¹ As indicated by the names of those who organized and funded Brazil's first two commercial associations. Jornal do Comércio (Rio de Janeiro), 2 Sept. 1834, 2; Associaçāo Comercial do Rio de Janeiro, “Regulamento para a Praçado Comércio do Rio de Janeiro,” in Fazenda, José Vieira, Notas Histôricas sòbre a Praça do Cornércio e a Associaçāo Comercial do Rio de Janeiro (Rio de Janeiro, 1915), 22Google Scholar; Pinto, Estevāo, A Associaçāo Comercial de Pernambuco (Recife, 1940), 7.Google Scholar

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⁵ For an overview, see Saul, S. B., The Myth of the Great Depression, 1873–1896 (London, 1969)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Among Brazilian exports, coffee was little affected by the fall in prices, except for the period 1880–86. Arthur Lewis, W., Growth and Fluctuations, 1870–1913 (London, 1978), 72Google Scholar; Brasil, Instituto Brasileiro de Geografia e Estatística, Anuário Estatístico, 1939–40 (Rio de Janeiro, 1941), 1378.Google Scholar Complaints of lowered industrial profits by chambers of commerce and manufacturers testifying before the Royal Commission on the Depression of Trade and Industry in 1886 were almost universal. Great Britain, Parliamentary Papers, 1886, 21(e. 4621) and (c. 4715), passim.

⁶ Association of British Chambers of Commerce, Report and Resolutions Adopted at the Fortieth Annual Meeting of the ACC of the UK.… 1900 [Annual Report] (London, 1900), 3Google Scholar; London Chamber of Commerce, Nineteenth Annual Report of the Council to the Members of the Chamber Transactions of the Year 1900 (London, 1901), 8Google Scholar; Ridings, Eugene, Business Interest Groups in Nineteenth-Century Brazil (Cambridge, 1994), 26, 49.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁷ The efforts of industrial pressure groups, combined with problems in Brazil's traditional agricultural export economy, led to growing support for industrialization and to a corresponding weakening ot the influence of commercial associations. Ridings, Eugene W., “Business Associationalism, the Legitimation of Enterprise, and the Emergence of a Business Elite in Nineteenth-Century Brazil,” Business History Review 63 (Winter 1989): 757–96.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁸ For example, a regional meeting called in Manchester in 1894 to protest the reimposition of cotton textile duties by the government of India was attended by eleven manufacturers' or employers' associations, in addition to two chambers of commerce and a trade union. Manchester Guardian, 19 Dec. 1894, 4.

⁹ Alderman, Geoffrey, The Railway Interest (Leicester, 1973), 13Google Scholar; Melvor, Arthur, Organised Capital: Employers' Associations and Industrial Relations in Northern England (Cambridge, 1996), 56Google Scholar. For dates of formation, see Wolfe, Archibald J., Commercial Organizations in the United Kingdom, Department of Commerce Special Agent Series no. 102 (Washington, D.C., 1915), 24–5, 41–53.Google Scholar

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¹¹ Chamber of Commerce Journal (London) 19, no. 4 (1900): 96. The Liverpool Chamber was organized with the participation of several long-existent local trade associations. Liverpool Chamber of Commerce, First Animal Report of the Council, Presented to the Chamber at the General Meeting, Held February 3, 1851 (Liverpool, 1851).

¹² See Powell, L. H., A Hundred Yean On: The History of the Liverpool Steam Ship Owners' Association, 1858–1958 (Liverpool, 1958).Google Scholar For the Railway Companies' Association and other railway groups, see Bagwell, Philip S., “The Railway Interest: Its Organization and Influence, 1839–1914,” The Journal of Transport History 7 (1965): 65–86CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Alderman, Railway Interest. Another national shipowners' association, the Shipping Federation (1890),was created primarily to combat trade-union militancy. Powell, L. H., The Shipping Federation: A History of the First Sixty Years, 1890–1950 (London, 1950).Google Scholar The Liverpool Steam Ship Owners' Association affiliated with the Liverpool Chamber of Commerce in 1889. Liverpool Chamber of Commerce, Annual Report, 1890, 3.

¹³ Signaled bv the attempt to maintain the monopoly of the Rio-based Bank of Brazil as a bank of issue. Peláez, Carlos Manuel and Suzigan, Wilson, História Monetá;ria do Brasil (Rio de Janeiro, 1976), 113–19Google Scholar; Franco, Afonso Arinos de Melo and Pacheco, Cláudio, História do Banco do Brasil (Rio de Janeiro, 1973), 1: 130.Google Scholar

¹⁴ The Commercial Association of Rio de Janeiro also refused to support any organization based in Rio that it did not dominate. Commercial Association of Rio de Janeiro, Relatório da Associação Comercial do Rio de Janeiro de 1904 (Rio de Janeiro, 1904), 60–1.Google Scholar For the Association of British Chambers of Commerce, see Ilersic, Alfred Roman, Parliament of Commerce: The Story of the Association of British Chambers of Commerce, 1820–1960 (London, 1960).Google Scholar

¹⁵ This list is based principally on Eckstein, Harry, Pressure Group Politics: The Case of the British Medical Association (London, 1960), 34–5Google Scholar, and Wootton, Graham, Interest Groups (Englewood Cliffs, N.J., 1970), 83.Google Scholar

¹⁶ Love, Joseph L., “Political Participation in Brazil, 1881–1969,” Luso-Brazilian Review 7 (Dec. 1970): 7.Google Scholar However, prior to 1881, roughly one-half of the nation's free males were registered as indirect voters. Graham, Richard, Patronage and Politics in Nineteenth-Century Brazil (Stanford, Calif., 1990), 108–9.Google Scholar

¹⁷ Ridings, Eugene, “Business, Nationality, and Dependency in Late Nineteenth Century Brazil,” Journal of Latin American Studies 14 (May 1982): 55–85.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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¹⁹ For a list of bills before Parliament sponsored by the Association of British Chambers of Commerce in 1882, for example, see Minutes, meeting of the Executive Council, 21Apr. 1882, Association of British Chambers of Commerce, Minutes of the Executive Council (hereafter cited as ABCC/MEC), vol. 3: 1876–1883, Guildhall Library (hereafter cited as GL), London, Ms. 14, 476, unpaginated.

²⁰ Commercial Association of Pará; to Comptroller (Procurador Fiscal) of Provincial Treasury, Belém, 30 Sept., 1870, Relatório da Associaçãdo Comercial do Pará de 1871 (Belém, 1871), Anexos, 16–17.

²¹ Prindle to Department of State, Salvador, 24 Nov. 1881. National Archives/Department of State T-331, vol. 4, unpaginated.

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²³ For example, Minutes, extraordinary meeting of 17 Nov. 1891, Livro 5 de Atas, Arquivoda Assoeiação Comercial da Bahia (hereafter cited as AACB), Salvador, 386; Associação Comercial de Santos, Relatório da Associação Comercial de Santos de 1881 (Rio de Janeiro, 1881), 14Google Scholar; Guimarães, Wenceslau, 11 May, 1928, Estado da Bahia, Assembléia Legislativa, Diário da Assembléia (Salvador, 1928), 285.Google Scholar

²⁴ See note 17, above. Most commercial associations, however, took care that their presidents were Brazilian.

²⁵ Ridings, “Business Associationalism,” 786–96.

²⁶ For the distinction between direct and indirect lobbying, see Holtzman, Abraham, Interest Groups and Lobbying (New York, 1966), 76, 100–3Google Scholar. Modern pressure groups tend to place a much greater emphasis on indirect lobbying. Key, V. O., Politics, Parties, and Pressure Groups, 4th ed. (New York, 1958), 103Google Scholar; Truman, David, The Governmental Process: Political Interests and Public Opinion (New York, 1962), 213–14.Google Scholar

²⁷ Martin, Ross M., TUC: The Growth of a Pressure Group (Oxford, 1980), 8–13Google Scholar; Zisk, Betty H., “Interest Groups and the Political Process,” in American Political Interest Groups: Readings in Theory and Research, ed. Zisk, Betty H. (Belmont, Calif., 1969), 158.Google Scholar

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²⁹ Brazil, Relatório do Ministro da Fazenda (hereafter cited as RMF), 1882 (Rio de Janeiro, 1882), 33, and RMF, 1893, 10.

³⁰ Recognition came by way of a decree awarding official approval to the organization's statutes. Curiously, the relationship was based more on custom than law. Not until well into the twentieth century did the commercial associations receive formal legal status as consultative organs to government. “A Mentalidade Econômica e as Associaçãoes Comerciais,” Revista do Dereito Comercial 40 (1940); 338; Joāo da Costa e Suva Sobrinho, Santos Noutros Tempos (Sáo Paulo, 1953), 251.Google Scholar

³¹ Minutes, meeting of 8 May 1896, ABCC, MEC, vol 5: 1895–1907, GL, Ms. 14, 476. Of course, chambers of commerce commonly testified previously, but always at the invitation of the committee. In 1884, chambers of commerce obtained the official right to testify before private parliamentary committees on railway bills. Association of British Chambers of Commerce, Annual Report, 1885, 12–13.

³² This relationship was formalized by the awarding of “Honorary Membership” in the Association. Minutes, special general meeting of 10 May 1866, ABCC, MEC, vol. 1: 1860–1869, GL, Ms. 14, 476. For the names of these MPs, see Association of British Chambers of Commerce, Annual Reports, 1867–1900

³³ For example, Jornal do Comércio, 2 Sept. 1834, 2; Associação Comercial do Rio de Janeiro, Relatório de 1875, 5.

³⁴ Beresford, M. W., The Leeds Chamber of Commerce (Leeds, 1951), 62.Google Scholar

³⁵ The proportion of wool from British sheep consumed in the United Kingdom declined from 62 percent in 1850–59 to 29 percent in 1890–99. Crouzet, Francois, The Victorian Economy, trans. Foster, Anthony (New York, 1982), 214.Google Scholar

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³⁷ Redford, Arthur et al., Manchester Merchants and Foreign Trade (Manchester, 1934–1956), 1: 218–27Google Scholar; 2: 12–19. See also Silver, Arthur W., Manchester Men and Indian Cotton, 1847–1872 (Manchester, 1966)Google Scholar; and Harnetty, Peter, Imperialism and Free Trade: Lancashire and India in the Mid-Nineteenth Century (Vancouver, 1972).Google Scholar

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³⁹ For example, Bradford Chamber of Commerce, Third Annual Report of the Council, Presented to the Chamber.… 1854 (Bradford, 1854)Google Scholar, 15–16; and Annual Report, 1861, 19, 28–9.

⁴⁰ Ridings, Business Interest Groups, 101–5.

⁴¹ Hametty, Imperialism and Free Trade, 104.

⁴² Liverpool Chamber of Commerce, Annual Report, 1885, 75–8.

⁴³ Manchester Guardian, 10 Dec. 1896, 3; 16 Dec. 1896, 7; and 13 Oct. 1898, 10. The chambers also tried unsuccessfully to force similar action for the colony of Lagos.

⁴⁴ Consumption by British mills in 1864 was only 51 percent that of 1860, but the inferiority of the cotton required that 60 to 70 percent of the workforce be retained. Manchester Guardian, 31 Jan. 1865, 6.

⁴⁵ For the reasons for this failure see Harnetty, Lancashire and India, 60–100.

⁴⁶ Brazil, Institute Brasileiro de Geografia e Estatística, Anuário Estatístico, 1939–40, 1375. For Cuban competition, see Denslow, David, “Sugar Production in Northeastern Brazil and Cuba, 1858–1908” (Ph.D. diss., Yale University, 1974).Google Scholar Cotton exportation also fell, but mainly because raw cotton was increasingly absorbed by Brazilian textile manufactures.

⁴⁷ Villela, Annibal Villanova and Suzigan, Wilson, Politico do Governo e Crecimento da Economia Brasileira, 1889–1945 (Rio de Janeiro, 1975), 12Google Scholar; Love, Joseph L., São Paulo in the Brazilian Federation, 1889–1937 (Stanford, Calif., 1880), 62.Google Scholar

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⁴⁹ Guttsman, W. L., The British Political Elite (London, 1963), 40–1, 88–9, 104Google Scholar; Thomas, J. A., The House of Commons, 1832–1901: A Study of its Economic and Functional Character (Cardiff, 1939), 4–7, 14–17.Google Scholar Not until 1906 did aristocrats fade to a permanent minority in the cabinet. Guttsman, Political Elite, 78.

⁵⁰ Platt, D. C. M., Finance, Trade, and Politics in British Foreign Policy, 1815–1914 (Oxford, 1968), xvii-xxixGoogle Scholar, and passim; Jones, Ray, The Nineteenth-Century Foreign Office: An Administrative History (London, 1971), 60–4.Google Scholar

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⁵² Richard Cobden (1804–65) and John Bright (1811–89) were both connected with the cotton industry, leaders of the anti-Corn Law movement, spokesmen for economicliberalism, and critics of aristocratic political and social hegemony. Bright served as president of the Board of Trade from 1868 to 1870. Cobden refused cabinet office, but negotiated a landmark commercial treaty with France in 1859–60. Recent biographies of Cobden are Edsall, Nicholas C., Richard Cobden, Independent Radical (Cambridge, Mass., 1986)CrossRefGoogle Scholar and Hinde, Wendy, Richard Cobden: Victorian Outsider (New Haven, Conn., 1987).CrossRefGoogle Scholar For Bright, see Ausubel, Herman, John Bright: Victorian Reformer (London, 1966)Google Scholar, and Robbins, Keith, John Bright (Boston, 1979).Google Scholar

⁵³ On direct taxation of land, see Minutes, meeting of 5 Apr. 1877, Livro 4 de Atas, Arquivo da Associação Comercial de Pernambuco (hereafter cited as AACP), 83; Minutes, meeting of 17 March 1892, Livro 6 de Atas, AACB, 20. For an exception, see Commercial Association of Rio de Janeiro to Chamber of Deputies, Rio de Janeiro, 2 July 1885, Relatório de 1884–1885, 30–2.

⁵⁴ The term “gentlemanly capitalism” derives from Caine, P. J. and Hopkins, A. G., “Gentlemanly Capitalism and British Expansion Overseas, I: The Old Colonial System, 1688–1850,” Economic History Review 39 (1986): 501–25CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and “II: New Imperialism 1850–1945,” Economic History Review 40 (1987): 1–26. They see imperialism as an expression of the aristocratic structure and values ot British society. Martin Wiener's controversial English Culture and the Decline of the Industrial Spirit, 1850–1980 (New York, 1981) posits a pervasive gen-trification of bourgeois culture and a consequent anti-industrial and anti-urban spirit as major factors in Britain's relative economic decline. Somewhat similarly, Anderson, Perry, in “The Figures of Descent,” New Left Review 161 (1987): 10–77Google Scholar, sees the agrarian and aristocratic stamp of British society and the subordination of industrial capital vis-à-vis financial capital as contributing to that decline. An excellent, skeptical, survey of the question is Daunton, M. J., “[Gentlemanly Capitalism] and British Industry, 1820–1914,” Past & Present 122 (1989): 119–58.CrossRefGoogle ScholarRaven, James examines the considerable popular impact of Wiener's thesis in “British History and Enterprise Culture,” Past & Present 123 (1989): 178–204.CrossRefGoogle ScholarCollins, Brace, Robbins, Keith, Payne, Peter, Rubinstein, W. D., and James, Harold debate the question in British Culture and Economic Decline, eds. Collins, Bruce and Robbins, Keith (New York, 1990)Google Scholar. Rubinstein, W. D., Capitalism, Culture and Decline in Britain, 1750–1990 (New York, 1993)Google Scholar offers a critical look at cultural explanations of Britain's relative economic decline.

⁵⁵ For two such figures active in the Association of British Chambers of Commerce and other chambers, see Armytage, W. H. G., A. J. Mundella, 1825–1897: The Liberal Background to the Labour Movement (London, 1951)Google Scholar, and Hodder, Edwin, The Life of Samuel Morley, 2d ed. (London, 1887).Google Scholar

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⁵⁹ Ridings, Business Interest Groups, 306.

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⁶² A subject of perennial agitation by the Association of British Chambers of Commerce. See its Annual Reports, 1867–1900, passim, and Searle, G. R., Entrepreneurial Politics in Mid-Victorian Britain (New York, 1993), 178–81.CrossRefGoogle Scholar For Yorkshire chambers, see Leeds Chamber of Commerce, Report of the Council [Annual Report], and Proceedings at the Annual Meeting of the Members Held in the Philosophical Hall, Leeds, on Friday, 27th January, 1888 (Leeds, 1888), 15–16.Google Scholar The Manchester Chamber dissented from this movement. Minutes, meetings of 8 Feb. 18.52 and 30 Jan. 1854, Manchester Chamber of Commerce (hereafter cited as MCC) Proceedings, 1849–58, Records Office, Manchester City Library (hereafter cited as RO/MCL), M8/2/5, 242, 374.

⁶³ Rios, José Arthur, “A Tradição Mercantilista na Formação Brasileira,” Revista Brasileira da Economia 26 (July-Sept. 1972): 255–72Google Scholar; Topik, Steven, “The Evolution of the Economic Role of the Brazilian State, 1889–1930,” Journal of Latin American Studies 11 (Nov. 1979): 325–42.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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⁷⁴ In 1882 in São Paulo, railway freight was estimated to constitute 25 percent of the average sale price of coffee, and in Pernambuco in the 1880s, between 20 and 50 percent of the value of sugar, depending on variety, price, and exchange rate. These were periods of low price for both commodities. Wright to Department of State, Santos, 25 March 1882, United States Reports from Consuls (hereafter cited as USRC), 6, no. 20 (June 1882): 242; Milet, Henrique Augusto, A Lavoura de Cana de Açucar (Recife, 1881), 33Google Scholar; Associação Comercial de Pernambuco, Relatório de 1887, 36.

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⁷⁸ Commercial Association of Rio de Janeiro, Relatório de 1879, 30, Relatório de 1880, 7, and Relatório de 1881, 7.

⁷⁹ Also stimulated bv exchange depreciation, the number of factories increased from 636 in 1889 to 1,088 in 1895. Baer, Werner, Industrialization and Economic Development in Brazil (Homewood, Ill., 1965), 13.Google Scholar

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⁸¹ Association of British Chambers of Commerce, Annual Report, 1894, 70. For Chamberlain's views, see Manchester Guardian, 12 July 1888, 6. On the question, see also Robb, White-Collar Crime, 181–9.

⁸² Association of British Chambers of Commerce, Autumn Meeting, 1900, 57.

⁸³ Associação Comercial de Pernambuco, Relatório de 1859, 6; Barros, Eudes, Associação Comercial no Império e na República, 2d ed. rev. (Rio de Janeiro, 1975), 88–9Google Scholar; Associação Comercial da Bahia, Relatório da Associação Comercial da Bahia de 1873 (Salvador, 1873), 4.Google Scholar

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⁸⁵ The effect of alleged deficiencies in technical education on Britain's relative economic decline is a subject of much controversy. See Pollard, Sidney, Britain's Prime and Britain's Decline: The British Economy, 1870–1914 (London, 1989), 115–213Google Scholar; Edgerton, David, Science, Technology and the British Industrial ‘Decline’, 1870–1970 (Cambridge, 1996)Google Scholar; Sanderson, Michael, Education and Economic Decline in Britain, 1870 to the 1990s (Cambridge, 1999).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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⁸⁸ Emilia Viotti da Costa, “Brazil: The Age of Reform, 1870–1889,” in The Cambridge Historty of Latin America, vol. 5: c. 1870–1930, ed. Bethell, Leslie (Cambridge, 1986), 742Google Scholar; Murilo de Carvalho, A Construçāo da Ordem, 126–9.

⁸⁹ Representação Dirigida pela Comissão da Lavoura e Comércio a sua Alteza Imperial Regente, Salvador, 5 July 1888, Presidência da Província/Govêrno ao Assoeiação Comercial, 1846–89, Arquivo do Estadoda Bahia; Viveiros, Jerônimo de, História do Comércio do Maranhāo, 1612–1895 (São Luís, 1954), 2: 471.Google Scholar

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⁹¹ Commercial Association of Porto Alegre, Relatório da Praça do Comércio de Porto Alegre dos Anos de 1872 e 1873 (Porto Alegre, 1873), 9.Google Scholar

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⁹⁵ Minutes, meeting of 21 Feb. 1867, ABCC, MEC, vol. 1; 1860–69, GL, Ms. 14,476; Minutes, meeting of 6 Feb. 1867, LeCC Minute Book, 1851–67, BLLU, MS [Deposit] 1951/1–1, 645; Association of British Chambers of Commerce, Annual Report, 1888, 56, 94; Leeds Chamber of Commerce, Annual Report, 1900, 16–17. For nationalization of telegraphs, see fn. 50. For nationalization of the telephone system, see Hazlewood, Arthur, “The Origin of the State Telephone System in Britain,” Oxford Economic Papers 5 (1953): 13–25CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Forman-Peck, James and Millward, Robert, Public and Private Ownership of British Industry, 1820–1990 (New York, 1994), 97–104CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Perry, Victorian Post-Office, 169–200.

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⁹⁷ For India, see, for example, Association of British Chambers of Commerce, Annual Report, 1895, 8; Manchester Guardian, 1 Feb. 1884, 3; Liverpool Chamber of Commerce, Annual Report, 1884, 13. For Africa, see Liverpool Chamber of Commerce, Annual Report, 1893, 110, and Annual Report, 1895, 76–7; Leeds Chamber of Commerce, Annual Report, 1893, 12–14.

⁹⁸ Kesner, Richard M., Economic Control and Colonial Development: Crown Colony Financial Management in the Age of Joseph Chamberlain (Westport, Conn., 1981), 106–7.Google Scholar See also Omosini, Olufemi, “Railway Projects and British Attitudes towards the Development of West Africa, 1872–1903,” Journal of the Historical Society of Nigeria 5 (June 1971): 491–507.Google Scholar

⁹⁹ Significantly, these bodies were attached to local commercial associations and administered by a combination of association members and government employees. Brazil, leis, decretos, etc., Decretos do Govêrno Provisório da República dos Estados Unidos do Brasil (Rio de Janeiro, 1890), 313.

¹⁰⁰ Abramovitz, Moses and Eliasberg, Vera F., The Growth of Public Employment in Great Britain (Princeton, N.J., 1957), 69.Google Scholar

¹⁰¹ Hill to Department of State, Santos, 20 Dec. 1897, USRC, 56, no. 210 (March 1898): 387.

¹⁰² As calculated in Great Britain, Foreign Office, Diplomatic and Consular Reports, no. 504 (1888): 57, and Cavalcanti, Amaro, Resenha Financeira do Ex-hnpério do Brasil em 1889 (Rio de Janeiro, 1890), 16.Google Scholar For 1898, see Duncan, Julian Smith, Public and Private Operation of Railways in Brazil (New York, 1932), 47.Google Scholar Because most guaranteed interest on capital was payable in gold, the depreciation of the mil-reis after 1889 greatly increased the burden.

¹⁰³ For example. Association of British Chambers of Commerce, Annual Report, 1876, 116; Leeds Chamber of Commerce, Annual Report, 1878, 8–9; Wright, Birmingham Chamber, 253, 286, 297. Court-ordered debt imprisonment lingered, although decreasingly imposed, until 1970. Lester, Victorian Insolvency, 89–122; G. R. Rubin, “Law, Poverty and Imprisonment for Debt, 1869–1914,” in Law, Economy and Society, 1750–1914, 241–99.

¹⁰⁴ The Rio de Janeiro News, 15 Sept. 1887, 4.

¹⁰⁵ Ridings, Business Interest Groups, 161–6.

¹⁰⁶ William D. Grampp, The Manchester School of Economics (Stanford, Calif., 1960), 127.

¹⁰⁷ For example, Association of British Chambers of Commerce to President, Board of Trade, London, 23 April 1893, Annual Report, 1894, 41–2; Manchester Guardian, 21 July 1898, 4; “Government and Trade,” Chamber of Commerce Journal 5 (1886): 53–4.

¹⁰⁸ The Association of British Chambers of Commerce nominated six of the original fourteen members of this committee. Association of British Chambers of Commerce, Annual Report, 1901, 31–2.

¹⁰⁹ Association of British Chambers of Commerce, Annual Reports, 1885–1900. On landowner support for rating of machinery, see Matthews, A. H. H., Fifty Years of Agricultural Politics: Being the History of the Central Chamber of Agriculture, 1865–1915 (London, 1915), 100, 106, 111Google Scholar; Offer, Property and Politics, 201–5.

¹¹⁰ Sabine, B. E. V., A History of Income Tax (London, 1966), 140–5Google Scholar, and passim. Chamber of commerce demands for differentiation began in the 1850s. Wright, Birmingham Chamber, 132–3; Bristol Chamber of Commerce, Report and Resolutions of the Bristol Chamber of Commerce at the Half-Yearly Meeting… 1856 (Bristol, 1856), 21.Google Scholar

¹¹¹ Mclvor, Organized Capital, 9, passim.

¹¹² Alderman, Geoffrey, Pressure Groups and Government in Great Britain (New York, 1984), 14–15.Google Scholar

¹¹³ Font, Maurício A, Coffee, Contention, and Change in the Making of Modern Brazil (Oxford, 1990), 110–11Google Scholar; Schmitter. Interest Conflict and Political Change in Brazil, 147–8.

¹¹⁴ Schmitter, Interest Conflict, 195.