¹ Terrasse, H., Histoire du Maroc, II, Casablanca, 1950, 94.Google Scholar

² Ricard, R., Études pour l'histoire des Portugais an Maroc, Coimbra, 1955, 3.Google Scholar The Sources Inédites pour l'Histoire du Maroc, so important for later periods, only begin with the Sa'dīd dynasty.

³ Basset, H., Essai sur la littérature des Berbères, Argel, 1920, 273Google Scholar; Lévi-Provençal, E., La Historiens des Chorfa, Paris, 1922, 44 ff.Google Scholar

⁴ Cour, A., La dynastie marocaine des Beni Ouattas (1420–1554), Constantine, 1920, 44–59Google Scholar; Terrasse, , op. cit., II, 94 ff.Google Scholar

⁵ Ceuta in 1415, Ksar al-Seguir in 1458, Anfa in 1462, Tangier in 1464. Cf. Terrasse, , op. cit., II, 109Google Scholar; Ricard, , op. cit., 6 ff., 42 ff.Google Scholar

⁶ Trimingham, J. S., The Sufi orders in Islam, Oxford, 1971, 84.Google Scholar

⁷ Founded around 864–64/1450–60 by Abū 'l-'Abbās Aḥmad ibn 'Arūs; Trimingham, , op. cit., 87Google Scholar; Brunschvig, R., La Berbérie orientate sous les Hafsides, Paris, 1940, II, 341 ff.Google Scholar

⁸ Terrasse, , op. cit., II, 145Google Scholar; Archives Marocaines, XIX, 1913, 275–91Google Scholar; Trimingham, , op. cit., 84–6.Google Scholar

⁹ Muḥammad ibn Aḥmad al-Fāsī, Kitāb mumti' al-asmā', Fās, 1305/1887–8. The most popular work of al-Jazūli is a series of eulogies in honour of the Prophet and his household.

¹⁰ Equivalent, in Morocco, of naqīb. Arabicized form of the Berber amzwār ‘he who precedes, he who is placed at the head’, designates the chief of a religious brotherhood or of a body of shurafā'. Cf. Lévi-Provençal, E., ‘Mizwar’, EI, first ed.Google Scholar; Montagne, B., Les Berbères et le Makhzen dans le Sud du Maroc, Paris, 1930, 222.Google Scholar

¹¹ Salmon, G., ‘Le culte de Muley Idrîs et la Mosquée des Chorfa à Fès’, Archives Marocaines, III, 3, 1905, 415.Google Scholar

¹² Hirschberg, H. Z., A history of the Jews in North Africa, second ed., Leiden, 1974, 390.Google Scholar

¹³ Corcos, D., ‘Lea juifs du Maroc et leurs Mellahs’, in Hirschberg, H. Z. (ed.), Mélanges Abraham Elmaleh, Jerusalem, 1972, p. XX ff.Google Scholar; Tourneau, R. Le, Fes in the age of the Marinids, Norman, Oklahoma, 1961, 16.Google ScholarTerrasse, , op. cit., II, 93Google Scholar, places the transfer to the Mellāḥ at the time of the foundation of Fās Jadīd in the reign of Abū Yūsuf Ya'qūb. Leo Africanus places the event under Abū Sa'īd ‘Uthmān III (800–23/1398–1421) and is followed by Massignon, L., Le Maroc dans les premières années du XVI^e siècle, Alger, 1906, 227.Google Scholar

¹⁴ Slousch, N., ‘Études sur l'histoire des juifs au Maroc’, Archives Marocaines, VI, 1 –2, 1905, 147.Google Scholar

¹⁵ This story can be found in many modern authors, mainly: Cour, A., op. cit., 44 ff.Google Scholar; Terrasse, , op. cit., II, 94 ff.Google Scholar; Massignon, , op. cit., 158Google Scholar; Slousch, , art. cit., 148Google Scholar; Corcos, , art. cit., p. XXIVGoogle Scholar, and ‘The Jews of Morocco under the Marinids’, Jewish Quarterly Review, LIV, 4, 1964, 271 ff.Google Scholar; Hirschberg, , op. cit., 391 ff.Google Scholar; Lopes, D., Arcila e o dominio portugues, Coimbra, 1924, 26 ff.Google Scholar

¹⁶ Brunschvig, R., Deux récits de voyages inédite en Afrique du Nord au XV^e siècle, Paris, 1936, 6ff.Google Scholar

¹⁷ The riḥla of 'Abd al-Bāsiṭ ibn Khalīl is entitled al-Bawḍ al-bāsim fī hawādith al-'umr wa 'l-tarājim. Cf. Vida, Levi Della, ‘Une nouvelle source pour l'histoire de l'Afrique du Nord à la fin du XV^e siècle’, Hespéris, XIX, 1934, 198–9.Google Scholar Ed. and tr. in Brunschvig, Deux récite, text, 48–55, tr., 113–21. Cf. also Hirschberg, , op. cit., tr., 393–9.Google Scholar

¹⁸ This is the only source to mention a fourth, puppet-like Waṭṭāsid vizier.

¹⁹ Baṭas/Baṭash is a surname of Hispano-Arabic origin. At the beginning of the sixteenth century, Moshe Aben Batash was one of the leaders of the Hispano-Portuguese Jews at Fās. Cf. Corcos, , ‘Réflexions sur l'onomastique judéo-nord-Africaine’, in his Studies in the history of the Jews of Morocco, Jerusalem, 1976, 13Google Scholar; Eisenbeth, M., Lea juifs de l'Afrique du Nord (démo-graphie et onomastigue), Alger, 1936, 92.Google Scholar

²⁰ Hirschberg, , op. cit., 394.Google Scholar

²¹ ‘Abd al-Bāsit insists in three different places that Hārūn never wanted to become a convert.

²² In the Moroccan sources he is called Abū Fāris ‘Abd al-'Azīz ibn Mūsā al-Waryāghilī (see below), with the exception of Ibn ‘Askar who calls him Abū Muḥammad ‘Abd Allāh al-Waryā-ghilī. Cf. Dawḥat al-nāshir, tr. Graulle, A., Archives Marocaines, xix, 1913, 58–63.Google Scholar

²² Sūra, xxii, 28.Google Scholar Cf. Hirschberg, , op. cit., 396.Google Scholar

²³ Hirschberg, , op. cit., 397.Google Scholar

²⁵ lākin idhā naztda al-qaḍā' ‘amiya dl-basar; Branschvig, Deux récite, 54.Google Scholar

²⁶ wa-kāna ra'yan fāsidan li-ghalabat al-qaḍā' wa 'l-qadar wa-farāgh ajl ‘Abd al-Ḥaqq wa-ḥuḍūr maniyyatihi; ibid.

²⁷ Hirschberg, , op. cit., 298.Google Scholar

²⁸ To the point that Hirschberg considers it difficult to see more than ‘the double-faced attitude of the superintendent of the shurafā', who wished to profit by the incitement without running any risk’, op. cit., 393.

²⁹ Bābā, Aḥmad, Nayl al-ibtihāj, Cairo, 1351/1932, 318–20Google Scholar; al-Qādī, Ibn, Durrat al-ḥijāl, ed. Allouche, , Rabāt, 1936, I, 299Google Scholar; Jadwā, al-iqtibās, Fās, 1303/1891, 203Google Scholar; al-Kittāni, , Salwā al-anfās, Fās, 1316/1898, II, 116Google Scholar; al-Nāṣirī, , Kitāb al-istiqṣā’, second ed., Casablanca, 1956, II, 101.Google Scholar

³⁰ cf. Deux récits, p. 120, n. 1.Google Scholar

³¹ Lapidus, I., Muslim cities in the later Middle Ages, Cambridge, Mass., 1967, 153–64.Google Scholar

³² Lapidus, , op. cit., 137–77.Google Scholar Cf. also Brinner, ‘Ḥarfū ’, EI, second ed.

³³ Tunis, 1878, 140–1, and tr. E. Fagnan, Constantine, 1895, 258–60.

³⁴ qāma bi-madīnat Fās mizwar al-shurafā' bi-hā … 'alā al-sulṭān 'Abd al-Ḥaqq.

³⁵ Tangier was already Portuguese in 1464.

³⁶ Fagnan, , op. cit., 258.Google Scholar

³⁷ Bodleian, Uri. 785. Tr. Fagnan, Extraits inédits relatifs au Maghreb, Alger, 1924, 312–14.Google Scholar

³⁸ cf. Brockelmann, , GAL, Suppl., II, 411.Google Scholar

³⁹ Brunschvig, , La Bérberie orientale, I, p. xxxi.Google Scholar

⁴⁰ Lévi-Proven¸al, , Historiens des Chorfa, 100 ff.Google Scholar

⁴¹ cf. ed. Allouohe, , Rabāt, 1936.Google Scholar

⁴² In his subsequent book Jadwā al-iqtibās (Fās, 1303/1891), a dictionary of worthy persons of Fās, Ibn al-Qāḍī does not add anything new to the Durra concerning the revolution but includes biographical notes (see below) on the people involved. Finally, in his historical urjūza entitled Durrat al-sulūk (Rabat, MS 372) he dedicates four verses to the short reign of the mizwar al-shurafā’ Muḥammad ibn ‘Imrān (869–76/1465–71).

⁴³ Corcos, , ‘Les juifs du Maroc et leurs Mellahs’, p. XXIV.Google Scholar

⁴⁴ ‘Abd al-Salām al-Qādirī lived from 1058/1648 to 1110/1698. Cf. Lévi-Provençal, , op. cit., 276.Google Scholar

⁴⁵ Durra, II, 391 ff.Google Scholar; Jadwā, 474.Google Scholar

⁴⁶ The ed. of Allouche says lḥsīn but, as will be seen from later texts, this is obviously an error of reading or of copying.

⁴⁷ Al-Durr al-sanī, Fās, 1309/1891, 23–4.Google Scholar Cf. Salmon, G., ‘Les Chorfa idrisides de Fès d'après Ibn aṭ-Ṭayyib al-Qâdiry’, Archives Marocaines, I, 3, 1904, 439.Google Scholar

⁴⁸ Fās, 1310/1892–3, 124 ff. Tr. Graulle, A., Archives Marocaines, XXI, 1913, 270–1.Google Scholar

⁴⁹ Mainly Cour, op. cit., and Terrasse, , op. cit.Google Scholar

⁵⁰ Santiago, , 1878.Google Scholar

⁵¹ Kitāb al-istiqṣaā' 90–100.Google Scholar Tr. Hamet, I., Archives Marocaines, XXXIII, 1934, 468–76.Google Scholar

⁵² Kitāb al-istiqṣā', 98.Google Scholar

⁵³ Fès avant le protectorat, Casablanca, 1948, 220.Google Scholar

⁵⁴ De viris quibusdam illustribus apud Arabes, libellus Johannis Leonis, Africani (Fabricius, J. A. (ed.), Bibliotheca Graeca, XIII), Hamburg, 1726, 298.Google Scholar

⁵⁵ Senton, with Sentó or Sinton, Spanish form of Shem Tov. Usual among the Moroccan families descending from the Megorashim, Spanish Jews who emigrated to Morocco. Cf. Corcos, , Studies, 196, no. 278Google Scholar; Eisenbeth, , Les juifs de l'Afrique du Nord, 172.Google ScholarHamet, I., ‘Les juifs du Nord de l'Afrique (noms et surnoms)’, Académie des Sciences Coloniales. Comptes Rendus des Séances, Communications (Alger), X, 1928, 202.Google Scholar

⁵⁶ Nayl al-ibtihāj, Cairo, 1932, 182.Google Scholar

⁵⁷ op. oit., II, 376.

⁵⁸ op. oit., II, 56.

⁵⁹ op. cit., II, 80–1.

⁶⁰ op. cit., 99.

⁶¹ op. cit., 100.

⁶² In al-Andalus, , ghandūrGoogle Scholar is ‘a young man of low social class who pretends elegance, is fond of women, lives without working, and easily takes up arms’. (This is very close also to Dozy's definition.) In Spanish, this term has given gandul: ‘lazy, good-for-nothing’. In the fifteenth century it also meant ‘rebel, mutinous’ and was applied to those in revolt or war against the government: Corominas, J., Diccionario etimológico de la lengua castellana, Madrid, 1964.Google Scholar

⁶³ cf. Wehr, Lane.

⁶⁴ ‘Askar, Ibn, Dawḥa, 38Google Scholar, tr. Graulle, , Archives Marocaines, XIX, 1913, 89–93Google Scholar; Bābā, Aḥmad, Nayl, 71Google Scholar; al-Kittānī, , Salwā, III, 183Google Scholar; al-Qādī, Ibn, Jadwā, 64Google Scholar. On his legends and miracles, see Archives Berbères, I, 1915–1916, 293ff.Google Scholar; Weir, T. H., The Shaykhs of Morocco in the XVIth century, Edinburgh, 1904, 177 ffGoogle Scholar. Especially for the biography and catalogue of his works, see Khusaim, A. F., Zarrūg the Sūfī, Tripoli, 1976.Google Scholar

⁶⁵ al-Fāsī, Muḥammad al-Mahdi, Tuḥfat ahl al-ṣadīqiyya bi-asānīd al-ṭā'ifa al-jazūliyya wa 'l-zarrūqiyyaGoogle Scholar. Cf. Ibn, ‘Askar, op. oit., 254Google Scholar; Cour, , La dynastie … des Beni Ouattas, 65.Google Scholar

⁶⁶ Khusaim, , op. cit., 97Google Scholar; Trimingham, , Sufi orders, 87.Google Scholar

⁶⁷ Akhadha bi-madīnat Fās ‘an al-imām Abī 'Abd Allāh Muḥammad al-Qawrī: al-Qāḍī, Ibn, Jadwā, 64Google Scholar; Khusaim, , op. cit., 14.Google Scholar

⁶⁸ Brockelmann, , GAL, Suppl., II, 360Google Scholar; Khusaim, op. cit.

⁶⁹ Khusaim, , op. cit., 57.Google Scholar

⁷⁰ Aḥmad Bābā, , op. cit., 182.Google Scholar

⁷¹ Al-Kittānā, , op. cit., II, 80Google Scholar; Basset, R., ‘Recherches bibliographiques sur les sources de la Salouat al-anfās’, Recueil de mémoires et de textes publié en l'honneur du XIV Congrès des Orientalistes, Alger, 1905, 31.Google Scholar

⁷² Lévi-Provençal, , op. cit., 397.Google Scholar

⁷³ Unfortunately the reference (Khusaim, , op. cit., 57)Google Scholar to a MS copy in the British Museum is either incomplete or inexact, and despite the help of the staff of the Oriental Department I have not been able to find any trace of the work.

⁷⁴ Khusaim, , op. cit., 15.Google Scholar

⁷⁵ ibid., 16.

⁷⁶ Zarrūq himself gives the explanation that he divulged a secret of his Ṣūfī master al-Zaytūnī who sent him away to pray in penitence (Khusaim, , op. cit., 14)Google Scholar. Ibn 'Askar (loc. cit.) gives a more legendary explanation, also related to al-Zaytūnī.

⁷⁷ Khusaim, , op. cit., 17.Google Scholar

⁷⁸ Khusaim, , op. cit., 23.Google Scholar

⁷⁹ It could imply that al-Qawrī, being like Zarrūq opposed to the rebels, was used by them in their account, transmitted by 'Abd al-Bāsiṭ, as the legalizer, even forced, of the rebellion in the same way that Zarrūq was accused of being a Jew.

⁸⁰ 'Abd al-Salām al-Qādirī quotes al-Wansharīshī as his source for the events of 1465. Al-Wansharīshī is also the author of a work entitled Wafayā (cf. Lévi-Provençal, , op. cit., 394)Google Scholar one of the sources of the Nashr al-mathāanī. Al-Kitt¯nī says that he gets part of his information on al-Wary¯ghilī from ‘the fahrasa of the author of al-Mi'yār’.

⁸¹ Al-Nāṣirī, , op. cit., 101.Google Scholar

⁸² waliya al-khaṭāba ba'dahu Abū Fārts ‘Abd al-'Azīz al-Waryāghilī. Cf. Aḥmad Bābā, , Nayl, 157Google Scholar; al-Qāḍī, Ibn, Jadwā, 238.Google Scholar

⁸³ al-Wansharīshī, Aḥmad ibn Yaḥyā, al-Mi'yār al-mu'rib, Fās, 1314–15/1896–1897, II, 202–3.Google Scholar

⁸⁴ Al-Kittānī, , al-Azhār al-'āṭira, Fās, 1314/1896Google Scholar, tr. Salmon, , ‘Le culte de Muley Idrîs et la Mosqnée des Chorfa à Fès’, Archives Marocaines, III, 3, 1905, 413–29.Google Scholar

⁸⁵ ‘The crowd returned to Fās and paid homage to the sayyid sharīf Muḥammad ibn ‘Imrān as their lawful ruler, thanked him by the bay'a, and made him king. When this became known to the Bānū Waṭṭās they wanted to return to Fās and enter the city, but the people of Fās prevented them from doing so. The sharif wished to remain king and he convened members of the two factions, the royal Banū Marīn and the vizieral Banū Waṭṭās. And there was disagreement between the people of Fās and those outside the city’; of. Hirschberg, , op. cit., 398.Google Scholar

⁸⁶ Al-Kittānī, , Salwā, III, 314.Google Scholar

⁸⁷ The sources quoted by each author in the Moroccan tradition are as follows.

Aḥmad Bābā: Aḥmad Zarrūq.

Ibn al-Qāḍī: Aḥmad Zarrūq and Aḥmad Bābā.

‘Abd al-Salām al-Qādirī: al-Wansharīshī.

Muḥammad al-Qādirī: al-Wansharīshī (Wafayā), Aḥmad Bābā, Ibn al-Qāḍī, ‘Abd al-Salām al-Qādirī.

Al-Nāṣirī: Aḥmad Zarrūq and/or Aḥmad Bābā, Muḥammad al-Qādirī, al-Wansharīshī (al-Mi'yār), Ibn al-Qādi, M. Castellanos.

Al-Kittāni: al-Wansharīshī (al-Mi'yār), Aḥmad Zarrūq, Aḥmad Bābā, Ibn al-Qāḍī, Muḥammad al-Qādirī.

⁸⁸ Rabāt, Collection K.270.

⁸⁹ Muhājir is the surname given to islamizedxs Jews up to the seventeenth century. Jews emigrating from Spain (there were never Jews of Spanish origin among them) called them tornados or tornadizos, a Spanish term designating those who change their faith. The word was later corrupted into toornadis: ‘(In Fās) the families of apostate Jews are exceedingly numerous and are called toornadis. Not having at any time married with the Moors they still preserve their ancient characteristics and are known almost at sight to be the progeny of those who formerly embraced the Mahometan religion…. The Moors hold them not in the least respect and the Jews still less, had they power freely to make their aversion known’ (de Chenier, L., The present state of the empire of Morocco, reprint of 1788 ed., 1, 156)Google Scholar. The members of this minority were latterly called Bildiyyīn, a term still used today (Le Tourneau, R., Fès avant le protectorat, 205, 491).Google Scholar

⁹⁰ Le Tourneau, , op. cit., 491Google Scholar. He confirms Chenier's saying (see above) that they only married, and marry, between themselves. Contrary to Chenier, , Corcos, (‘The Jews of Morocco under the Marinids’, JQR, LV, 1, 1964, 64)Google Scholar affirms that ‘usually converts to Islam always maintained excellent relations with their former co-religionists’.

⁹¹ Information about the Muhājirīn is to be found mainly in Corcos, , JQR, LV, 1, 1964, 57–65Google Scholar, briefly in Le Tourneau, op. cit., and in Massignon, L., ‘Enquête sur les corporations musulmanes d'artisans et de commerçants au Maroc’, Revue du Monde Musulman, LVIII, 1924, 151–2.Google Scholar

⁹² Dhikr, 467–71.Google Scholar

⁹³ In 674/1276 there was an important massacre of Jews in Fās that Abū Yūsuf himself stopped. Cf. al-Dhakhīra al-saniyya, ed. Cheneb, M. Ben, Alger, 1921, 186Google Scholar; Corcos, , art. cit., 58.Google Scholar

⁹⁴ Dhikr, 472.Google Scholar

⁹⁵ From 1438 the Qaysariyya, which was part of the sacred enclosure that surrounded Mawlāy Idrīa's sanctuary, was forbidden to non-Muslims. It was the most important place of the town for commercial matters, mainly because the shurafā' had their business there: Le Tourneau, , Fès avant le protectorat, 374Google Scholar; idem, Fes in the age of the Marinids, 19–21.Google Scholar

⁹⁶ Massignon, as appendix to his article above quoted, summarizes (cf. 221–4) a MS Rabāṭ 505.I, whose title he does not mention and whose content seems to be exactly the same as the Dhikr qiṣṣa. For the qā'id al-shurṭa, Massignon reads Yahsub instead of Ḥusayn.

⁹⁷ Dhikr, 472.Google Scholar

⁹⁸ Dhikr, 473.Google Scholar

⁹⁹ The other merchants in the Qaysariyya, mainly shurafā', did not have to pay any market dues or tax. Cf. Le Tourneau, , Fès avant le protectorat, 473.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁰ Dhikr, 474.Google Scholar

¹⁰¹ Nothing, either, in the compilations of responsa of the rabbis who emigrated to Fās in the second half of the fifteenth century: of. Bazak, Yacob, Mishpaṭ we-halakhah. Mebaḥer teshūbot, Tel Aviv, 1971Google Scholar; Assaf, Simha, Meqōrōt le-tōledōt ha-ḥinukh be-Yisrael, Tel Aviv, 1954–7.Google Scholar

¹⁰² Semach, Y., ‘Une chronique juive de Fes: la “Yahas Fès” de Ribbi Abner Hassarfaty’, Hespéris, XIX, 1934, 91–2.Google Scholar

¹⁰³ The same description appears in Toledano, J., Ner ha-Ma'arab, Jerusalem, 1911, 46.Google Scholar Also Kayserling, M., ‘Une persécution des juives à Fez’, Revue des Études Juives, XXXIX, 78, 1899, 315–17.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁴ ed. Wiener, 64.

¹⁰⁵ Hirschberg, , A history of the Jews in North Africa, 399.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁶ ‘(The king) set a Jew named Hārūn over the city as deputy. And the Jews became proud and they transgressed laws and contravened precepts and did deeds that ought not to be done, and some of them took a Gentile married woman and beat her cruelly, and she screamed and begged for mercy and they did not listen to her, and they went on beating her so that the Gentiles assembled and wreaked death and destruction upon the Jews until they had killed all the males except those who changed their religion …’; Hirschberg, , op. cit., 400.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁷ de Zurara, G. Eanes, Chronica do Conde Dom Pedro de Meneses, 483–94Google Scholar, Chronica de Dom Dvarte de Menses, 95–7Google Scholar (da Serra, J. Correa (ed.), Cottecçāo de livros ineditos de historia portugiieza, II, XXXV), Lisboa, 1790.Google Scholar This corroborates the fact of the Waṭṭāsid viziers having ‘Abd al-Ḥaqq absolutely at their mercy, away from the affairs of the kingdom, not only without any personal power ‘but still happy at awaking alive in the mornings’. Cf. also Ricard, R., Études sur l'histoire des Portugais au Maroc, 5 ff.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁸ Only a document of the following century (June 1545) mentions briefly ‘Abd al-Ḥaqq's death: ‘… que bem sse sabe quantas vezes neste rreyno (Fes) despuserão rreys e ffizerão outros novos e de barro, a saber, tall que nenhuum sangue reall tynha, e isto por muy pequenas causas, que huum rrey despuserão e o matarão e ffizerão outro porque tynha dos judeus seus privados por quem hera governado’; Sources Inédites, Portugal, III, 426.

¹⁰⁹ Africanus, Leo, Historiale description de l'Afrique, tr. Temporal, J., Lyon, 1556, 196.Google Scholar

¹¹⁰ Africanus, Leo, op. cit., 200.Google Scholar

¹¹¹ Carvajal, L. Marmol, Descriptión general de África, Granada, 1573, I, 226.Google Scholar

¹¹² Bernaldez, A., Historia, de los Beyes Católicos (Biblioteoa de Autores Españoles, LXX), Madrid, 1878, 655.Google Scholar

¹¹³ Castellanos, M., Historia de Marruecos, third ed., Tangier, 1898, 306.Google Scholar

¹¹⁴ Later European travellers and authors still have the same account, e.g. Chenier, , op. cit., II, 50.Google Scholar

¹¹⁵ Abū Ya'qūb Yūsuf (686–706/1286–1307) had as vizier and personal adviser a member of the famous Jewish family called Waqqāsa or Roqqāsa, bankers and merchants in Fās. Abū Ya'qūb was involved in what probably was a very costly struggle against Tlemcen, and needed financial aid and advice from his Jewish collaborators (cf. Corcos, , JQR, LV, 1, 1964, 65 ff.).Google Scholar Another Jew was appointed minister at the court of Abū ‘Inān (752–9/1352–8) (cf. Batrān, A. A., ‘A contribution to the biography of Shaikh Muḥammad ibu ‘Abd al-Karīm ibn Muḥammad al-Maghīlī al-Tilimsānī’, Journal of African History, XIV, 3, 1973, 385).Google Scholar

¹¹⁶ Dozy, , Histoire des musulmans d'Espagne, nouv. éd. revue et mise à jour par E. Lévi-Provençal, Leiden, 1932, III, 70 ff.Google Scholar

¹¹⁷ Norris, H. T., Saharan myth and saga, Oxford, 1972, 48 ff., 99 ff.Google Scholar

¹¹⁸ Mojuetan, B. A., ‘Myth and legend as functional instruments in politics: the establishment of the ‘Alawi dynasty in Morocco’, Journal of African History, XVI, 1, 1975, 17–27.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

¹¹⁹ Hirschberg, H. Z., ‘The problem of the judaized Berbers’, Journal of African History, IV, 3, 1963, 329.Google Scholar

¹²⁰ Mojuetan, art. cit.

¹²¹ The first example of this theme is to be found in the Sīra (II, 48)Google Scholar: the Jewish tribe of the Banū Qaynuqā' was expelled by Muḥammad because of events whose origin was the mistreating of a Muslim woman by some members of the tribe. In Morocco, in 674/1276, the Muslims accused a Jew of improper conduct towards a Muslim woman. They killed him and began a massacre of his co-religionists that the sultan Abū Ya'qūb himself stopped (cf. al-Dhakhīra al-saniyya, 186).Google Scholar A similar episode is mentioned as the cause for the foundation of the Mellāḥs of Marrākush and Rabāṭ (Corcos, , ‘Les juifs du Maroc et leur Mellah’, pp. xxi, lii).Google Scholar

¹²² To the point of becoming the subject of al-Maghīlī's persecution (see below).

¹²³ ‘Askar, Ibn, Dawḥat al-nāshir, tr. Graulle, 224Google Scholar: ff.; Aḥmad Bābā, , Nayl, 330 ff.Google Scholar; Cherbonneau, M. A., Esaai sur la littérature arabe au Sudan, Constantine, 1855, 392 ff.Google Scholar; Weir, , The Shaykhs of Morocco, 6 ff.Google Scholar; Hirschberg, , JAH, IV, 3, 1963, 325.Google Scholar Especially, Batrān, , JAH, XIV, 3, 1973.Google Scholar

¹²⁴ ‘In North Africa, where he spent most of his life, al-Maghīlī was witness to the Christian conquest along the coast of Morocco, to the loss of Andalusia to Islam and, as he himself attested, to the growing authority of the Jews within the Muslim states in Ifrīqiya and the Maghrib. This situation aroused the opposition and fanaticism of a considerable section of zealous Maghribian ‘ulamā’ especially those of the Jazūliyya ṭarīqa who challenged and inveighed against the weak and accommodating Waṭṭāsid authorities'; Batrān, , art. cit., 393.Google Scholar

¹²⁵ Cour, , La dynastie marocaine des Banu Owtttas, 62.Google Scholar

¹²⁶ Ibn ‘Askar places it in 868/1464, Aḥmad Bābā and Aḥmad Zarrūq (his contemporary) in 869/1465, Ibn al-Qāḍī in 874/1470. Of. Ibn ‘Askar, Dawḥa, 285.Google Scholar

¹²⁷ Cour, , op. cit., 63.Google Scholar

¹²⁸ ibid.

¹²⁹ Some years later (930/1523) the sharīfian Sa'did dynasty came to power through reliance upon the followers of al-Jazūlī, and one of the first acts of Aḥmad al-A'raj was to have his father buried beside the tomb of al-Jazūlī. Later, in 935/1529, he had both bodies transferred to Marrākush to consecrate the new dynastic connexion with the city but also to legitimize their own sharīfian pedigree (cf. Archives Marocaines, XIX, 1913, 288).Google Scholar

¹³⁰ See mainly de Cenival, P., ‘La légende du juif Ibn Mech'al et la fête du Sultan des Tolba à Fès’, Hespéris, V, 2, 1925, 137–218.Google Scholar

¹³¹ Mojuetan, art. cit.

¹³² Frazer, J. G., The golden bough. Pt. III. The dying god, London, 1911, 152.Google Scholar