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3 Abū Jaʿfar Muḥammad ibn Jarīr Ṭabarī, Tafsīr al-Ṭabarī: Jāmiʿ al-bayān ʿan tawīl āy al-Qur’ān, ed. ʿAbd Allāh ibn ʿAbd al-Muḥsin al-Turk, 26 vols (Cairo: Dār Hijr, 2001), 8: 84–5. See, for the Muslim exegetical tradition on this term, Smith, Jane I., An Historical and Semantic Study of the Term “Islām” as Seen in a Sequence of Qurʾān Commentaries (Missoula, Mont.: Scholars Press for Harvard Theological Review, 1975)Google Scholar and Smith, Jane I., “Continuity and change in the understanding of Islam”, Islamic Quarterly 16/3, 1972, 121–39Google Scholar.

4 I am anglicizing islām here as a non-count abstract noun, like beauty, rather than using the Arabic definite article al-. Since English non-count abstract nouns do not take a determiner such as the definite article (“Beauty is a classical virtue”) except when qualified by a following clause or prepositional phrase (“the beauty of the statue”), I will treat islām as zero article when it is unqualified. It is, however, meant to be definite.

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11 John Bar Penkaye, Ktābā d-rēs mellē, “Chapter 15”, in Alphonse Mingana (ed. and trans.), Sources Syriaques 1 (Leipzig: Otto Harrassowitz, 1907), 175; for an English translation see Brock, S.P., “North Mesopotamia in the late seventh century: Book XV of John Bar Penkaye's Ris Melle”, Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam 9, 1987, 51–74Google Scholar, this quote on p. 61.

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27 Bukharin, Mikhail, “Mecca on the caravan routes in Pre-Islamic antiquity”, in Neuwirth, Angelika, Sinai, Nicolai and Marx, Michael (eds), The Qurʾan in Context: Historical and Literary Investigations into the Qurʾanic Milieu (Leiden: Brill, 2010), 115–34Google Scholar; Al-Azmeh, Aziz, The Emergence of Islam in Late Antiquity: Allah and His People (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2014), 134–62Google Scholar; Rubin, Uri, “The Ilaf of Quraysh: a study of sura CVI”, Arabica, 31/2, 1984, 165–88Google Scholar; Heck, Gene W., “‘Arabia without spices’: an alternate hypothesis”, Journal of the American Oriental Society 123/3, 2003, 547–76CrossRefGoogle Scholar; some of these authors are replying to the late Patricia Crone's idiosyncratic scepticism in her youth about the Meccan caravans, which she revised in Crone, Patricia, “Quraysh and the Roman army: making sense of the Meccan leather trade”, BSOAS 70/1, 2017, 63–88CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For non-Muslim witnesses to Muhammad himself as a peripatetic merchant who regularly travelled to Syria, see Jacob of Edessa in Hoyland, Robert, Seeing Islam as Others Saw It (Princeton, NJ: The Darwin Press, Inc., 1997), 165Google Scholar; Hoyland, Robert G., “The earliest Christian writings on Muhammad: an appraisal”, in Motzki, Harald (ed.), The Biography of Muhammad: The Issue of the Sources (Leiden: Brill, 2000), 276–7Google Scholar and Chabot, J.B. (ed. and trans.), Le chronique de Michel le Syrien, Patriarche Jacobite Syrien (1166–1199), 4 vols (Paris: Ernest Leroux, 1899–1905), 2: 403–4Google Scholar.

28 For a similar argument made from rural inscriptions see Hoyland, Robert, “Epigraphy and the linguistic background of the Qur'an”, in Reynolds, Gabriel Said (ed.), The Qur'an in Its Historical Context (New York: Routledge, 2008), 51–69Google Scholar; for urban Arab Christianity in late antiquity, see Shahid, Byzantium and the Arabs in the Sixth Century, vol. 1, pt. 2, and vol. 2, pt. 2, 277–96.

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31 William Wayte Smith and George Eden Marindin, A Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities, 2 vols (London: J. Murray, 3rd rev. edn. 1901), 1: 720; Augustine S. Carman, “The New Testament usage of the Greek mysteries”, The Bibliotheca Sacra 50/200, 1893, 613–39, this point on 621; in general, see Bremmer, Jan, “Initiation into the Eleusinian mysteries: a ‘thin’ description”, in Bull, Christian H., Lied, Liv and Turner, John D. (eds), Nag Hammadi and Manichaean Studies (Leiden: Brill, 2011), 375–97Google Scholar and Cosmopoulos, Michael B., Bronze Age Eleusis and the Origins of the Eleusinian Mysteries (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2015)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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35 Proclus, The Commentaries of Proclus on the Timaeus of Plato, trans. Thomas Taylor, 5 vols (London: the Author, 1820), 1: 324; Uždavinys, Algis, Philosophy as a Rite of Rebirth: From Ancient Egypt to Neoplatonism (London: The Prometheus Trust, 2008), 47Google Scholar.

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37 In the Peshitta, paradōke is translated by the Syriac shlm in this verse, which I am arguing would have been aslama in the oral Syrian Arabic translation. The noun form paradosis is most often, however, rendered in the Peshitta as puqdānā, i.e. teaching or commandment. This tendency may be another argument for the direct relationship of the Quranic Arabic to the Greek.

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42 The universalism of the concept was accepted by some medieval Muslim authorities. For instance, Jalāl al-Dīn Muḥammad al-Maḥallī and Jalāl al-Dīn al-Suyūṭī, Al-Qur’ān al-Karīm: bi-al-rasm al-ʿUthmānī. Wa-bihāmishi Tafsīr al-Imāmayn al-Jalīlayn (Beirut: Dār al-Maʿrifah, c. 1990), 44, say apud 3: 19, that islām means here the divinely ordained legislation (al-sharʿ) sent via the Messengers – in the plural (al-mabʿūth bihi al-rusul) – based on monotheism (al-mabnī ʿalā al-tawḥīd).

43 ʿImād al-Dīn Ismaʿīl Ibn Kathīr, Tafsīr al-Qur’ān al-ʿAẓīm (Beirut: Dār Ibn Ḥazm, 2000), 358, begins by defining islām as following all the prophets sent by God, which again underlines that medieval Muslim authorities recognized that it denoted a prophetic tradition. He then continues, however, “… until they were sealed by Muhammad, who barred all roads to him except that of Muhammad, such that anyone who encounters God after he sent Muhammad, practicing a religion other than his path – it is not acceptable”. While Ibn Kathīr was correct that the concept of islām has a serial dimension, since it means “tradition” and Muhammad extended the tradition, I cannot see this notion of “outside of Muḥammad there is no salvation” anywhere in the Quran itself, and it is contradicted by passages such as The Cow 2: 62.

44 François de Blois, “Naṣrānī (Ναζωραȋος) and ḥanīf (ἐθνικός): studies on the religious vocabulary of Christianity and of Islam”, BSOAS 65/1, 2002, 1–30.

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46 Ṭabarī, Tafsī r al-Ṭabarī, 8: 85.

47 In Palmyra they had been called ginnaye in Aramaic: Javier Teixidor, The Pantheon of Palmyra (Leiden: Brill, 1979), 77–9.

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52 Ferguson, “Paradosis and traditio”, 11–12.

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54 See de Blois, “Naṣrānī (Ναζωραȋος) and ḥanīf (ἐθνικός)”.