¹ See Lassner, Jacob, The topography of Baghdad in the early Middle Ages: text and studies, Detroit, 1970Google Scholar; and Le Strange, Guy, Baghdad during the Abbasid Caliphate, Oxford, 1900, 187 ff.Google Scholar

² For Ma1E25;āllat Qaṣr ‘Isā see Shihāb al-din, Yaqut, Mu'jam, al-buldān, ed. Ferdinand Wüstenfeld as Jacuts geographisches Wōrterbuch, 6 vols., Leipzig, 1866–1873, iv, 117–18Google Scholar

³ ibid., iii, 46–7

⁴ Taqī al-dīn Abū Ľ-Ḥasan, al-Harawi, Kitāb al-ishārāt ilā ma'rifat al-ziyārāt, ed. Sourdel-Thomine, Janine, Damascus, 1953, 73–4Google Scholar

⁵ Abū Bakr Muīammad, al-Suli, section of the Kitāb al-awrāqfi akhbār āl 'Abbās wa-ash'drihim, ed. Dunne, J. Heyworth as Akhbār ar-Rādī wal-Mnttaḳī from the Kitāb al-Awrāk, Cairo, 1935, 186Google Scholar; trans. Marius, Canard as Akhbār Ar-Rādā billāh wa'l-Muttaqī billāh (Histoire de la Dynastic Abbaside de 322 á 333/934 a 944), 2 vols., Algiers, 1946–1950, ii, 5Google Scholar; ‘al-Jawzī, Abd al-Raḥmān ibn, al-Muntafam fi ta'rikh al-mulūk wa-aX-umam, ed. Fritz, Krenkow, 6 vols. numbered v–x, Haydarabad, 1357–1959/1938–1940, vi, 324Google Scholar

⁶ Yāqūt, loc. cit

⁷ Ibn, al-Jawzī, vi, 368Google Scholar

⁸ Yāqūt, loc. cit

⁹ ibid

¹⁰ Ibn, al-Jawzī, vii, 79Google Scholar

¹¹ ibid., 139

¹² Yāqūt, loc. cit

¹³ Ibn, al-Jawzī, viii, 60–1Google Scholar

¹⁴ Yāqūt, loc. cit

¹⁵ Ibn, al-Jawzī, viii, 113Google Scholar

¹⁶ ibid., viii, 217

¹⁷ ibid., viii, 293, 305; see also George, Makdisi, ‘The topography of eleventh century Baghdad: materials and notes’, Arabica, vi, 1959 (in two parts, pp. 178–97 and 281–309), 290Google Scholar The first burial may also have been in the Dār al-khilāfa because of flooding on the east side of the city and in the Khayzurān Cemetery in 466 and 467 (pp. 288–90)

¹⁸ Yaqut, loc. cit

¹⁹ Ibn, al-Jawzī, ix, 25Google Scholar; see also Makdisi, op. 48cit., 290

²⁰ Yāqūt, loc. cit

²¹ Ibn, al-Jawzī, ix, 200Google Scholar

²² Yāqūt, loc. cit

²³ Encyclopaedia of Islam (1st ed.), s.v. al-Rāahid bi'allah

²⁴ Ibn, al-Jawzī, x, 128Google Scholar

²⁵ ibid., x, 197

²⁶ Yāqūt, loc. cit

²⁷ Ibn, al-Jawzī, x, 236Google Scholar

²⁸ Yāqūt, loc. cit

²⁹ Ibn, al-Jawzī, x, 236Google Scholar

³⁰ Yāqūt, loc. cit

³¹ al-Jawzi, Shams al-din ibn (Sibt ibn al-Jawzi), viii/2, of his Mirāt al-zamān (anon, ed.), Haydarabad, 1952, 636Google Scholar Angelika Hartmann (an-Nāsir li-Din Allāh 1180–1225): Politik, Religion, Kultur in der spdten ‘Abbāsidenzeit, Berlin, 1975, 168) states, without identifying her source, that al-Nāsir wished to be buried in a mausoleum he had built next to the mashhad of Mūsā b. Ja'far, which he had restored (p. 167), but that his son al-ẓāhir declined to honour this wishGoogle Scholar

³² Sifct ibn al-Jawzi, op. cit., 741

³³ SeeStrange, Guy Le, ‘ The story of the death of the last Abbasid caliph, from the Vatican MS. of Ibn-al-Furāt’, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1900, 293–300Google Scholar

³⁴ Yaqut, iii, 46, s.v. Ruṣāfat Baghdād

³⁵ Le Strange, Baghdad, 192–3; Nabia, Abbott, Two queens of Baghdad: mother and wife of Hārūn al-Bashīd, Chicago, 1946, 125–6Google Scholar; Lassner, Topography, 114 ff. Streck, Maximilian, Die aUe Landschaft Babylonien nach den arabischen Geographen, Leiden, 1900, 161–2Google Scholar, says that a daughter of al-Mahdī named al-Bānflqa was buried there as well, but he gives no reference

³⁶ Ibn, al-Jawzi, vii, 79Google Scholar On the verb jaddada see Oleg, Grabar, ‘A new inscription from the Haram al-Sharif in Jerusalem’, Studies in Islamic art and architecture in honour of Professor K. A. C. Creswell, London, 1965, 77–82Google Scholar

³⁷ Abu, Ľ-Hasan ‘Alī al-Mas'udī’, Murūj al-dhahab wa-ma'adin al-jawhar, ed. and trans. C., Barbier de Meynard and Pavet de Courteille, 9 vols., Paris, 1861–1930, viii, 274Google Scholar 'Izz al-din Abu Ľ-Hasan Muhammad ibn al-Athir (al-Kāmil fi al-ta'rikh, ed. Karl Tomberg, 13 vols., Leiden, 1851–74, viii, 243) adds that his grave was effaced

³⁸ Mae'ūdi, viii, 248; Abū Ja'far Muḫammad, al-Țabarī, Ta'rtkh, ed. de Goeje, M. J., 13 vols. in 3 series, Leiden, 1879–1890, ser. 3, iv, 2281Google Scholar

³⁹ See Amedroz, H. F., ‘ A tale of the Arabian Nights told as history in the ‘ Muntazam ’of Ibn a l - J a u z i ’, Journal of the Boyal Asiatic Society, 1904, 273–5Google Scholar

⁴⁰ Abū ‘Alī Ahmad, Miskawayh, Tajarib, al-umam, ed. and trans, in Amedroz, H. G. and Margoliouth, D. S., The eclipse of the Abbasid caliphate, 7 vols., Oxford, 1920–1921, i, 193Google Scholar trans., iv, 218, mentions the turba in the year 317

⁴¹ For references see notes to the above list of 'Abbāsid burials and to the quotations from Herzfeld, below. An inscription found in Jerusalem and dated to the year 290/902–3 that refers to a dတr known as al-turba is highly suspicious; I choose to interpret al-turba (unpointed in the inscription) as a proper name of some sort, and to disregard it here. See Répertoire chronologique dépigraphie arabe, ed. Ѐ. Combe, J. Sauvaget, and G. Wiet, 10 vols., Cairo, 1931–39, vol. iii, no. 840, pp. 23–4, and Max van Berchem, Matériaux pour un Corpus Inscriptionum Arabicarum, pt. 2, Syrie du Sud, vol. n, fasc. 1, Jérusalem ‘ Haram ’ (Mémoires de ွInstitvi Français D'Archéologie Orientate du Caire, 44), Cairo, 1925–27, pp. 257–9, no. 218

⁴² Oleg, Grabar, ‘The earliest Islamic commemorative structures, notes and documents’, Ars Orientalis, vi, 1966, 7–46Google Scholar, definition p. 12, citations n. 23; the citation there from Mas'ūdi concerns a ḥujra, cf. n. 81 below

⁴³ Khallikan, Ahmad b. Muhammad ibn, Wafayāt al-a'yan, trans. B., MacGuckin de Slane, 4 vols., London, 1843–1871, I, 323Google Scholar

⁴⁴ ibid., I, 590–1, and Ibn, al-Jawzī, vi, 218–19Google Scholar

⁴⁵ For al-Pabbi see Amedroz, and Margoliouth, , Eclipse, vii (index), s.v. al-Dabbī; and Ibn Khallikan, op. cit., iii, p. 266, n. 18. For Ibn ‘Abbād see Encyclopaedia of Islam (2nd ed.), s.vGoogle Scholar

⁴⁶ Ibn al-Jawzi, vii, 240 On the burial of al-Dabbī see Amedroz, H. F., ‘ Three years of Buwaihid rule in Baghdad’, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1901, 761Google Scholar; for the office of Sharif see s. v. in Encyclopaedia of Islam (1st ed.). The Masjid Barāthā was a Shī‘i mosque on the west side of Baghdād (Encyclopaedia of Islam, 2nd ed., s.v. Barāthā)

⁴⁷ Ibn al-Jawzi, vn, 288–9. The remaining citations are not relevant here: for the year 436 (Ibn al-Jawzī, VIII, 118) there is merely the mention of a turba; for the year 476 (IX, 10) the citation does not suggest mere plots; I do not follow the reference to x, 80; x, 134, adds nothing new; x, 142, for the year 544, long after mausolea had become popular, refers to the turab in al-Buṣāfa in the same way as in the references cited above in the list of burials

⁴⁸ Encyclopaedia of Islam (2nd ed.), s.v. Ḥamdānids

⁴⁹ Abū'lQāsim ibn Ḥawqal, Kitāb, Kitāb ṣūrat al-arḍ, ed. Kramers, J. H., Leiden, 1939, 240Google Scholar; trans. Kramers, J. H. and Wiet, G., 2 vols., Paris, 1964, I, 232Google Scholar; cf. Grabar, op. cit., 16–17

⁵⁰ Shams al-dīn, al-Muqaddasī, Aḥzsan al-taqāsim fī ma'rifat al-aqālīm, ed. de Goeje, M. J., Leiden, 1906, 82Google Scholar; see Encyclopaedia of Islam (2nd ed.), s.v. Baḳī' al-Ghḳāarkad, and cf. Grabar, op. cit., 36–7, on other tombs at al-Madīna

⁵¹ Muqaddasī, op. cit., 151, 172; trans. Strange, Guy Le, 9as Description of Syria, including Palestine, London, 1896 (in Palestine Pilgrims' Text Society, III), 50–1Google Scholar; cf. Le, Strange, Palestine under the Moslems: a description of Syria and the Holy Land from A.D. 650 to 1500, London, 1890, 309 ffGoogle Scholar

⁵² Ḥudūd al-'lam. ‘The regions of the world’. A Persian geography. 372 A. H.–982 A. D., trans. V. Minorsky, 132, 141

⁵³ Al-Țabarī, ser. 3, I, 87–8; for Hāshimiyya see J. Lassner's article on this name in the Encyclopaedia of Islam (2nd ed.)

⁵⁴ Al-Țabarī, ser. 3,1, 390; cf. Mas'ūdī, VI, 157

⁵⁵ Al-Țabarī, ser. 3, I, 526–7

⁵⁶ ibid., 580

⁵⁷ Le, Strange, Baghdad, p. 194, n. 1Google Scholar

⁵⁸ Al-Țabarī, ser. 3, n, 737

⁵⁹ Mas'udi, VI, 415

⁶⁰ Al-Țabarī, ser. 3, II, 1120; Mas'ūdī, VII, 2, adds ‘near the masjid’

⁶¹ In either al-Țabarī, Ya'qūbī, or Ibn al-Athīr

⁶² Ernst, Herzfeld and Friedrich, Sarre, Archāologische Reise im Euphrat- und Tigris-Gebiet, 4 vols., Berlin, 1911–20 (based on research during 1907–8), I, 85–6Google Scholar; Herzfeld's notes 1–5 are renumbered here to run consecutively with my own

⁶³ Ya'q. hist. II 584; [Mas'udi, VII, 103; his qabr is in al-Jawsaq. The palace in question is, of course, the Jawsaq al-khaqani, excavated by Herzfeld; see Creswell, K. A. C., Early Muslimarchitecture, ii, Oxford, 1940, 227–45Google Scholar; there are many suitable places for a tomb in this vast complex, but none obvious enough to demand recognition]

⁶⁴ Tab. III 1363 [on al-Wāthiq: in his qasr at Hārunī] and 1471 [al-Mutawakkil's mother]. The Great Mosque [al-masjid al-jami'] of Ja'fariyya is the Mosque of Abū Dilif (sic)

⁶⁵ Ya'q. hist. II 602 [in his qasr; known as al-Ja'fari. The Ja'farī palace had been completed by al-Mutawakkil only nine months before; Creswell, op. cit., 277–8]

⁶⁶ Al-Tabari, ser. 3, III, 1498–9; Mas'ūdī, vii, 300; Ibn al-Athir, vi, 115

⁶⁷ Tab. III 1498 ff. [also Mas'udī, vii, 300]

⁶⁸ Tab. III 1711 and 1823. On the location of the Qasr al-sawāmi', with which I am otherwise unfamiliar, we know nothing. Although the other caliphs were buried on the east bank [of the Tigris], it is likely that this palace (Schloss), whose name can be translated as ‘Monk's Cell, Hermitage’, nevertheless lay on the desert edge of the west bank. Since in the case of the grave of Muntasir there was a deviation from the precaution of concealing the grave, so also may it have been sited on the west bank in distinction from the other caliphal graves. Had it been otherwise, Tabarī might have given a better indication of its location than the vague ’ in the neighbourhood of the Qasr al-sawāmi‘ … ’. On the west bank Mu'tasim had established a number of‘ qasra ’, Ya'q. 263 ff., Sam. [Herzfeld, Samarra, Aufnahmen mid Untersuchungen zur islamischen Archaeologie, Berlin, 1907], 67–9. The possibility therefore exists that the Qubbat al-Sulaybiyya is the mausoleum of Muntasir, Mu'tazz, and Muhtadi. In any event the building deserves notice as one of the oldest funerary structures or shrines (Wallfahrtstdtten) extant. [Cf. Grabar, op. cit., 14–15, who points out that in the notice of al-Muhtadi's burial the tomb of al-Muntasir is called only a maqbara. Indeed, the only evidence in this matter is the existence of the Qubbat al-Sulaybiyya, its three contemporary burials (for which see the succeeding quotation from Herzfeld), and the account of three contemporary caliphs buried in a place probably on the west bank and memorialized in some fashion. One may perhaps push Herzfeld's observations further, and suggest that al-Tabari here used a source that either was vague or was not entirely clear to him. A. N. ‘Abbu (‘ Qubbat al-Sulaibiya ’, Sumer, 29/1, 1973, 111–16) believes that al-Mu'tamid's body was sent to Samarra for burial when he died in 279/892, and identifies the Qubbat al-Sulaybiyya as al-Mu'tamid's tomb, but he supplies no textual proof for this view. From the standpoint of terminology, however, the issue is of little importance. Grabar further notes that ‘ there was no contemporary tradition of Byzantine mausoleums for emperors ’. It is true that there was no series of separate mausolea built for the emperors, but there was a strong traditional attachment to two proper imperial mausolea, attached to the Church of the Holy Apostles in Constantinople (Philip Grierson, ‘ The tombs and obits of the Byzantine emperors (337–1042) ’, Dumbarton Oaks Papers, xvi, 1962, 3–60). One was erected by either Constantine the Great or Constantius II, and the other by Justinian (Grierson, 4–6). The latter, cruciform in plan, was used between A.D. 565 and 842, the earlier, ‘ domed and circular in shape … with stoaed angles ' (p. 6), was used between 361 and 518, and again from 867 to 1028 (p. 20, and see pp. 26–7). It should not be ruled out as a source for either the form or the idea of the Qubbat al-Sulaybiyya, although Justinian's mausoleum was the one in use at the time the Samarra building must have been constructed. It is also interesting to consider the probable existence of domed martyria in sixth-century South Arabia, discusse by ‘Irfan Shahid, ‘ Byzantium in South Arabia’, Dumbarton Oaks Papers, xxxiii, 1979, 24–94, esp. pp. 57–28, 70–4, 82. Ignaz Goldziher (Muhammedanische Studien, 2 vols., Halle, 1888–90, trans. C. R. Barber and S. M. Stern as Muslim studies, London, 1967–71) saw Muslim mausolea as permanent versions of the tents (qubbas, fustdts) erected over new graves in the first century A.H., and cited texts that bear on the early meaning of qubba (i, 254–8, in the original). I would rather see the early tents, if that is what they were, as temporary versions of permanent mausolea (note p. 255, n. 1, regarding a temporary qubba erected for a guest of honour).]

⁶⁹ Ernst, Herzfeld, Erster vorlaufiger Bericht iiber die Ausgrabungen von Samarra, Berlin, 1912 28–30Google Scholar

⁷⁰ Herzfeld, , Die Ausgrabungen von Samarra, VI, Geschichte der Stadt Samarra, Hamburg, 1948, 227Google Scholar; see also Creswell, op. cit., 283–6

⁷¹ Al-Țabarī, ser. 3, III, 1671–2; of. Mas'ūdī, VII, 371

⁷² Al-Țabarī ser. 3, II, 2133

⁷³ ibid., 2123

⁷⁴ Ibn al-Jawzī, vi, 26; seeLe, Strange, Baghdad, 188–9Google Scholar and Lassner, , Topography, 64–5, and p. 250, n. 1Google Scholar

⁷⁵ Mas'ūdī, 211–12; confirmed by al-Țabarī, ser. 3, III, 2206–7. For the two senses of dār used in this passage see Herzfeld, , Moté'riaux pour un Corpus Inscriptionum Arabicarum, pt. 2, Syrie du Nord. Inscriptions et monuments d'Alep, 2 vols. (Mémoires de I'Institut Francais d'Archéologie Orientate du Caire, 7–7), Cairo, 1955–6, I, p. 15, n. 1Google Scholar

⁷⁶ Al-Țabarī, ser. 3, III, 2281

⁷⁷ Mas'ūdi, VIII, 274; Ibn al-Jawzī, VI, 243; Ibn al-Athīr, VIII, 242–3

⁷⁸ Yāqūt, in, 47; Ibn al-Jawzī, VI, 368

⁷⁹ Yāqūt, in, 47

⁸⁰ Le, Strange, Baghdad, 119–21Google Scholar cf. Lassner, , Topography, 251–2Google Scholar

⁸¹ They were not alone in this practice. Ibn al-Jawzi gives an obituary for the traditionist Muhammad b. Isḥāq b. Khuzayma (d. 311/924): he was buried in a ṥujra of or in his dar, which became a maqbara (VI, 184–6). Presumably it is the ḥujra that became a maqbara; that is, the chamber or enclosure in which Muḥammad b. Isḥāq was buried became the site of other burials. The nature of the ḥujra is not specified, but for comparison there is another obituary given by Ibn al-Jawzi (VI, 149–50) for Ahmad b. ‘Umar b. Sarij Abu 'l-'Abbās, a qāḍ who died in 306/918 and was buried [with]in the hujra of the Little Ghalib Market (bi-ḥujra suwayqa ghalib)’, an unlocated market (see Lassner, Topography, p. 257, n. 47). Here hujra must mean ‘enclosure’, since it seems unlikely that suqs had particular attached structures called hujras. The historian al-Tabari died in 310/923, and his burial is described by Ibn al-Jawzī: he was buried at the Rahba Ya'qūb in the area of the Bab Khurasan in a hujra opposite his dar (VI, 172; there were several Bab Khurasans, for which see Le Strange, Baghdad, and Lassner, Topography, indexes; it matters not which one is intended here). Mas'udi records the burial of the grammarian Abu ‘l-’Abbas b. Yahya, called Tha'lib (d. 291/904), in the Maqabir Bab al-Sham, in a hujra that was purchased for him (VIII, 23–4; the translation gives ⁈chapelle’, but this cannot be). Again, in these two cases ḥujra could mean either ‘chamber’ or ‘ enclosure’ the hujra of al-Qa'im (see list of 'Abbasid burials) must have been a chamber, however. These are the only contemporary references I have found to burials other than those involving qabrt, mashhadt, or turbos, and they occur just at the time that the Dar al-rukham came into use, Qatr al-nadi was buried in the Qasr al-Rusafa, and the main tomb in al-Rusafa was built. Hujra thus probably indicates a different entity, and in the light of these examples, it seems likely that hujras were simple enclosures

⁸² It is possible that they were regarded as insecure places of sepulture note the isolated position of the Qubbat al-Sulaybiyya but the use of the Khayzuran Cemetery at a much earlier date for ‘Abbasid burials suggests that security was not a concern

⁸³ Ibn al-Jawzi, VII, 149; the turba of ’Adud al-dawla is first mentioned here in the obituary for his son Sharaf al-dawla, d. 379/989, so the turba may not yet have been built or completed when 'Adud al-dawla died seven year a earlier; cf. Grabar, op. cit., 20

⁸⁴ Grabar, op. cit., 15–16, qubba of Fatima at Qumm, probably second half of the third/ninth century; pp. 16–17, qubba of'All, probably 289/902

⁸⁵ Le, Strange, Palestine, 324–5Google Scholar

⁸⁶ Grabar, op. cit., 18; dated before 332/943, as i t is mentioned by Mas/ūdi

⁸⁷ ibid., 23

⁸⁸ As at Karbalā ibid., 20

⁸⁹ The [Abbasid turbos may well have resembled the mausoleum of Sitt Zubayda in Baghdād], constructed by al-Mustaḍīs successor al-Nāṣir, but this type of building can be traced back only to e. 480/1087, while the main turba was built over a century and a half earlier. For the mausoleum of Sitt Zubayda and other mausolea with [sugar-loaf] domes see Ernst, Herzfeld, [Damascus: studies in architecture], Ars Islamica, IX, 1942, 18 ffGoogle Scholar. The fourth/tenth century mausolea extant in Turkiatan at Bukhārā and Tim add two more forms to those of the sugarloaf type and the Qubbat al-Ṣulaybiyya. The so-called Sāmānid mausoleum in Bukhārā (Grabar, op. cit., 17) still lacks any published documentation that would establish the date of its construction. While its form is less developed than that of the (also inadequately documented) Arab-ata mausoleum at Tim, supposedly dated 367/977–78 (ibid., 19), that is no guarantee that the Bukhārā mausoleum is in fact earlier than the Tim tomb