¹ See for example al-Barqī, , Kitāb al-maḫāsin, ed. Jalā al-Dī al-Husaynī al-Muhaddith, tehran, 1307/1950–1, I, 131Google Scholar ff.; al-Mufīd, al-Irshād, n. pl., 1317/1899–1900, 20 f. [=26 f. in the translation fo I. K. A. Howard, London, 1981]; al-Majlisī, Bihār al-anwār [=Bihār], [Persia], 1305/1887–8–1315/1897–8, III, 62–77, 259–61; U. Rubin, ‘Ore-existence and light’, Israel Oriental Studies, V, 1975, 62–119.

² The initials w.z. are sued in this paper to refer to both the singular and plural forms. Zinā is properly a transliteration of the definite form only, the indefinite being zinanorzinā. The use of zinā for both definite and indefinite forms has, however, become stanadard practice. (The transliteration in EI, new ed., is inconsistent, veering between zubā and zimā'; see the references given in the index to vols. I-III, s.v. ‘zinā;’'.) The tern zinā; has no exact equivalent in English, as it applies to all varieties of illicit sexual intercourse between a man and a woman (see James A. Bellamy, ‘Sex and society in Islamic popular literature’, Society and the sexes in medieval Islam, Sixth Giorgio Levi della Vida Biennial Conference, ed. Afaf Lutfi al-Sayyid-Marsot, Malibu, 1979, 30, 38; Noel E. Coulson, ‘Regulations of sexual behaviour under traditional Islamic law’, ibid., 64; cf. Bousquet, G. H., L’Ẻthique sexuelle deľIslam. new ed., Paris, 1966, 55–75Google Scholar). Walad zinā is thus th offspring of both adultery and fornication. Both male and female offspring are covered by the term. The clasical dictionaries emphasize that walad can refer to either sex, but in the text themselves ‘walad zinā’ is usually treated as masculine, except where the reference is clearly to a female. I shall follow the practice of the sources. Other, less common, terms ar walad ghayya/ghiyya (or li ghayya) (as opposed to walad rashada/rishad or li rashad) (see e.g. Ibn Bābawayhi, Man al-t؛sī al-Istibsār [=Faqīh], ed. 'Alī al-Ākhundī, Najaf, 1377/1957–1378/1959, IV, 231; al-Ṭsī, al-Istibṣār [=Istibṣār], Najag, 1375/1956–1376/1957, III/2, 183; ibid, Tahdhīb al a-aḥkām /=Tahdhīb/, Najaf, 1377/1957 ff. VIII, 183, IX, 343; al-Muḥaqqiq al-Ḥillī, Sharዥ nukat al-nihāya, in al-Jaicāmi' al-fiqhiyya, Tehran, 1276/1860 (unpaginated); ideam, Sharā'i' al-islām [= Sharā'i'/, ed. Muḥ. Jawād Maghniyya, Beirut, 1390/1970, II, 12 (read li ghayya for lugha); Mīr Dāmād, al-Rawāshiዥ al-samāuriyya, Tehran, 1311/1893–4, 81 f.; al-Ḥurr al-'Āmilī, Wasā'il al-shi'a [ = Wasā'il'], Tehran, 1378/1958–9–1389/1969–70, VII/2, 214; Lane, Lexicon, s.v. ‘ghayya’), walad ḥarām (e.g. Ibn Shahrāshūb, Manāqib āl Abī Ṭālib, Najaf, 1376/1956–7, II, 142), ibn/bint al-zinā (e.g. Muዥ. Jawād Maghniyya, Fiqh al-imām Ja'far al-Ṣādiq, Beirut, 1965–6, VI, 193). IN modern Persian terminology under Western influence the w.z. is also referr to as Ṡift-e nāmashrū' and Ṡift-e Ṡabīi (Ḥasan Emāmī, Ḥuqūq-e madanī v. Tehran, 1354Sh/1974, 179; Harald Lōschner, staatsangehōrigkeit und Islam, r Erlangen, 1971, 44). The term walad (or ibn) zanya/zinya can mead either ‘w.z.’ or ‘the last child born to a man or a woman’ (Lisān, s.v. zny; Lane, s.v. ‘zinya’). According to certain traditions, the Prophet, well aware of the ambiguity of this term, suggested that the Asadī sub-group of Banū 'I-Zanya change their name to Banū '-Rashda; yet thery are said to have refused to abandon the name of their ancestors. See the discussion in E. Bräunlich, ‘Beiträge zur Gesellschaftsordnung der arabischen Beduinenstämme’, Islamica 6, 1934, 203; E. Landau-Tasseron, Aspects of the Ridda Wars, Hebrew University of Jerusalem Ph.D. thesis, 1981, 79, 94 f., and the references given there

³ A sample of these traditions is given in section I below

⁴ Al-Barqī, op. cit., I, 107; Bābawayhi, Ibn, 'Iq'b al-a'maāl, Tehran, 1375/1955–6, 254, cit. Wasā'il, VII/1, 235; 'Alī b. Ibrāhīm al-Qummī Tafsīr, ed. Tayyib al-M؛sawī al-Jawā'irī, Najaf, 1386/1966–7–1387/1967–8, II, 22; al-'Ayyāshī Tafsīr, ed. Hāshim al-Ras؛lī al-Mahallātī, Qumm, 1308/1960–1381/1962. II, 299 (both ad Q 17:64);Google Scholaral-Bahrānī, Hāshim, Kitāb al-burhān fī tafsī al-qur'ān [=Burhān], Tehran, 1375/1955–6 II, 427;Google Scholaral-Tabarsī, al-N؛rī, Mustadrak al-wasā'il [=Mustadrak], Tehran. 1382/1962–3–1384/1964/5, II, 566.Google Scholar See also Ibn Shu'ba, , Tuhaf al-'uq؛l, Beirut, 1394–1974, 37;Google ScholarIbn Bābawayhi, , Amālī Najaf, 1389–1970, 310,Google Scholar cit. al-Tabarsī, al-N؛rī,Nafas al-rahm–n Nafas Tehran, 1285/1868–9 108;, 1394/1974,37;Google ScholarBābawayh, Ibn, Amālī. Najaf, 1389/1970, 310,Google Scholar, cit. al-tabars–, al-N؛rī, Nafas al-rahmān, Tehran, 1285/1868–9 108;Google Scholaral-Baghdādī, al-Khatīb, Ta'rīh Baghadād, Cairo, 1349/1931, III, 290;Google Scholaral-Tustarī, N؛r Allāh, Ihqāq al-haqq, VII, Tehran, 1383/1963 224–7;Google Scholar Mushin al-Amīn, Ma'ādin al-jawāhir, I, Beirut, n.d., 121 f. Sunni exegetes also on occasion interpret the relevant passage in Q 17:64 (.wa shārikhum fī'l-amwāl wa 'l-awlād) as referring to tyhe w.z. See e.g. al-Tabarī, Tafsī Cairo, 1373/1954, xv, 120 f.;Google Scholaral-Suy؛tī, , al-Durr al-manth؛r, Cairo, 1314/1896–7 IV, 192.Google Scholar

⁵ Al-Barqī, op. cit., I, 108; Ibn Bābawayhi, Iqāb al-a'māl, 254 f., cit. Wasā'il, VII/1, 338, Bihār. III, 79; al-Kulīnī al-Kāfī [=Kāfī], ed. 'Alī Akbar al-ghaffārī, Tehran, 1377/1957–1381/1961, V, 355. This tradition is also ascribed to the Prophet (al-Murtadā', Kitāb al-intisār Naiaf. 1391/1971. 166).

⁶ Al-Barqī op. cit., I, 185, cit. Bihār, III, 80, VII, 409, Mustadrak, III, 212; al-'Ayyāshī, op. cit., II, 148, cit. Wasā'il, IX/1, 277; Kāfī, loc. cit.; Ibn Bābawayhi, op. cit. 204; Muh. Karīm Khān al-Kirmānī, al-Kitāb al-mubī, I, Kirman, 1323/1905–6, 600.

⁷ Inhabitants of al-Rayy. the text reads nabak al-Rayy, 'the elveated part of al-Rayy', with a variant bunk al-Rayy, 'the original [inhabitants] of al-Rayy'. See Bihār, III, 77

⁸ Bābawayhi, Ibn, al-zkhisāl Najaf, 1391/1971, 321,Google Scholar cit. Bihār. III, 77.

⁹ For references in sunnī sources see Wensinck, A. J. and Mensing, J. P., concordance et indices de la tradition musulman, Leiden, 1936–64, II 348, s.v.Google Scholar 'zinā'; al-Muttaqī al-Hindī, Kanz al-'ummāl. Hyderadbad, 1364/1945–1385/1965, V, 184, 259.

¹⁰ Bābawayhi, Ibn, Ilal al-sharā'i', Najaf, 1385/1966, 564,Google Scholar cit. Bihār, III, 79; al-Murtadā op. cit., 248; Shubbar, , Masābīh al-anwār, I, Qumm, 1951. 284, II, Najaf, 1371/1952, 393.Google Scholar Cf. Mustadrak, III, 212. See also below.

¹¹ This tradition, too, is current in both Sunnī and Imāmī texts, For the former see the references given in Wensinck and Mensing, o. cit., II, 348, s.v. ‘zinya’ al-Razzāq, Abd, al-Musannaf [=Musannaf], ed. al-Rahmān, Habīb, al-A'zamā, Simalk, 139/1970 ff., VII, 454;Google Scholaral-Bayhaqī, , Sunan, Hyderabad, 1344/1925–6–1355/1936–7, X, 58;Google Scholar al-Muttaqī, op. cit., v, 184 f. For the latter see e.g. Mustadra, loc. cit. It should be noted, however, that some Sunț hadith scholars regard this tradition as forged (mawd؛'), both because of its alledged faulty isnād and because fo its contents. See Ibn al-Jawzī, , Kitāb al-mawd؛'āt, III, Medina, 1388/1968, 109–11;Google Scholaral-Suy؛tī, , al-la'ālī al-masn؛'a, II, 192–4Google Scholar Ibn Arrāq, , Tanzīh al-sharīa al-marf؛'a 'an al-ahādīh al-shanī'a al-mawd؛'a, II, Cario, 1378/1958/9. 228 f.Google Scholar (but see the interesting interpretation given this tradition by a Shāfi'ī scholar, as qouted by al-Suy؛tī and Ibn 'Arrāq (loc.cit) from al-RāfiȘișs Ta'rish Qazwin); al-Shawkānī, , al-Fawā'id al-majm؛' a fi'-ahādith al-mawd؛'a, Cairo, 1380/1960, 204.Google Scholar For similar reasons, these scholars alslo reject as foged the tradition according to which the w.z. will be resurrected on the day of judgement in the form fo monkeys and swine (al-Suy؛tī. op, cit., II, 192; Ibn 'Arrāq, op. cit., II, 220; al-Shawkā, lco. cit.). See further below, section III.

¹² Ibn Bābawayhi, op. cit., 142, 145, whence Y؛suf al-Bahrānī, al-Kashkāl, Najaf, 1381/1961, III, 14, Bihār, VII, 390; Ibn Shahrāsh؛b, op. cit., III, 10 (From 'Alī) N؛ Allāj a;-Tustarț. op. cit., VII, 222. Cf. Ibn Bābawayhi, al-Khisāl, 106, cit. Bihār, VII, 389. See also the Prophet's words to 'Alī 'Only the ibn zinā and the ibn hayda [i.e. he who was conceived during his mother's menstrual period] hate you' (Y؛suf al-Bahrānī, op. cit., III 13). Engaging in intercourse with one's wife during her menses is considered Sifāh, the punishment for which is 25 lashes (Tahdhīb, X, 145 f.). 'Alī himself is quoted as saying, 'Only the believer loves me; only a munāfiq who is an offspring of fornication (walad harām) hates me' (Ibn Shahrāsh؛b, op. cit., II, 142).

¹³ Al-Kirmānī, op. cit., I, 372. See also al-Himyari, , Qurb al-isnād, Najaf, 1369/1950, 19Google Scholar f., cit. Bihār, VII, 389. Cf. Bihār, XVI, 194.

¹⁴ Ibn Bābawayhi, Ma'ānī l-akhbār, Najaf, 1391/1971, 380, cit. Bihār, VII, 390; id., al-Khisāl, 198; al-mufīd, al-Ikhtisāṣāṣ, Najaf, 1390/1970, 215, cit. Bihār/ XV/3, 28. See also Ibn Bā bawayhi, Amālī. 302, cit. Bihār, VII, 389, XVI, 194. IN contrast, one of four kinds of predicament form which the Imāmīs are saved is illegitimate descent (Ibn Bābawayhi, al-Khiṣāl, 205, cit. Bihār, VII, 389 f.).

¹⁵ Al-Ḥimyarī, op. cit., 19 f., cit. Y؛suf al-Bahrānī op. cit., III, 14. Cf. al-Qummī. Basā'ir al-darajāt, Tehran, 1285/1868–9, 114. The ability to identify awlād harām is said to be one of the characteristics of the Imams (Ibn Bābawayhi, al-Khisāl, 205, cit. Bihār, VII, 389 f.).

¹⁶ On whom see e.g. Ibn, KhalikāWafayāt al-a'ā al-'uqūl, Ihsān, 'Abbās, Beirut, 1968–72, IV, 73–9;Google ScholarEI, new ed., s.v. ‘Dulafids’ (E. Marin); Encyclopaedia Iranica, s.v. ‘Ab؛ Dolaf al-'Ejlī' (F. M. Donner).

¹⁷ 'Allā, al-Hillī, Kashf al-yaqīn, Tehran, 1298/1880–1 98, cit.Google ScholarBihār, IX, 410. Y؛suf al-Bahrānī (op. cit, III, 12 f.) quotes the same story from the Risālat al-dhakhīra fī 'l-hashr (or Mahshar, apud al-Khwānsārī, Rawdāt al-jannāt, ed. A. Ismā'īliyān, qumm, 1390/1970–1392/1972,. VI, 20; al-Tihrānī, , al-Dharī'a, Najaf and Tehran. 1936 ff., X, 18, no. 90)Google Scholarfi (al-Khwānsārī: fi-fasād; Dhariāa: fī bayān) nasab 'Umar fo Sulaymān b. 'Abd Allāh al-Māh؛ (d. 1121/1709), who in turn has the story form one of al-Hillī's works which he thinks (but is not certain) is the Kashf al-yaqīn. A watered down version appears in Ibn Khallikān, op. cit., IV, 78.

¹⁸ Ibn Bābawayhi, 'Ilal al-sharā'i', 142, 143; al-Kishshā, Rijāl, Karbalā', n.d., 45, cit. al-Hurr al-'Āmilī, Risāla fī ma'rifat ahwāl al-sahāba, ed. Jalāl al-Dīn Muhaddith Urmawī, Tehran, 1386/1966, 38; Ibn Shahrāsh؛b, op. cit, II, 265. See also al-Mufīd, al-Irshād, 21 [=27 in Howard's translation (where li rashda and li ghayya have been incorrectly translated)], cit. Bihār, VII, 391; al-Fadl b. al-Hasan al-Tabarsī, I'lām al-warā, Najaf, 1390/1970, 159, Mir Dāmād, op. cit., 82 (ascribed to the Prophet); al-Tabarsī, , Majma' al-bayān, Beirut, 1380/1961, XXVI, 44;Google Scholar N؛r Allār allāh al-Tustarī, op. cit.VII, 223, 266. In contrast, whoever loves the Imams should thank his mother for not having betrayed his father (Ibn Bābawayhi, op. cit., 142; ibid, Ma'ānī l-akhbār, 158).

¹⁹ 'Abbād, Al-Sāhib b., Dīwān, ed. Muh., Hasan Āl Yāsīn, Beirut, 1394/1974, 77.Google Scholar

²⁰ ibid., 96; Y؛suf al-Bahrānī, op. cit., III, 15; al-Khwānsārī, op. cit., II, 30.

²¹ Al-Ṣāhib b. 'Abbāb, op. cit., 260; Ibn Shahrāsh؛b, op. cit., III, ll.

²² Al-Ṣāhib b. 'Abbāb, op. cit., 184; Ibn Shahrāsh؛b, op. cit., III, 10 For similar verses see al-Ṣhib b. 'Abbāb, op. cit., 97, 239 (the latter also in ibn Shahrāsh؛b, op. cit., III, 11). For verses by other poets see e.g. Ibn Shahrāsh؛b, op. cit., III, 11 f.; Y؛suf al-Bahrānī, op. cit., III, 15 f. Cf. also Muhammad b. 'Aqīl, al-'Atb al-jamīl, Beirut, 1391/1971, 65 (ascribed to the Imam al-Bāqir.)

²³ On 'Umar's genealogy from an Imāmī point fo view see Bihār. VIII, 311–8 and the sources cited there. Both the wahīdan of Q 74:11 and the zanīmof Q 68:13 are on occasion interpreted as meaning ‘w.z.’ and as referring in particular to 'Umar. See, for the former, 'Alī b. Ibrāhīm al-Qimmī, op. cit., II, 395, and for the latter, Burhān, IV, 370, citing the Ta'wīl al-āyāt al-bāhira of Sharafa al-Dīn al-Najafī. (According ot the Dharī'a, III, 304 f., the correct title is Ta'wīl al-āyāt a;-Ẓāhira and the author is Sharaf al-Dī 'Alī al-Astarābādī (fl. 10/16tj century).) when al-Bāqir states that 'al-Walīd is a w.z.' (Kitāb 'Āsim b. Humaayd, in al-Us؛l al-arba'umi'a, MS Tehran University no. 962, fol. 17b/18a), there are at least tow candidaties who fit the bill: al-Walīd b. 'Uqba (cf. al-Hasan b. 'Alī's words addressed to him, Ahmad b. Abī Tālib al-Tabarsī, al-Ihtijāj, n. pl., 1268/1851–2, 155, cit. Bihār, X, 119) and al-Walī b. Yazīd.

²⁴ Kāfī, VII, 341Google Scholar (with n. 4, citing al-Majlisī's Mir'āt al-'uq؛l), cit. Bihār,XI, 80.Google Scholar On Ab؛ Ja'far al-Mans؛r see Bihārm VIII, 249, form the Taqrī al -ma'ārif of Ab؛ '-Salāh Taqī b. Najm (al-Dīn) al-Halabī (d. 477/1055–6) (zny II is interpreted as meaning in this case 'to pronounce someone a w.z.'); Bihār, VIII, 251.Google Scholar Cf. in general Bihār, VIII, 377–86.Google Scholar

²⁵ Ibn, Bābawayhi, Ma'āni l-akhbār, 393,Google Scholar cit. Bihār, VIII, 212, shubbar, op. cit., II, 393.Google Scholar For reasons of taqiyya, 'Umar is referred to as al-aswat ('the middle one', i.e. between the first and third usurping caliphs).

²⁶ Ibn Bābawayhi, op. cit., 372.

²⁷ Ibn, Q؛lawayhi, Kāmil al-ziyārāt, Najaf, 1356/1937–8, 78. 79, cit.Google ScholarBihār, VII, 410.Google Scholar see also al-Barqī op. cit., I, 108; al-Mas'؛dī, Ithbāt al-wasiyya, Najaf, 1374 /1955, 84.Google Scholar

²⁸ Thus the murderers of both 'Alī (al-Kirmānī, loc. cit., I, 581)and Ḥusayn (Ibn Q؛lawayhi), op. cit., 78, cit. Bihar, x, 168, 247Google Scholar; Tāwīs, Ibn, al-Luh؛f 'lā qatlā 'l-Tuf؛f, 1348 Sh/1969, 133;Google ScholarBurhān, VIII, 4–6Google Scholar were w.z.

²⁹ Ibn Q؛lawayhi, loc. cit., Bihān, IV, 95; Ibn Bābawayhi, 'Ilal al-sharāi', 57 f., cit. Bihār, Burhān, loc. cit.; Ibn, Idrīs, al-Sarā'ir, Tehran, 1390/1970, 492 f.Google Scholar

³⁰ See the references in the previous note.

³¹ Al-'Ayyāshī, op. cit., II, 24 (ad Q 7:111), cit. Burhān, loc. cit.

³² Al-T؛sī (Tibyān, ed. A1E25;mad Shawqī al-Amīn and Aḥmad Ḥabī Qaṣīr al-'Āmilī, Najaf, 1376/1957–1383/1963, III, 155, ad Q 4:22) quotes al-Balkhī (i.e. Ab؛ l-Qāsim 'db Allā b. A1E25;mad al=Ka'bī d. 319/931; cf. Ibn, Murtadā, kitāb tabaqāt al-mu'tazila, ed. s., Diwald-Wilzer, Wiesbaden, 1961, 88 f.)Google Scholar to the effect that the offspring of Jāhilī polytheists and of dhimmīs are not w.z., because their parents had concluded a valid marriage according to their system (even if it is not regarded as such by Muslims). The quotation is probably form al-Balkhī's Kitāb al-tafsīr, from which al-T؛sī cites elsewhere in his Tibyān (e.g. I, 13).

³³ Kāfī VIII, 285 f., cit. Burhān, II, 87, Y؛suf al-Bahrānī, op. cit., III, 16 f. See also Kāfī, I, 546; Ibn Bābawayhi, op. cit. 377; ibid, Ikmāl al-dān, Tehran, 1301/1883–4, 267; Tahdhīh, IV, 136, 137 f.; al-'Allāma Ibn al-mutahhar al-Hillī, Mukhtalaf al-shī'a [ = Mukhtalaf], Tehran, 1323/1905–6, 105a (foliation according to the British Library copy of the lithograph). Cf. in general A., Sachedina‘Al-khuma: the fifth in the Imaāmī Shī'' legal system’, JNES, 39, 1980, 275–89Google Scholar N. calder, Khums, in Imāmī Shī'ī jurisprudence from the tenth to the sixteenth century A.D.', BSOAS, XLV, 1, 1982, 39–47.

³⁴ Or (in the case of a slave-girl), the money for whose purchase was illegally acquired.

³⁵ The form mimzār is, however, included in the Imāmī lexicon al-bahrayn of Fakhr al-Dī al-Turayhī (III, Tehran, 1386/1966–7, 482, S.v. mzr).

³⁶ F. Brown, S. R. Driver, Ch. A. Briggs, A Hebrew and english lexicon of the Old Testament, Oxford, 1907; W. Gesenius, Hebräisches und aramäisches HnadwŊrterbuch ϋber das alte Testament, 16th ed., Leipzig, 1915/6; L., Koehler, W., Baumgartner, Hebräisches und aramäisches Lexikon zum alten Testament, Leiden, 1967 ff.,Google Scholar all s.v. ‘mamzer’. (I owe these references to Professor Joshua Blau.)

³⁷ Kāfī, V, 225,Google ScholarWasāāil, VI/2, 224;Google ScholarMuḥsin, al-fayd, al-Wāfī, Tejran, 1375/1955–6, III,Google Scholar part 10 (Kitāb wuj؛h al-makāsib). The form given in these sources in mimrāz; al-Majlisī (in his MIr'āt al-'uq؛l, as given in n. 2 of Kāfī, loc. cit.) derives the word from the root mrz which denotes blemish or shame, and claims that it is the more correct form. see also al-Turayhī, loc. cit. Ab in the sense of ‘generation’ (more precisely, 'a downward generation' cf. Kāfī, III 14, n. l) is probably an instance fo metonymy.

³⁸ Kāafī, III, 14. In the version quoted in Bihār, XVII/1, 10, the reference is to six generations. Sunnī traditionists cite a prophetic tradition on the quthority of Ab؛ Hurayra, according to which descendants of w.z. are barred form entry ot Paradise for seven generations (ābā'); yet this tradition is usually regarded as forged (Ibn al-Jawzī, op. cit., III, lll; al-suy؛Ṡī, al-La'ālī al-masn؛'a, II, 193; Ibn 'Arrāq, op. cit., II, 228; al-Shawkānī, op. cit., 204). According to a story preserved in 'Abd al-Razzāq (Musannaf, VII, 455, cit. al-Suy؛tī, op. cit., II, 193 f.), Khālid al-Raba'ī (on whom see e.g. Ibn Abi Hātim al-Rāzī, al-Jarh wa 'l-ta'dīl, I/2, Hyderabed, 1371/1952, 322; al-'Asqalānī, Ibn Ḥajar, Lisān al-mīzān, I, Hyderabad, 1330/1911–2, 374)Google Scholar read in a certain (Jewish ?) book that descendants fo w.z. do not enter Paradise for seven generations. According to Khālid who is regarded as an authority on (iisrā'īliyyāt on a par with Wabb b. Munabbih (Musannaf, al-Suy؛1E60;ī, loc. cit.)), God eased the burden on descendants of Muslim w.z. by reducing the waiting period to five generations.

³⁹ See below, section II. Cf. also the tradition according to which the w.z. does not beget noble children (lā yunjibu) al-Ḥillī, Ḥasan b. Sulaymān, Mukhtaṣar baḤī'ir al-darajāt. Najaf. 1370/1950, 152.Google Scholar

⁴⁰ The tradition in Kāfī, V, 225 opens with the statement: lā yatību al-zinā wa lā yaṠību thamanuhu abadan. This formulation is open to various interpretations: it might mean that the money received (e.g. form selling a w.z. slave) is forever impure, or that he himself, as well as the money received form him, are forever impure. In the latter case, the ‘abadan’ might mean that the w.z. remains in a state of impurity until death (and prehaps beyond), but that his descendants are not affected; or that both he and all subsequent generations of descendants are impure.

⁴¹ tThis, of course, also applied to the men; but since a man could be married to four women at a time, the consequences for him were not as grave.

⁴² 'Alī b. Aḥmad al-K؛fī al-Istighātha, n. pl., [193-], 48 f. Cf. al-Mufīd, al-ṣāghāniyya, n. pl., n. d., 31 f.

⁴³ Al-Nu'mānī, al-Ghayba, Tehran, 1317/1899–1900, 132Google Scholar (where the reading wa takthuru awlād al-zinā is clearly to be preferred to the alternative wa taqilu), cit. Bihār, XIII, 162. Similarly in zaydī; and Sunnī tradition (for the former see e.g. al-Barzanjī, YaḤyā b. al-Ḥusayn, Beirut, 1403/1983, II, 270;Google Scholar for the latter, e.g MuḤammad b. 'Abd al-Ras؛l al-Barzanjī (d.1103/1691), al-Ishā'a li ashrāṠ al-sā'a, Cairo, 1393/1973–4, 71, 73 f., quoting earlier sources). According to 'Abd allāh b. Mas'؛d, only w.z. will be born in the last thirty years before the sā'a. See al-Ḥākim al-Naysābīrī, al-Mustadrak, al-Riyāḍ, 1388/1968, IV, 522, whence al-Barzanjī, op. cit., 173f., 179.

⁴⁴ Al-T؛sī, al-Ghayaba, Najaf, 1385/1965, 273, cit. Bihār, XIII, 158.

⁴⁵ Referred to as Șthose wearing green shawls’ (ashāb al-tayālisa al-khudr). For the identification fo this expression with the Jews see A. Arazi's edition of al-Suy؛Ṡī's al-Aḥādīth al-ḥisān fī fadl al-Ṡaylasān, Jerusalem, 1983, 51, para. 159, and the refernces gives there, See also Arazi's discussion in Arabica, 23/2, 1976, 109–55, at 138, n. 5, 142 f.

⁴⁶ Ibn Bābawayhi Ikmāl al-dīn, 291, cit. Bihar, XIII, 153.

⁴⁷ A Risā fi walad al-zinā wa aḥkāmihi is mentioned in al-Ṫihrānī's Dharī'a, XXV, 146, no. 852. its author is the Shaykhī scholar Muḥ. Ja'far al-Bah'rī al-Hamadānī (d. 1319/1901–2 or-more probably-Sha'bān 1333/June-July 1915); see ibid, Ṫabaqāt a'lām al-shī'a, I, Najaf, 1373/1954, 200, no. 441; 'Abb's, Qummī, fawā'id al-raḍawiyya, Tehran, 136/1947–8, 418,Google Scholar According to the information in the Dharț'a (loc. cit.), the manuscript is in the author' library in Hamad'n. It has apparently never been published.

⁴⁸ i.e. a body of water which has been used for washing or some which has been drunk.

⁴⁹ Bābawayhi, Ibn, al-Hidāya. Tehran, 1377/1957–8, 14,Google Scholar cit. Mukhtalaf 6b; Faqīh, I, 8; Tahdhīb I, 223.

⁵⁰ Kāfī, III, 11; Istib1E63;ār, I, 18; Wasā'il, I/1, 165. According to al-Majlīsī (Mir'āt al-'qīl. as given in n. l of Kāfī, loc. cit.), Karāha is to be understood here as ḥuram (prohibition).

⁵¹ See the references in the preceding two notes. Cf. also ‘Non-Imāmi Musliams in Imāmi fiqh’, forthcoming in Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam.

⁵² Wasā'il, I/I, 158 f., cit, Muḥ. Ḥusayn al-Najafī, Jawāhir al-kalām, Najaf, 1378/1958–9 ff., XLII, 36. See also Biḥār, XVIII/1, 10.

⁵³ Tahdīb, 373; Wasāil, I, I, 158. See also Kāafī, III, 14.

⁵⁴ Al-Ḥimyarī, op. cit., II, 148; Ibn Idrīs, op. cit., 60; al-Shahīd al-Awwal, Kitāb al-bayān, Tehran, 1319/1901–2,117. Accoridng to the Mukhtalaf, 77b, this was also the position of two renowned pupils of al-Murtāḍāa, Ḥamza b. ‘Abdal-‘Azīz Sallār (Sālār)12B; (d.6 Ramadān 463/7 June 1071) (al-khwānsāri, op, cit., II, 370–3) and 'Abd al-'Azīz Ibn al-Barrāj al-Ṭarābulusī(d. 9 Sha'bān 481/28 Oct. 1088) (ibid., IV, 202–6).

⁵⁵ Wasā'il, IX/I, 276f. See also below heading no.7.

⁵⁶ al-Iṣfahā, AbūI-ḤI-Ḥasanal-Mūsawīni, Kitāb mirqāt al-tuqā fī sharḥ kitāb al-qaḍā min al-‘urwa’l-wuthqā, n.pl., 1342/65 1923–4Google Scholar, 12 f. Sharā'i', I, 60, 71, II, 204. A similar rule a applies when the imaām is subsequently discovered not to be a Muslim (Tahdhīb, III, 40), or to have been in as state of impurity (ibid., III, 39). According to al-Murtaḍā(op. cit., 50), prayer behind a w.z.is not considered as having been properly performed (mujza'a); but al-Murtaḍā is probably referring to a situation where members of the congregation know in advance that the imām is a.w.z.

⁵⁷ Al-Murtaḍā, op, cit., 49. This is also the position of the 'Allāma al-Ḥillī (Mukhtalaf, loc. cit,).

⁵⁸ Al-Qāḍī, al-Nu'mān.Da‘ā’im al-islām [= Da‘ā’im], ed. A.A.A., Faqih, I, Cairo, 1370/1951, 183;Google Scholaribid, Kitāb, al-iqtisār, Muh.W., Mīrzā, Damacus, 1376/ 957, 23;Google Scholar Faqih, I, 247 f.; Mukhtalaf, loc, cit,; Biḥāf, XVIII/2, 621. But when the congregation is unaware of these defects, their prayer is valid (al-Iṣfahāni, loc. cit, ). See also Kāfī, III, 375; Tahdaīb, III, 26 f.; Istibṣār, I, 422. In a similar utterance, a‘Alī is said to have prohibited prayer behind the w.z., the apostate. the Beduin after [!] the hijra (for a discussion of which see Biḥār, loc, cit.), The wine-drinker, one who has been punished for a ḥadd offence, and the uncircumcised (Ibn Bābawayhi, al-KHIṣāl, 301 f., cit. Biḥā, r, XVIII/2, 624). For similar lists see Kitāb Jaāfar b. Muḥammad b. Shurayḥ, n al-Uṫl al-arb‘umi’a, fol. 45b. cit. Biḥār, XVIII/2 627; Ibn Qūlawayhi, Riwāya, cit, Ibn Idrīs, op.cit., 491; Mukhtalaf, loc. cit.

⁵⁹ This statement is inaccurate: according to al-Jazīrī (al-Fiqh 'lā-madhāhib al-alb'a, Beirut, 1969–72, I, 430), this is alos the Ḥanafī position. The FāṠimid Ismā'ilis, too, prohibit prayer behind the abras and the ajdham (Da‘ā’im, I, 183; ibid, Kitāb al-iqtiṣār, loc. cit.).

⁶⁰ Al-Muratdaḍā, , op.cit., 50. But contrast Sharā‘i’, I, 60Google Scholar.

⁶¹ Al-Muratdaḍā, , Tanzīh al-anbiyā', Najaf, 1379/1960, 5 ff,; the article ‘Iṣma’, by Madelung, W., in EI, new edGoogle Scholar.

⁶² Al-Majlisi, , (Biḥār, XVIII/2 624) emphasizes that prohibition against leading the prayers applies neither to someone merely rumoured to be a w.z. (funā tanāluhu 'l-alsun), nor to an offspring of a ‘dubious union’ (on which more below), nor to someone whose father is unknown. It is however, reprehensible to pray behind such men because they arouse a sense of aversion (nafrat al-nafs)which prevents concentration on the prayer. If tanfir is activated in their case, then it is activated a fortiori in the case of a genuine w. z.Google Scholar

⁶³ Tahdhīb, III, 26

⁶⁴ Al-Ṫṫsi's words precede the utterance referred to in n.58.

⁶⁵ Da‘ā’im, I, 281; ibid, Kitāb al-iqtiṣār, 38; ibid, Ta‘ā’im, Muh, Ḥ, asan al-A'ẓamī, II, Cairo, 1969, 67, with the bāṠin interpretation (loc. cit.; al-Ṭūsī, al-MabsūṠTehran), 1387/1967–1388/1968, I, 182. Also in the Zaydī tradition (Musnad Zayd, Beirut, 1981, 152). But contrast the viewof Ibn Idrīs (as cited in Muḥammad Jawād al-Ḥusaynī al-'Āamili, Kitāb miftāḥ al-karāma fi sharḥ qawā'id al-'Allāma, Tehran, c. 1376/1956, I, 462; for Ibn Idrīs's own formulation see his Sarāir, 80 f.).

⁶⁶ Wasā'il, VII/337; Mustadrak, II, 577.

⁶⁷ Kāfī, v, 353; Wasā'il, loc. cit. The use of 'azl (or some other contraceptive method)is here implicitly sanctioned. In a regular marriage, a stipulation that the wife should bear no children is considered reprehensible (Tahdhīb, VII, 375).

⁶⁸ Faqīh, III, 271; Tahdhīb, VII, 477; Wasā'il VII/1, Cf.al-Mufīd, al-Ikhtiṣāṣ, 50. The view that the offspring acquires the charecxteristics of the father is not always accepted; see e.g. one of the questions posed in Masā'il 'Abd Allāh b. Salām, as discussed by H., Schwarzbaum, Biblical and Extra-Biblical legends in Ismamic folk-literature, Walldorf-Hessen, 1982, 56Google Scholar f.

⁶⁹ Ibn Idrīs, op. cit., 287, cit.al-Majlisi, Mir'il 'āt al-'qūl, as given in n. 1 of Kāfi, v, 353.

⁷⁰ Da‘ā’im, II, Cairo, 1379/1960, 496 cit., Mustadrak, II, 457Google Scholar.

⁷¹ Da‘ā’im, Faqih, loc. cit,; Tahdhīb, VII, 448. 477; Wasā'il, VII/I, 338. cf, Kāfi, V, 353.

⁷² Kitāb Ḥusayn b. Saāb, cit, Biḥār, XXIII, 94; Kāfi, Wasāil, loc. cit. of. Sharāi', II, 30;ibid, al-Mukhtaṣsr al-nāfi' [=Mukhtaṣar], Tehran 1387/1967–8, 210.

⁷³ Wasā'il, VI/2, 223. (Kitāfi, loc. cit,;Mustadrak, II, 577. The same ruling applies to a Zoroastrian slave-girl (Kitāb Ḥusayn ba'id, cit. Biḥār, XXIII, 90).

⁷⁴ Mustadrak, II, 457; cf. Da‘ā’im, II, 198.

⁷⁵ On attitudes to marriage with a slave-girl see e.g. R., Levy, The social structure of Islam, Cambridge, 1965, 79.Google Scholar.

⁷⁶ aḥaduhumā, i.e. Muḥammad al-Bāqir or Ja'far al-Ṣādiq.

⁷⁷ Kāfīi, V, 560.

⁷⁸ ibid; n.1 (the source is referred to as ‘ā’'; no such abbreviation appears, however, in the list of abbreviations given in the preface to this edition of the Kāfi).

⁷⁹ Al-Ṫūsi, al-Mabsū, al-Mabsūsi may well be referring to the Shāfi'īis (cf. below).

⁸⁰ ibid.

⁸¹ ibid, Kitāb al-khilāf, Qumm, n.d., II, 382.

⁸² According to Ibn Ibrīs (op. cit., 286), those who claim that a zānī is not forbidden to marry the daughter (or mother) of the zāniya include al-Mufid and al-Murtaḍā, In fact, al Murtaḍā (in the Kitāb al-intiṣār, 108) appears to espouse the view that such a marriage is forbidden. Al-Ṫūsī's position in al-Nihāya (Beirut, 1390/1970, 458) and the Kitāb al-KHILāb al-khilāf (loc. cit.) is that it is forbidden; yet, as Ibn Idris himself regards such a marriage as licit; he bases his view on the principle that everything not specifically forbidden is lawful (al-ṣ al-ibāḥa). The Qur'ān says, ‘Marry such women as seem good to you’ (Q 4:3); according to Ibn Idrīs, both mother and daughter of the zāniya are included in this ruling. See also al-Ḥimyarī, op. cit., 63; Istibṣār, III/I, 167.

⁸³ Ibn Idris, op. cit., 287. Ibn Idrīs also held that every w.z. was impure, and maintained that this was the case even if the w.z. was outwardly (ẓāhiran)an Imāmī. This view isattackes by the 'ALLāma al-Ḥilli(Mukhtalaf, 267b)and is described by a late Imāi author as unusual and anomalous (al-Khwānsāri, op.cit., VI, 289).

⁸⁴ Sharā'i', II, 12.

⁸⁵ ibid

⁸⁶ Fiqh al-imām Ja'far al-ṣādiq, V, 201.

⁸⁷ Da‘ā’um, II, 192; See also ibid., II. 198. It is likewise forbidden to contract a mut'a marriage with someone known to have habitually committed zinā (Kāfi, V, 457; see also 'Ali b. Ibrāhīm al-Qummī, op. cit., II, 95 f.). But for others, such a marriage is merely reprehensible (Sharā'iā, II, 24; Mūkhtaṣar, 205).

⁸⁸ cf.al-Jaṣṣāṣ, , Aḥkām al-qur'ān, Istanbul, 1338/1919–1920, III, 266Google Scholar f.

⁸⁹ Maghniyya, op. cit., V, 203.

⁹⁰ Faq‛, III, 263; al-Ṫūsi, , Kitāb al-kilāf, II, 378;Google ScholarSharāi', II, 18Google Scholar; Mukhtaṣsar, 201. See also Kāfī, V, 355 f.; Istibṣār, loc, cit.

⁹¹ Al-Murtaḍā, op. cit., 106, cit. Wasā'il, VII, 327Google Scholar; Mukhtalaf, 265a.

⁹² Kāfī, V, 354 f.;Google ScholarDa‘ā’ im, II, 234Google Scholar; Tahdhib, VII, 327Google Scholar; Istibṣār, III/I, 168; Mukhtalaf, 265a.

⁹³ AL-Ḥimyarī, op.cit., 102.

⁹⁴ AL-Ṫūsi, , al-Nihāya, 458Google Scholar; and see the discussion in Ibn Idris, op. cit., 291. See in generalSchacht, J., ‘Adultery as an impediment to marriage in Islamic and in Canon law’, Revue Internationale des Droits de l' Antiquité, 2nd series, I, 1952, 105–23Google Scholar, at 117–9, 121 f. (I was referred to this article by Mr. Michael A. Cook).

⁹⁵ Kāfī, 353, 353.Google Scholar The term khabīthāt occurs in Q 24:26.

⁹⁶ This is the interpretation given in Muḥsin, al-Fayd'dal-Wāfī (cit, Kāfi, V, 353, n.1)Google Scholar.

⁹⁷ Al-Majlisiī Mir'āt al-'uqīl (cit. ibid.)

⁹⁸ Kāfī, Wasā'il, VII/2, 187Google Scholar.

⁹⁹ Wasā'il, VII/2, 187–9Google Scholar See also Ibn Bā Bābawayhi, 'Uyīn akhbār al-Riḍ, Najaf, 1390/1970, VII, 33, cit.Google ScholarBiḥār, XXIII, 76Google Scholar

¹⁰⁰ Al-Ḥimyarī, op. cit., 156 f., Biḥār, loc. cit,; Kāfi, VI, 42, 44Google Scholar; Da‘ā’im, II, 241,Google Scholar cit. Mustadrak, II, 624Google Scholar; Faqīh, ii, 240,Google Scholar Mustadrak, loc. cit.

¹⁰¹ Kāfī VI, 43Google Scholar; Kāfi, VI, 43Google Scholar; Faqīh, III, 308Google Scholar (umm w.z.); ibid, al-Muqni', Tehran, 1377/1957, 112(from Ja'far al-Ṣādiq), cit. Wasā'il, VII/2, 184, 185Google Scholar; Istibṣār, VII/1, 322.Google Scholar

¹⁰² Thus al-Ṫīsi (al-Nihāya, 504, whence Ibn Idrīs, op. cit., 319) says that one should not employ such a wet-nurse when one has the option of choosing someone'else.

¹⁰³ See the references in n. 101; also Kitāb Ḥusayn b.Sa'īd, cit. Biḥār, loc. cit.; Da‘'’im, II, 241;Google Scholar al-Ḥīsī, loc. cit,; Mukhtaṣar, 199; Mustadrak, loc. cit.

¹⁰⁴ Iatibṣār, loc. cit.

¹⁰⁵ Da‘ā’im, II, 496,Google Scholar cit. Mustadrak, II, 457;Google ScholarTahdhib, VIII, 227;Google ScholarWasā'il, VI/2, 223.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁶ Faqīh, III, 86;Google Scholar

¹⁰⁷ D‘ā’im, loc. cit., cit. Mustadrak, loc. cit,; Faqīh, loc. cit,; Tahdhīb, VIII, 227, x, 26.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁸ Muḥsin al-Fayḍ, op. cit., III, part 10 (KITāb wujūh al-makāsib).

¹⁰⁹ Wasā'il, VI/2, 223, 224,Google Scholar Al-Ṫūsi(as quoted ibid.) interprets the ruling as meaning that this action is reprehensible but not forbidden.

¹¹⁰ kāfī, V, 225;Google Scholar Muḥsin al-Fayḍ, loc. cit,; Wasā'il, VI/ 224.Google Scholar Cf. Da‘ā’im, II, 327Google Scholar (it is prohibited to give as ṣadaqa earned illegally). See in general Kāfi, V, 124–6,Google ScholarTahdhib, VI, 368 f.Google Scholar

¹¹¹ In contrast to the case of the Khums, money received from such a sale cannot be said to have been acquired illegally.

¹¹² Kitāb Muthannā b. al-Walīd al-ḤannāṠ in al-Uṣūl al-arba'a, fol. 60b, cit. Mustadrak, loc. cit

¹¹³ Kāfī, VI, 182;Google ScholarFaqīh, III, 86;Google Scholar al-Ṫūsī, al-Nihāya, 542; Tahdhīb, VIII, 218, 227; Mukhtalaf, 312a; cf.al-Muttaqī al-Hindi, op. cit., V, 259. In contrast both Ibn al-Junayd (d. 381/991; see below, n. 131) and Ibn Idrīs were opposed to manumitting him (Mukhtalaf, loc. cit.).

¹¹⁴ Tahdhīb, VII, 448.Google Scholar

¹¹⁵ Al-Murtaḍā, op, cit., 166.

¹¹⁶ ibid

¹¹⁷ Among whom he typically singles out al-Ṫūsī, even though al-Ṫūsī was not alone in holding it.

¹¹⁸ Ibn Idrū, op. cit., 345.

¹¹⁹ Wasā'il, VI/3, 462.Google Scholar In a similar tradition, the term used is ‘min‘urd al-nās’, ‘of the common people’. See Kāfī, VII, 18Google Scholar; Fahīh, IV, 159Google Scholar; Wasā'il, VI/ 3 462 f.Google Scholar

¹²⁰ It is rendered in Lane's Lexicon, S. V.fnw. as‘when it is not known of whom he is’. See also Lisān, S. V. fny

¹²¹ The chapter in the Wasā'il in which this tradition appears is entitled (VI/3, 462): ‘When someone decrees in his testament that a believing slave should be manumitted, but it then happens that such a slave can either not be found or else the amount required for purchasing him is in-sufficient, then the manumission of a mustad'af [for which term see e.g. Kāfī, II. 404–6]Google Scholar is considered as having fulfilled the conditions of the testament (aiza'a); This is alos the case when it is discovered after the manumission that this mustaḍ'af is [also ?] a w.z.‘. The trouble is that the traditions which follow this heading do not refer to someone who is subsequently discovered to be min afnā' al-nās. This is not altogether surprising, since the chapter headings in the Wasā'il not infrequently refer to matters which are only obliquely (and sometimes not at all) dealt with in the chapters themselves.

¹²² On which see the article ‘Li'ān’, by J.Schacht, in EI, new ed.

¹²³ Brunschvig, R., ‘De la filiation maternelle en droit musulman’, SI, 9, 1958, 49–59, repr, in Études d' Islamoogie, Paris, 1976, II, 155–65;Google ScholarCoulson, N. J.Succession in the Muslim family, Cambridge, 1971, 172–6;CrossRefGoogle ScholarY., Linant de, Traité de droit musulman comparé, III, Paris, 1973, 18.f., 23 f. See also Levy, op. cit., 147.Google Scholar

¹²⁴ Brunschvig, art. cit., 52[=158], n. 4. See Da‘ā’im, II, 382,Google Scholar cit. Mustadrak, III, 168.Google Scholar

¹²⁵ See e.g. Kāfī, VII, 160–2;Google ScholarSharā'i', II, 90, 195; cf. al-Murtaḍā, op. cit., 145.Google Scholar

¹²⁶ As in implied by Brunschving (art. cit., 52[=158], Coulson (op. cit., 23, 173) and Linant de Bellefonds (op. cit., III, 23).

¹²⁷ Al-Ṫ, al-Ijāz fī'l-farā'id wa'l-mawārith, Najaf, 1383/1963;Google Scholar II, 296, cit. Mukhtalaf, 373b.

¹²⁸ Sarā'ir, 406.

¹²⁹ Sharā'i', II, 195;Google ScholarMukhtaṣar, 274; Sharḥ nukat al-nihāya(unpaginated).

¹³⁰ In his Muqni'(177 f., cit, Mukhtalaf, 374a) and apparently also in his Faqīh(IV, 232, 235).Google Scholar

¹³¹ On whom see al-Najāshī, , kitāb al-rijāl, Bombay, 1317/1899–1900, 273–6;Google Scholaral-Ṫūsi, ,Fihrist, sprenger, A. and al-Ḥaqq, 'Abd, Calcutta, 1853, 267–9Google ScholarFalaturi, A., ‘Die Zwōlfer-Schia aus der Sicht eines Schiiten: Probleme ihrer Untersuchung’, Festscjrift Werner Caskel, ed. E. GRäf, Leiden, 1968,Google Scholar 79, n.2, 3 Ibn al-Junayd was rejected by most Imāmīs for his espousal of iyās. See e.g. al-Mufīd, al-MASāsā'il al-ṣāghāniyya, 18 f., 22; al-khwānsāri, op. cit., VI, 145–52.Google Scholar

¹³² In his Kāfiya (cf. Dharīa, XVII, 247, no. 103, where the title of the work is given al-Kāfī fī'l-figh; see also muḥsin al-Amīn,A'yān al-shi'a, XIV, Damacus, 138/1939, 281–4).Google Scholar See al-Kirbāsi, MuḥIbrāhīm, Nukhbat al-aḥādith fī 'l-waṣāyä wa 'l-mawārīth, II, Najaf, 1389/1969–1970, 216Google Scholar; Mukhtalaf, 373b; editor's note in Muḥammad b.al-Ḥasan b. yūsuf, Iḍāḥ al-fawā'id, IV, Qumm, 1389/1969–70, 247f, In the view of these jurists, if the mother has predeceased the w.z., then his inheritance belongs to the mother's brothers. See Kāfī, VII, 164;Google Scholar; Wasā'il VIII/2, 556, 558,Google Scholar Ibn al-Barrāj (See above, n. 54) inclines towards the majority view (al-aqwā 'indi), but is not fully committed to it (Mukhtalaf, loc. cit.).

¹³³ Kāfī Wasā'il, loc.cit.139 On Yūnus see e.g. al-Quhpā'ī Majma' al-arijāl. Isfahan, 1384/1964–5–1387/1967–8, VI, 293–307.

¹³⁴ Wasā'il,VI, 569Google Scholar, See also Da‘ā’im, II, 382,Google Scholarcit, Mustadrak, III, 168

¹³⁵ Istibṣā,VII–, 569Google Scholar, Tahdhīb, IX, 344 f.; Mukhtalaf, 374a;Wasā'il, loc. cit,; al-Kirbāsī, op. cit., II, 216 f.

¹³⁶ This is discussed further in ‘Barā'a in Shī doctrine’. forthcoming in Jeruusalem Studies in Arabic and Islm.See alsoo below,. 289.

¹³⁷ Wasā'il, loc. cit,; see also Muḥ ‘Abduh Burūjirdi, Kulliyyāt-e islāmi, Tehran, 1335sh/ SH/1955, 389. 389. For waṠ' al-shubha(or bi shubha), also known as Shubhat'aqd, ‘a mistaken or dubious conhabitation’, see Kāfī, V, 571 f.; Ibn Idris, op. cit., 289, 441; Maghniyya, op. cit., v, 340 ff.; Y.Linant de Bellefonds, op. cit., III, 29 F. Cf, Fyzee, A.A.A., Outlines of Muhammadan law, Oxford, 1964, 180–7Google Scholar. According to Ibn Idrīs (op. cit., 441), shubhat ‘aqd Obtains (a) when a man marries a relative of his of the kind legally forbidden to hi,; (b)when he marries a women without knowing that she is already married to another; (c)when he marries a woman without knowing that she is in a state of 'idda; (d)when he marries a woman while either he or she is in a state of iḥrām, because he forget, or did not know, that such a marriage was illegal, In all such cases the man is not guilty of zinā, and the offspring (called walād al-shubha) is considered to be legitimate. See also ibid., 293; Sharā'i', II, 43; Mukhtaṣsar, 217. In cases of rape, the father only is guilty of zinā, so only he is deprived of inheritance rights as regards his offspring (al-Kirbāsī, op. cit., II, 215).

¹³⁸ Al-Kirbāsī, op. cit., II, 217).

¹³⁹ Mustadrak, III, 168.Google Scholar

¹⁴⁰ Kāfi, VII, 163, 164; Faq+h, IV, 231; Istibṣār, IIIį2.182 f.; Tahdhīb. VIII, 182f., IX,343; al-muḥaqqiq al-Ĥilli,Sharĥ nukat al-nihāya (unpaginated); Wasā'il, VII/2, 214.Google Scholar Likewise, when a man commits zinā with a woman born as a slave (walida) and then purchases her fro her previous master and acknowledges the offspring as his own, he does not inherit from the offspring nor, presumably, does the offspring inherit from him). See Ka\āfī, VII, 163;Google ScholarTahdhīb, VIII, 207 F., X, 343, 344, 346. See also Da‘ā’im, I, 157; ibid, Ta'wiīl al-da‘ā’im, Cairo, 1967(?), 172 (with the bāṠin interpretation) ibid., I, 172(f.); Mukhtaṣar, 216.

¹⁴¹ Sharā'i', II, 42Google Scholar f. Cf. Coulson, op. cit.,; Fyzee, op. cit.,181: ‘Legitimation per subsequens matrimoniumis not known to Muhammadan law’. But contrast the above-mentioned aḥlīlil procedure.

¹⁴² See e.g. Sharā'i', loc. cit.(the zānī has no offspring); ibid, Sharḥ nukat al-nihāya (un-paginated); Mukhtalaf, 374a; Maghniyya, al-khamsa, n.d., 94. Maghniyya explains that the w.z. isconsidered to be affiliated to his parents as regards marriage (i.e a.w.z. may not marry his/her parent), but not as regards inheritance and maintenance (nafaqa, infāq). See his Fiqh il-imām Ja'far al-Ṣādiq, v, 201 (quoted above, n. 86). Most Imāmī law books do not specifically mention the intitlement (or lack of it) of the w.z. to maintenance. It appears, however, that the w.z. is not entitled to it, since the duty of nafaqa follows in principle the qarāba as established for ourposes of inheritance. See al-Najafī op. cit., XXXI, 373.

¹⁴³ Sharā'i' II, 195.Google Scholar

¹⁴⁴ Ibn Idris, op. cit., 406. Similarly Ibn Ḥazm, al-Muḥallā [=muḥallā], Cairo, 1347/ ]928–9–1352/1933–4, IX, 302.

¹⁴⁵ Sharā'i', loc. cit. Ibn Idris (loc cit.) speaks of man waladathu. Cf. al-Zurqānī, Sharḥ, alānuwaṠṠa al-imām Mālik, Cairo, 1355/1936, IV, 90.Google Scholar Another circumlocution, for ‘parents’, is il-aṣlān. See al-SuyūṠī op.cit., II, 194, Ibn ‘Arrāq, op. cit., II, 228(both quoting from the Ta'rīkh Qazwin of al-Rāfi'ī) Ibn al-Junayd, represented the minority view, has no problem using the erm ‘mother’; his circumlocution for ‘father’ is man zanā bi ummihi ('he who committed inā with the [w.z.'s] mother’) (Mukhtalaf, 373b).

¹⁴⁶ e.g.Tahdhā'b,IX, 344Google Scholar

¹⁴⁷ Al‛ al-Tabr‛z‛ al-Gharaw‛, Al-tanq‛ḥ fi sharḥ al-'urwa al-wuthqā, II, Nakaf, 1381/1961. 70Google Scholar

¹⁴⁸ Al-Ṫīsī, , kitāb al-khilāf, II,296Google Scholar

¹⁴⁹ ibid, al-Mabsū, IV, 113.

¹⁵⁰ ibid, Kitāb al-KHILāf, loc.cit;

¹⁵¹ Tahdhīb, IX, 344; Sharāi, II, 195; Mukhtasar, 274; Wasāl, VIII/2, 566; al-Kirbāsī, op. cit., 218.

¹⁵² Hasan Emālmī, Huqīq-e madanī 179 f,; H. Löschner, Staatsangehörigkeit und Islam, 45 f. For the situation of the w.z. as regards Iranian nationality see ibid., 46–9.

¹⁵³ Ahmad, b.Muhammad b. 'Isā, Nawāldir, Da'āim, II, 509Google Scholar, 510, both cit. Mustadrak, III, 212Google ScholarKitāb Husayn b. Sa'īd, cit. Bithār, XXIV, 18;Google Scholar al-Himyarī, op. cit., 164; Kāfi, VII, 395, 396, cit. Wasā'il, IX/, 276 f.; al-Qādī al-Nu'mīn, Kitāb al-iqtisār, 159; Tahdhīb, VI, 244; Ibn Idris, op. cit., 183; Mukhtalaf, 360b.

¹⁵⁴ Al-murtadā al-Intisār, 247

¹⁵⁵ Tahdhīb, loc. cit. Al-Majlisī cites thīs as an anonymous view (wa qīl) (Mir'īt al-'uqūl, as given in n. 3 of Kāfī VII, 395).

¹⁵⁶ p. 326, cit. Ibn Idrīs, loc. cit.

¹⁵⁷ Ibn Idrīs, loc. cit,; cf. Mukhtalaf, 361a.

¹⁵⁸ ibid.

¹⁵⁹ Sharāi', II, 204.

¹⁶⁰ ibid., II, 235: cf. Mukhtasar, 287.

¹⁶¹ Wasā'il, IX/1, 227.

¹⁶² Al-Saffār al-Qummī, op. cit., 3, cit. Bihār, XXIV, 21; Kāfī, I, 400, VII, 395; al-Kīshashī, op. cit., 183; Tahdhīb, Wasā'il, loc. cit.; Mukhtalaf, 360b.

¹⁶³ See my article ‘The term muhaddath in Twelver shī'ism’, Studia Orientalia Memoriae D. H. Baneth Dedicate, Jerusalem, 1979, 45Google Scholarf.

¹⁶⁴ This question was originally included in a work of Masā'il addressed by 'Alī b. Ja'far (d.210/825–6) to his brother. See al-Tūsī, Fihrist, 212F,; cf. Wasā'il, loc. cit.; Madelung, ‘The sources of Ismā'ilī law’, JNES, 35, 1976, 36.

¹⁶⁵ In the Wasā'il (loc.cit), both answers are quoted form al-Himayarī's Qurb al-isnād. Yet in the Najaf, 1369/1950 edition of this work, only the latter answer appears (on p. 164).

¹⁶⁶ Kāfī VIII, 396; Tahdhīb, VI, 244 f.; Mukhtalaf, 361a; Wasā IX/1, 276.

¹⁶⁷ VIII, 228, whence Mukhtalaf, 360b.

¹⁶⁸ Sharā' II, 235.

¹⁶⁹ Wasā'il, IX/1, 276 f. Cf. above, heading no. 2.

¹⁷⁰ Sharā', II. See also Muhammad b. al-Hasan b. Yūsuf al-Hillī, op. cit., IV, 298.

¹⁷¹ Kitāb mirqāt al-tuqā, 19.

¹⁷² cf. above, n. 82.

¹⁷³ See also below, section IV.

¹⁷⁴ ibid., 20.

¹⁷⁵ Al-Tūsi, al-mabsū, VIII, 16; Istibsār III/2, 233f.; sharā'i', II, 279; Mukhtasar, 298. According to al-Hilli (Sharā'i', loc. cit.), when someone says to a person whom he earlier acknowledged as his son, ‘You are not my som’, he is to be punished for qadhf. Here, too, the defamation is seen as directed against the mother, rather than against the son. If a sabī is slandered without his parents being affected (i.e. when he himself is called a zānī), then the slanderer is only subjected to ta'zīlr, and is spared the full rigour of the hadd (presumably because the sabī has not yet reached puberty and so cannot effectively be accused of zīnā) (istibsār, III/2, 234).

¹⁷⁶ Kāfī, VII, 250 f., 206f; Faqīh, IV, 39; Tahdhīb, X, 66. Likewise when the issue of rape is called ibn al-fā'ila (Tahdhī, X, 67). In Imāmī law, the qadhf has to be explicit in order to activate the hadd; hints (ta'rīd) ae insufficient (al-Himyarī, op. cit., 37, 95; Faqīh, IV, 35; Tahdhī, X, 88; cf. Da'ā'im, II, 461). The ibn al-fā'ila was obviously considered sufficiently explicit not to fall within the realm of mere ta'rīd. For the controversy surrounding the term walad harām see Mukhtalaf, 392a.

¹⁷⁷ Kāfī, VII, 253; Tahdhīb, X, 82; Mukhtalaf 391b, 392b.

¹⁷⁸ Kāfī, VII, 261; Faqīh, IV, 27; Tahdhib, X, 46. See also Ibn Bābawayhi, 'Ilal al-sharā's, 581.

¹⁷⁹ Tahdhīb, X, 236–8. See also Faqī, IV, 265 (lā yuqtalu wālid bi waladihi).

¹⁸⁰ Faqīh, IV, 231f.; Tahdhī, IX, 343; Istibsār, III/2, 183; al-Muhaqqiq al-Hillī, Sharh nukat al-nihāya (unpaginated); Wasā'il, VIII/2, 567, IX/2, 164.

¹⁸¹ Faqīh, IV, 114; Ibn Bābawayhi, al-Muqni', 185, cit. Mustadrak, III, 267; Tahdhīb, X 315; Wasā'il, IX/2, 164. According to al-Murtadā (op. cit., 273, cit. Mukhtalaf, 398 b), this position is held only by the Imāmiyya.

¹⁸² Faqěh, IV, 231f.; Tahdhīb, IX, 343; Istibsār, III/2, 183; a-muhaqqiq al-Hilli, Sharhnukat al-nihāya (unpaginated); Wasā'il, VIII/2, 567, IX/2, 164.

¹⁸³ Ibn Idrī, op. cit., 424, cit. Mukhtalaf, loc. cit., al-Najafī op. cit., XLII, 35.

¹⁸⁴ N. Calader, art. cit., 41 f.

¹⁸⁵ Ibn Idrīs, loc. cit. See also al-Tūsī, al-Nihāaya, 749.

¹⁸⁶ Sharā', II, 310 f.

¹⁸⁷ ibid., II, 290. This is also the position of the 'Allāma al-Hillī (Mukhtalaf, loc. cit.).

¹⁸⁸ Sharā'ī, loc. cit. See also Mukhtasar, 317.

¹⁸⁹ Al-Najafi, op. cit., XLII, 33.

¹⁹⁰ See above, heading no. 6.

¹⁹¹ Da'ā'im, II, 382, cit, Mustadrak, III, 168 (citing a Prophetic tradition). Cf. Muhallā, XI, 63 f.

¹⁹² Ibn Abī Shayba, al-Musannaf, Hyderabad, 1386/1966 ff., 216; al-khiraqī, aal-mukhtasar, Cairo, 1346/1927–8–1348/1929–30, II, 59; al-Bayhaqī, op. cit., III, 91; Ibn Qudāma, al-sharh al-kabir (printed together with al-khiraqī), II, 58.

¹⁹³ Ibn Abī Shayba, al-Khiraqī, Ibn Qudāma, loc. cit.

¹⁹⁴ Musannaf, II, 396f.; Ibn Abī Shayba, loc. cit. (Where al-Sha'bī relates that the imam of his own mosque is of an unknown father); muhallaī, IV, 213.

¹⁹⁵ Abū, Yūsuf, al-Āthār, Cairo, 1355/1936–7, 56Google Scholar; Musannaf, II, 396; Ibn Abī Shayba, al-Khiraqī Ibn Qudāma, loc. cit.

¹⁹⁶ Al-Khiraqī Ibn Qudāma, loc. cit.

¹⁹⁷ Ibn Abī Shayba, Muhallā, loc. cit.

¹⁹⁸ Musannaf, al-Khiraqī, Ibn Qudāama, loc. cit.

¹⁹⁹ Al-Khiraqī Ibn Qudāma, loc. cit

²⁰⁰ Al-Khiraqī loc. cit.

²⁰¹ Muḥallā, IV, 211.

²⁰² Musnad Zayd, 103

²⁰³ Al-Shāfi‘ī,al-Umm, Beirut, 1400/1980, I, 193; Ibh Abī Shayba, op. cit., 217; Saḥnūn, al-Mudawwana, Cairo, 1324/1906–7, I, 86; al-Bayhaqī, op. cit., III, 90; al-Zurqānī, op. cit., I, 276.

²⁰⁴ Ibn Abī Shayba, loc. cit.

²⁰⁵ Al-Murtaḍā, al-Intiṣār, 50 (citing the Kitāb al-ikhtilāf of al-Ṭaḥāwī); Muḥallā, IV, 211.

²⁰⁶ Al-Shāfi‘ī, op. cit., I, 193; al-Khiraqī, al-Murtaḍā, Ibn Qudāma, loc. cit.

²⁰⁷ Al-Khiraqī, Ibn Qudāma, loc. cit.; al-Jazīrī, op. cit., I, 430.

²⁰⁸ Al-Jazīrī, loc. cit.

²⁰⁹ ibid.

²¹⁰ saḥnūn, op. cit., I, 85; al-Khiraqī Ibn Qudānī, loc. cit. (and see the interesting reasons adduced by al-Zurqānī, ibid.). For the term imām rātibimām see Lane, E. W., Manners and customs of the modern Eguptians, 5th ed., London, 1860, 82Google Scholar (where it is rendered as ‘ordinary Imām’), whence Dozy, Supplément, S.V. rātib.

²¹¹ Muḥallā, IV, 211 f.: al-JAzīrī, loc. cit. Mālik's view is attacked by Ibn Ḥazm (Muḥallā, IV, 212) in his usual caustic style.

²¹² Al-Jazīrī. loc. cit. For a similar notion cf. al-Qāḍī al-Nu‘mān, Kitāb al-iqtiṣār, 23 f.

²¹³ Muṣannaf, III, 533–5, VII, 454 f.; al-Khiraqī, op. cit., II, 419; Muḥallā, V, 159, 171; Ibn Qudāma, op. cit., II, 357; al-Zurqānī, op. cit., II, 65.

²¹⁴ These are ascribed to Abū Hurayra (Muṣannaf, III, 537, VII, 454 f.; Muḥallā, V, 171) and Qatāda (Muṣannaf, III, 534; al-Ṭūsī, al-Mabsūṭ, I, 182; al-Zurqānī, loc. cit.), and provide an interesting example of Sunni view which is more severe than the majority Imāmī position. 'Abd Allāh b. āUmar is also said in some reports to have refused to pray over a dead W.z.(Ibn Abī Shayba, op. cit., III, 319; Muḥallaā, V, 172)l; yet these reports are contradicted by others (Ibh Abī Shayba, loc. cit.) more in line with what we are told of Ibh ‘Umar's generally favourable attitude to the w.Z. (on which more below).

²¹⁵ Muṣannaf, VII, 457; Mukhtalaf, 360 b. Al-Murtaḍā (loc.cit.) also mentions 'Abd Allāh b. 'Umar as rejecting the testimony of a w.z. (but cf. previous note).

²¹⁶ Muḥallā, IX, 430.

²¹⁷ Al-Murtaḍā, loc. cit.

²¹⁸ Muḥalla, al-Murtaḍā, loc. cit

²¹⁹ Muḥallā, loc. cit,; cf. al-Sarakhsī, al-Mabsūṭ, Cairo, 1324/1906–1331/1913, X, 211. According to al-Murtaḍā (loc. cit.), Mālik rejected such testimony in all cases involving ḥudūd offences. See also Mukhtalaf, loc. cit.

²²⁰ Muṣannaf, II, 397, VIII, 324; Ibn Abī Shayba, op. cit., II, 216; Muḥallā, IV, 213; al-Bayhaqī, op. cit., X, 249 (where a contradictory version is also cited).

²²¹ Muṣannaf, VIII, 324; al-Bayhaqī loc. cit.

²²² Al-Umm, VI, 226.

²²³ Muḥallā, IX, 430. Ibn Ḥazm also maintained that a W.z. could assume the office of qāḍī (ibid.).

²²⁴ Muṣannaf, VII, 457; Muḥallā, loc. cit., IX, 32 (against the view of Ibn Ḥazm himself).

²²⁵ Muṣannaf, loc. cit.

²²⁶ Muḥallā, VIII, 72, IX, 209.

²²⁷ Muḥallā, VIII, 72.

²²⁸ Muḥallā, loc. cit.; al-Bayaqī, op. cit., X, 57 f.

²²⁹ Al-Bayhaqī, op. cit., x, 5 9; see also Muṣlannaf, vn, 456. This seeming contradction is explained by ‘Ā’isha as follows: after t h e verses recommending manumission had been revealed (Q 90: 12–13), some Companions suggested t h a t their concubines engage in prostitution with the aim of producing offspring who would then be manumitted. The Prophet prohibited this practice, but was not opposed to t h e manumission of w.z. in general (al-Bayhaqi, op. cit., x, 58).

²³⁰ Muṣannaf, vn, 457, 458; al-Sarakhsī, op. cit., v n, 77. But contrast Muṣannaf, vII, 155; al-Bayhaqī, op. cit., x, 59.

²³¹ Muṣannaf, 456;Muḥallā, ix, 208; al-Bayhaqī, al-Sarakhsi, loc. cit.; al-Zurqānī, op. cit., IV, 89,

²³² Al-Bayhaqī, loc. cit

²³³ ibid.

²³⁴ ibid.

²³⁵ Muṣannaf, loc. cit.

²³⁶ Al-Bayhaqī, op. cit., X, 249.

²³⁷ Muḥallā, VIII, 72; This is also Ibn Ḥazm' position (Muḥalla, VIII, 81).

²³⁸ Muḥallā VIII, 72; al-Sarakhsī, loc. According to al-Murtaḍā (op. cit., 166), only 'Abd Allā b. 'Uma, al-Sha'bi and Ṭāwūs rejected his manumission as kaffāra.

²³⁹ Al-Ṭၫsī,Kitāb al-khilāf, n, 382, cit. Ibn Idrīs, op. cit., 287 (citing al-Shāfl‘ī’ls own view); Th. W. Juynboll,Handbuch des islāmischen Gesetzes, Leiden and Leipzig, 1910, 193 f.; al-Jazīrī, op. cit., i v, 66; cf. Coulson, art. cit., 67 f.

²⁴⁰ Schacht, art. cit., 107; al-Jazīrī, op. cit., iv, 65–8.

²⁴¹ In contrast, the question whether zind constitutes an impediment to a subsequent marriage is widely discussed, mainly with reference to Q 24:3 (cf. Schacht, art. cit., 107 f.). Opinions vary greatly, from general permission to contract such a marriage (Ibn 'Abbās, apud Abū Yūsuf, op. cit., 131, Muṣannaf, VII, 202, al-Bayhaqi, op. cit., VII, 155, 157; al-Zuhrī, apud Muṣannaf, VII, 204), to permission after the zāniya repents (Ṭāwūs, Ibn Jurayj, apud Muṣannaf, VII, 207, Muḥallā, ix, 474), or after both Bhe and the zāni repent (Ibn 'Abbās, apud Muṣannaf, VII, 202; Jābir b. 'Abd Allāh, Sa'id b. al-Musayyab, Sa'id b. Jubayr, Qatāda, apud al-Bayhaqī, op. cit., VII, 155; Abū Bakr is said to have regarded the act of marriage itself as repentance, apud Muṣannaf, VII, 204), to prohibition (‘A’isha, apud MuṣannafMuṣannaf, VII, 206, al-Bayhaqi, op. cit., VII, 157; 'Abd Allāh b. 'Amr, apud al-Bayhaqī, op. cit., VII, 156; Makhūl (if the woman had previously been punished for zinā), apud Muṣannaf, VII, 207). Conflicting accounts are given of Ibn Mas‘ud’s position (Muṣannaf, VII, 205, 206; al-Bayhāqi, op. cit., vn, 156). See in general al-Jaṣṣāṣ, op. cit., I, 425, III, 265–7; Ibn Rushd, Bidāyat al-mujtahid, Cairo, 1329/1911, II, 33 f.; Schacht, art. cit., 115ȓ7.

²⁴² Suckling from a zāniya wet-nurse does not seem to present a problem either, with the not-able exception of Mālik, who is said to have frowned on such a practice (Saḥnūn, op. cit., II, 294).

²⁴³ See also below, end of section III.

²⁴⁴ But cf. above, n. 38.

²⁴⁵ Al-Murtaḍā, op. cit., 248, whence Mukhtalaf, 361a.

²⁴⁶ It must have fallen into oblivion quite early, since it does not appear in the list of al-Murtaḍā's works as cited by al-Najāshī, al-Ṭūsī and Ibn Shahrāshūb.

²⁴⁷ ibid., 273.

²⁴⁸ ibid., 248.

²⁴⁹ ibid.; Mukhtalaf, 360 f.

²⁵⁰ cf. above, n. 131.

²⁵¹ See above, section I.

²⁵² On al-MurtaṠDā's skeptical attitude to akhbār al-āḥād see Brunschvig, R., ‘Les uṣūl al-fiqh imāmites à leur stade ancien (X^e et XI^e siécles)’, Le Shī'isme imāmite, Paris, 1970, 210.Google Scholar

²⁵³ Al-Murtaḍā, Mukhtalaf. loc. cit.

²⁵⁴ ibid. This answer is based on a distinction between God's foreknowlede and determination, a distinction made already by al-Ḥasan al-Baṣrī (d. 110/728) (see M, Schwarz, ‘The letter of al-Ḥasan al-Baṣrī’, Oriens, 20, 1967, 15–30).Google Scholar Cf. also the view which Khushaysh (s. 253/867) attributes to a group of Qadarīs, according to which God neither creates the w.z., nor determines him, with him or knows him beforehand (ankarū anna llāha ‘azza wa jalla khalaqa walad al-zinā aw qaddarahu aw shā’ahu aw 'alimahu) (al-Malaṭī, Muḥammad b. Aḥmad, al-Tanbih wa-'l-radd, ed.S., Dedering, Istanbul, 1936, 134,Google Scholar whence Watt, W. M., Free will and predestination in early Islam, London, 1948, 52,Google ScholarSahas, D. J., John of Damascus on Islam, London, 1972, 109Google Scholar (I owe this reference to Dr. Sara Sviri), the article ‘Ḳadariyya’, by J. van Ess, in El, new ed.).

²⁵⁵ Al-Murtaḍā, op. cit., 273 Cf.Ḥasan b.Sulaymān al-Ḥillī, op. cit., 152; al-Najafi, op. cit., XLII, 34.

²⁵⁶ Ibn Bābawayhi, al-Hidāya, 14; Faqīh, I, 8 (see above, n. 49). Ibn Bābawayhi's position on this subject is mentioned by the 'Allāma al-Ḥillī (Mukhtalaf, 6 b), al-Majlisī (Biḥār, III, 80) and 'Abd Allā Shubbar (Maṣābīḥ al-anwālr, I, 284).

²⁵⁷ See the examples given above, section II, headings no. 3, 5, 7, 10.

²⁵⁸ Kāfī, VIII, 238, cit. Wasā'il, VII/1, 338, Biḥār, loc. cit., Shubbar, op. cit., I, 285.

²⁵⁹ Al-Barqī, op. cit., i, 108 f., cit. Biḥār, III, 79; Ibn Bābawayhi, I'qāb al-a'māl, 255, cit. Wasā'il, VII/1, 339. Contrast the version (on the authority of Wahb B. Munabbih) given in AbūNu'aym al-Iṣfahānī, Hilyat al-awliyā’, IV, Cairo, 1354/1935, 51. For the meaning of the Qur'ānic term sā'iḥūn see Paret, R., Der Koran: Kommentar und Konkordanz, Stuttgart, 1971, 213 (ad Q 9: 112).Google Scholar

²⁶⁰ See t h e discussion in his Maṣābīḥ alanwār, i, 284—6. This passage appears to be a n elaboration of a similar analysis in the Biḥār (III, 80).

²⁶¹ In fact, the word used in the parallel sentence in the Biḥār is ‘Imamiyya’.

²⁶² An idea current also in Sunnī tradition. See al-Qurṭubī, al-Jāṁi' li aḥkām al-qur'ān, Cairo, n.d., II, 2647 f.; ibid, al-Tadhkira, ed. Aḥmad Ḥ. al-Saqā, Cairo, 1400/1980, 387; Ibn Kathīr, Tafsīr, Cairo, 1371/1952, II, 217.

²⁶³ Wensinck, A. J., The Muslim Cŕeed, Cambridge, 1932, 44.Google Scholar

²⁶⁴ See the articles 'A‘rāf’, by R. Paret, and ‘Barzakh’, by B. Carra de Vaux, in El, new ed.

²⁶⁵ BiḤār, VII, 161–3, Burhān, II, 17–21, and the sources cited there. The A'rāf on which the Imams stand is also said to be on the bridge (ṣirāṭ) connecting Hell to Paradise. See Biḥār, IIi, 387 f. and the sources cited there. Occasionally the A'rāf itself is identified with the Imams(al-Ṣaffār al-Qummī, op. cit., 145; Furāt b. Ibrāhīm, Tafsīr, Najaf, 1354/1935–6, 46, cit. Biḥār, III, 389 f.; see also some of the traditions cited in Ḥasan b. Sulaymān al-Ḥilli, op. cit., 51–5, BiḤār, VII, 161–3).

²⁶⁶ Burhān, n, 20.

²⁶⁷ Kāfi, II, 403, 408, whence Burhān, II, 18, 20.

²⁶⁸ Kāfi, loc. c i t.; cf. al-Kishshī, op. cit., 128 f.

²⁹⁹ I b n Shahrāshūb, op. cit., III, 31.

²⁷⁰ See t h e discussion in al-Mufīd, Taṣḥīḥ al-i'tiqād, ed. 'A. Ṣ. Wajdī, Tabriz, 1371/1951–2, 48 f., cit. Biḥār, III, 390. Cf. also t h e tradition that dhimmīs who love 'Alī go to t h e fourth heaven, while the Shi'is go to Paradise (Kitāb Muḥammad b. Muthannā al-Hadramī, in al-Uṣūl al-arba‘umi’a, fol. 56a—b). The fourth heaven is clearly distinct from Paradise, but j u s t as clearly does not form part of Hell. Similarly, jinn who have died as believers are said to join sinful Shi'is in enclosures (haẓāa'ir) located between Heaven and Hell ('Alī b. Ibrāhīm al-Qummī, op. cit., II, 300, cit. Biḥār, III, 388).

²⁷¹ Al-Barqī, op. cit., i, 149, cit. Biḥār, ni, 80, Shubbar, op. cit., I, 285 f., al-Najafī, op. cit., VI, 71.

²⁷² Biḥār, loc. cit. (also Shubbar, op. cit., i, 186). Al-Majlisī seems to be putting forward his own emendation, rather than citing a variant reading.

²⁷³ Ibn Bābawayhi, Thawāb al-a'māl Tehran, 1375/1955–, 164.

²⁷⁴ Faqīh III, 318. See in general Ibn Bābawayhi, Tawḥīd n. pl., 1321/1903–, 400–8.

²⁷⁵ Ibn Shahrāshūb, op. cit., III, 4.

²⁷⁶ ibid.

²⁷⁷ muḥibbūn, who are ranked lower than the true Shi'a.

²⁷⁸ Al-'Askarī, Tafsīr, Tabriz, 1314/1896–7–1315/1897–8, 124.

²⁷⁹ Ibn, Ḥanbal, Musnad, Cairo, 1313/1895–1896, VI, 109Google Scholar; al-Bayhaqī, op. cit., X, 58, 59.

²⁸⁰ Al-Ṭaḥāwī, , Mushkil al-āthār, Hyderabad, 1333/1914–1915, I, 392 fGoogle Scholar. see also Muḥallā, IX, 430; al-Bayhaqī, op. cit., X, 58; al-sarakhsī, op. cit., VII, 78. In Mustadrak, III, 212, this person is identified as Abū 'Azza al-Jumaḥī, i.e. the poet 'Amr b. 'Abd Allāh b. 'Umayr. According to a widely current account, he was captured at Badr but was released by the Prophet after he had pleaded for mercy and had promised to cease supporting the Prophet's enemies. When he subsequently yielded to pressure and broke his promise, the Prophet killed him (or had him killed) after the battle of Uḥd. See e.g. Ibn, Hishām, Sīra, ed. al-Ḥamīd, Muh. M. 'abd, Cairo, 1391/1971, 534, 641Google Scholar; al-Wāqidī, , Maghāzi, ed. Jones, M., London, 1966, 308 f.Google Scholar; Ibn, Sa'd, Tabaqāt, Beirut, 1380/1960–1388/1968, II, 43Google Scholar; Ibn, Ḥabīb, al-munammaq, Hyderabad, 1384/1964, 488Google Scholar; Muṣ'ab, al-zubayri, Kitāb nasab Quraysh, ed. E., Lévi-Provençal, Cairo, 1953, 397 f.Google Scholar; al-Ṭabarī, , Ta'rikh, ed. Goeje, M. J. de a. o., Leiden, 1879–1901, I, 1385Google Scholar; Ibn, Durayd, al-Ishtiqāq, ed. Hārūn, 'Abd al-Salām Muḥ, Baghdad, 1399/1979, 131Google Scholar; al-Halabī, , al-Sira al-ḥalabiyya, II, Cairo, 1382/1962, 273Google Scholar. According to Ibn Ḥabīb (op. cit., 507), Abū ‘Azza’s mother was Jewess. for other Sunnī interpretations of the sharr al-thalātha tradition consult Muṣannaf, VII, 455; al-Bayhaqī, op. cit., III, 91, X, 59; al-Sarakhsī, op. cit., VII, 77 f.; al-Suhaylī, , al-Rawḁ al-unuf, ed. al-Wakīl, 'Abd al-Raḥīm, Cairo, 1387/1967–1390/1970, III, 463Google Scholar. According to al-Sarakhsī (op. cit., VII, 77), al-Sha'bī accepted the validity of this tradition; but judging from ạ story in al-Dhahabī (Tadhkirat al-ḥffāẓ, Hyderabad, 1375/1955–1377/1958, I, 81Google Scholar), he appears to have rejected it.

²⁸¹ A view attributed to Ibn 'Umar himself (Muṣannaf, III, 537, VII, 454 f.; Muḥallā, V, 171) and also to 'Ikrima (Muṣannaf, VII, 455). See also al-Muttaqī al-Hindī, op. cit., v, 259, cit. 'Abbās al-Qummā, safīnat al-bihār, I, Najaf, 1352/1933ȓ4, 560; ef. Biḥār, VIII, 567.

²⁸² ‘Umar’s action serves to contradict Abū Hurayra's declaration that he would rather be whipped than manumit a farkh zinā (which is another term for w.z.) (al-Ṭaḥāwī, op. cit., I, 397). Cf. also Ibn al-Jawzī, op. cot., III, 110 f.; al-Muttaqī al-Hindī, op. cit., v, 184; Ibn 'Arrāq, op cit., II, 228.

²⁸³ Al-Tahawi, loc. cit. Indeed, the belief that the w.z. is like any other person and that no blame attaches to him was reportedly held by many horities, from ‘A’isha (Musannaf, vn, 454; Ibn Abi Shayba, op. cit., n, 216; al-Khiraqi, op. cit., n,59; al-Bayhaqi, op. cit., m, 91, x, 58; Ibn dama, op. cit., n, 58; al-Sarakhsi, op. cit., vn, 77), ‘Ata’ (Muballa, ix, 430; Ibn Hanbal {Muialld, ix, 430). Ibn Hazm himself is particularly articulate: ‘People's defects reside in their religion and morals, not in their bodies or descent’ (MuJfalld, rv, 211). He does, however, acknowledge that the illegitimate offspring is of lowly origins, as when he contrasts him with the Qurashi (ibid.). This point is emphasized in particular by the Malikis, who maintain that the w.z. was created' of a wicked sperm’ (nutfa khdbltha) (Ibn ‘Abd al-Barr, as cited in al-Zurqani, op. cit., I, 276). But they, too, affirm that he is not to blame for his origins (ibid.; cf. al-Bayhaqi, op. cit., x, 49).

²⁸⁴ Al-Tahawi, op. cit., I, 394–6.

²⁸⁵ A question obliquely addressed by ‘Ata’ who said, in response to Ibn Jurayj's claim that the w.z. are destined to Hell, ‘who knows whether hey are indeed among the inhabitants of Hell?’ (Musannaf, 534 f.; Muhalla, v, 171). On the question of the belief status of a w.z. born himmi parents see Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyya, Abkam ahl al-dhimma, ed. S. al-Salih, 1381/1961, 70 f., 495 f

²⁸⁶ I, 149, cit. Bihar, m, 80, Shubbar, op. cit., I, 285 f., al-Najafi, op. cit., vi, 71.

²⁸⁷ In the text he is only referred to as ‘Abu Bakr’. Abu Bakr al-Hadrami is, however, mentioned in the preceding tradition and so the reference ight well be to him. Two persons called ‘Abu Bakr al-Hadrami’ are mentioned in the Bijdl literature: Muhammad b. Shurayh and ‘Abd Allah b. Muhammad. See e.g. al-Quhpa'i, op. cit., rv, 43–5, v, 234.

²⁸⁸ On whom see al-Kishshi, op. cit., 210.

²⁸⁹ Al-Barqi, op. cit., i, 136–8 (bab ilchtildt al-tinatayn). See also I b n Babawayhi, ‘Ilal alshara'i’, 82–1, 116 f., 607–9; Hasan b. Sulayman al-Hffli, op. cit., 157 f. Cf. the tradition according to which two qualities are needed to become one of God's chosen: love for the Imamsandpure origins (Ibn Babawayhi, Ma'ani l-alchbar, 162, cit. Bihar, vn, 375); in other words, it is possible to possess only one of these qualities. According t o some reports, the Imam al-Rida was so incensed with his wayward disciple Yflnus b. ‘Abd al-Rahman (on whom see above, section I I, beading no. 6) that he referred to him as w.z. (or ibn zdnin) (al-Kishshi, op. cit., 417, 418). I t appears clear, however, that even if the report were true (a possibility denied by al-Kishshi, ibid., 419), the Imam's words should not be taken literally, but rather as a form of abuse.

²⁹⁰ Al-Isfahani, op. cit., 20.

²⁹¹ I take this to be the meaning of jawārī here

²⁹² Theal-rasātīq, are described in Kāfī, VIII, 163Google Scholar as ignoramuses. See alsoal-Mufī, , τl-Ikhtisās, 228Google Scholar

²⁹³ AI-Najafī, , op. cit., VI, 68–71.Google Scholar

²⁹⁴ AI-Gharawī, , op. cit., II, 66, 71–3.Google Scholar

²⁹⁵ See ‘Non-Imāmī Muslims in Imāmī fiqh’

²⁹⁶ Mukhtalaf, 312a, 398b.

²⁹⁷ ibid.,267b

²⁹⁸ ibid., 6b. In a detalied analysis of the position of the w.z., Yŭsuf al-Baḥrānī(in his al-Durra al-Najafiyya, Tehran, 1314/1896, 218–222)Google Scholar concludes that the w.z.belongs to a third category which is neither that of believer nor unbeliever (ibid., 221). Unlike the ‘Allāma, however, al-Bahrānī avoids further identifying this cotegory

²⁹⁹ See above, section II, heading no. 10

³⁰⁰ Mukhtalaf, 77b, 36b, 361

³⁰¹ Bihār, , III, 80Google Scholar. I am indebted to Michael Cook and FrandH. Stewart for helpful comments and suggestions