6; and Textile Manufacturers SA, RAGM 1928, 5.

⁹⁰ LG (June 1928): 600Google Scholar ; LG (Oct. 1918): 888Google Scholar.

⁹¹ IAPA, RSCAGM 1923, 11; , Morley, “Accident Prevention,” 287Google Scholar ; LG (Apr. 1926): 362.Google Scholar See also Furniture Manufacturers SA, RAGM 1923, 5; Implement and Vehicle Manufacturers SA, RGAM 1923, 6; Metal Trades SA, RAGM 1924, 7; Woodworkers SA, RAGM 1924, 6; Ceramics and Stone SA, RAGM 1928, 5; Printing Trades SA, RAGM 1928, 5–6; and Textile Manufacturers SA, RAGM 1928, 4.

⁹² For the Algoma Steel Corporation, see Metal Trades SA, RAGM 1933, 2.

⁹³ LG (Nov. 1918): 1028Google Scholar ; LG (Dec. 1925): 1190Google Scholar.

⁹⁴ Metal Trades SA, RAGM 1921, 21; Food and Tobacco SA, RAGM 1926, 9–10; Joint Safety Convention, The Solution of the Accident Problem, 5–6Google Scholar ; Metal Trades SA, RAGM 1927, 12; Printing Trades SA, RAGM 1933, 2; LG (May 1921): 650Google Scholar ; LG (June 1927): 639Google Scholar ; LG (June 1928): 610Google Scholar ; LG (Apr. 1934): 323Google Scholar.

⁹⁵ Canadian Congress Journal 4 (June 1925), 25Google Scholar ; Canadian Congress Journal 6 (Sept. 1927): 15–16Google Scholar ; Trades and Labour Congress of Canada, Summary of the Proceedings of the 42nd Annual Convention, reproduced in LG (Oct. 1926): 964Google Scholar ; , Dawson, “Ontario Procedure,” 9Google Scholar ; , Logan, Trade Unions, 503Google Scholar.

⁹⁶ I have not found evidence of any strong opposition by workers to the introduction of new safety procedures. We should not, however, dismiss the existence of antagonism. As shown by Aldrich, Safety First, with regard to the U.S. case, initial resistance was common because new safety procedures were often imposed from above. See also Esbester, Michael, “Organizing Work: Company Magazines and the Discipline of Safety,” Management and Organizational History 3 (Aug. 2008): 217–37; andCrossRefGoogle ScholarTaksa, Lucy, “Intended or Unintended Consequences? A Critical Reappraisal of the Safety First Movement and its Non-Union Safety Committees,” Economic and Industrial Democracy 30 (Feb. 2009): 9–36CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁹⁷ For Canada as a whole, See Jamieson, Stuart, Industrial Relations in Canada (Toronto, 1973), 18–19Google Scholar ; Huberman, Michael and Young, Denise, “Hope against Hope: Strike Activity in Canada, 1920–1939,” Explorations in Economic History 39 (July 2002): 315–54,CrossRefGoogle Scholar and the works cited therein. For Ontario, see Tucker, “The Determination of Occupational Health and Safety”; Palmer, Bryan, “Taking It: Ontario's Workers Struggle,” in Lectures in Canadian Labour and Working Class History, ed. Cherwinski, W. J. C. and Kealey, Gregory S. (St. Johns, Newfoundland, 1985), 183–98; andGoogle Scholar, Douglas, Cruikshank and Kealey, Gregory S., “Strikes in Canada, 1891–1950,” Labour/Le Travail 20 (Fall 1987): 85–145Google Scholar.

⁹⁸ , McCallum, “Corporate Welfarism,” 73.Google Scholar

⁹⁹ , Tucker, “The Determination of Occupational Health and Safety,” 285.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁰ , Tucker, Administering Danger, 208Google Scholar ; , Piva, “The Workmen's Compensation,” 56Google Scholar.

¹⁰¹ Department of Labour of Canada, Workmen's Compensation in Canada, 3Google Scholar ; , Gordon, “Industrial Injuries,” 208Google Scholar.