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Two Syriac Inscriptions from Harran
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 24 December 2009
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It is remarkable that no Syriac inscriptions have been discovered hitherto at Harran or in its immediate vicinity. Cuneiform tablets have been unearthed, and these reflect the prominence of the city in ancient times.But written records in Syriac have been strangely absent. And yet we know that for more than a millennium—certainly until the eleventh century—the indigenous inhabitants of Harran spoke Syriac. Lying only about 30 kilometres south of Edessa, the home of classical Syriac, Harran was nevertheless able to maintain jealously its distinctive character and traditions.
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- Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies , Volume 20 , Issue 1 , February 1957 , pp. 513 - 522
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- Copyright © School of Oriental and African Studies 1957
References
page 513 note 1 Pognon found a cuneiform tablet of the period of Nabonidus at Eski Harran in 1906; Inscriptions sémitiques de la Syrie, de la Mésopotamie et de la région de Mossoul, 1 ff., Sidney Smith, Babylonian historical texts, 30, and Dhorme, E., Revue d'Assyriologie, XLI, 1947.Google Scholar In 1949 a stele with a cuneiform text of which little is now legible was recovered by Bay Nuri Gokçe, apparently at Açaği Yarimca; Anatolian Studies, i, 1951, 80, 108–110 Google Scholar. A valuable collection of cuneiform tablets was unearthed at Sultantepe north of Harran by Seton Lloyd in 1951–2; Gurney, O.R.,‘The Sultantepe tablets’, Anatolian Studies, II, 1952 Google Scholar, and the following years. In 1956 three important stelae of the period of Nabonidus were discovered by D. S. Rice in the area of the Great Mosque at Harran itself.
page 513 note 2 See the discussion in A. Mez, Qeschichte der Stadt Harran. … bis zum Einfall der Araber.
page 513 note 3 Chwolson, D., Ssabier und der Ssabismus, i, 666 Google Scholar; cf. Rice, , ‘Medieval Harran’, Anatolian Studies, II, 1952, 43 f.Google Scholar
page 513 note 4 It is these inscriptions to which I refer in BSOAS, xvi, 1, 1954, 15 Google Scholar, n. 1. I may, however, have been wrong there in suggesting that the shorter of these two inscriptions is from a church; see the discussion on p. 520 below.
page 513 note 5 Plate II; see the Appendix by Dr. Donald Strong, of the Department of Greek and Roman Antiquities of the British Museum.
page 514 note 1 On this cf. Littmann, E., Semitic inscriptions (Part iv of the Publications of an American Archaeological Expedition to Syria in 1899–1900), 1904, 30. The practice of retracing the letters of ancient inscriptions in red paint continues in the Urfa region to the present day.Google Scholar
page 517 note 1 See my article in BSOAS, xvi, 1, 1954 Google Scholar, 30 ff.
page 518 note 1 cf. the Nabatean inscription of the first century A.D., Cooke, G.A., A text-book of North-Semitic inscriptions, 224 (No. 81).Google Scholar
page 518 note 2 Cooke, op. cit., 236 (No. 91), 308 (No. 143), 310 (No. 144).
page 518 note 3 On the Serrin inscription see Pognon, op. cit., 15 ff., and B. Moritz, ‘Syrische Inschriften’, in M. von Oppenheim, Inschriften aus Syrien, Mesopotamien und Kleinasien, 158. Pagan Syriac inscriptions at Sumatar Harabesi are described by Pognon, op. cit., 23; those at Kirk Mağara and elsewhere in the vicinity of Urfa by Pognon, op. cit., 76, 86, 103,179, 204, and Moritz, op. cit., 165, 171. See the list in BS0AS, xvi, 1, 1954, 14 Google Scholar. To this list must now be added five brief inscriptions at Sumatar Harabesi, three at Urfa itself on the walls of cave tombs, two inscribed at the side of stone figures in relief (one at Diyarbekir, the other at Urfa), and the inscriptions on four mosaic floors at Urfa; all were found during a season at Urfa in 1956, and will be published shortly.
page 518 note 4 Chwolson, op. cit., II.
page 518 note 5 Gadd, C.J. in Lloyd, S. and Brice, W., ‘Harran’, Anatolian Studies, I, 1951, 108–10Google Scholar; cf. ib., 80, 93–96.
page 518 note 6 Dio Cassius, LXXVIII.5; Herodian, Ant. Caracalla, 13.3–6; Spartian, Ant. Caracalla, 6.6, 7.1–2.
page 520 note 1 Littmann, , Semitic inscriptions (Part iv of the Publications of an American Expedition to Syria in 1899–1900), 1904, 12, and above, p. 517, n. 1.Google Scholar
page 520 note 2 Littmann, op. cit., 11 f.
page 520 note 3 Below, p. 521.
page 520 note 4 See Mez, op. cit.
page 520 note 5 S. Silviae (Aetheriae) peregrinatio, 20.8, ed. P. Geyer (Corpus Script. Eccles. Latin., Tom. xxxix, 66).
page 520 note 6 Meister, K., ‘De itinerario Aetheriae abbatissae …’, Sheinisches Museum, LXIV, 1909, 337 Google Scholar. This Latin journal has been ascribed also to the fourth and fifth centuries; see the bibliography in Monneret de Villard, U., Rendiconti dell' Acad. Naz. dei Lincei (Classe di Scienze Morali ….;), Ser. VIII, vol. vi, fasc. 3–4, 1951 Google Scholar, 90, n. 7. The date suggested by Meister remains, however, the most probable.
page 521 note 1 Chronicon ad annum Christi 1234 pertinens, LXXIX, ed. J. B. C‘kabot (Corpus Script. Christ. Orient., Vol. 81, Scriptores Syri, Tom. 36, 214).
page 521 note 2 Dimensions: height, 34 cm., lower diameter 28 cm. The material is the local limestone.
page 521 note 3 The general type of Syrian Corinthian capitals is well illustrated by Weigand, E. in ‘Baalbek und Rom’, Jahrbuch des Deutschen Archdologisches Institute, xxix, 1914, 37–91 Google Scholar. For the absence of cauliculi see, for example, the capitals of the Triumphal Arch at Gerash, Kraeling, C.H. (ed.), Oerasa, a city of the. Dodecapolis, 1938, pi. Xld.Google Scholar
page 521 note 4 The dependence of architectural ornament in Osrhoene on Roman Syria is illustrated by the capitals of the two honorific columns at Urfa (Edessa). These compare very closely with the capitals of the North Temple at Gerash; Weigand, art. cit., Beil. 2, fig. 15.
page 521 note 5 Some of the more common forms are briefly described by von Mercklin, E., Arch. Anzeiger, 1925, cols. 161–70.Google Scholar
page 521 note 6 Schlumberger, D., Syria, xiv, 1933, 283–317.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
page 521 note 7 A fine capital at Vienne but almost certainly of Syrian workmanship, with busts of deities on all four faces, is described by Weigand, art. cit., Beil. 2, fig. 11.
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