^{page 1 note 1} A summary of part of this article formed the subject of a brief paper entitled ‘Remarks on Muslim institutions of learning in eleventh-century Baghdad’, delivered on 10 April 1959 at the Annual Meeting of the American Oriental Society in Ann Arbor, Michigan.

^{page 2 note 2} cf., inter alia, Nafisī, Sa'īd, Medreseh-i niẓāmiyeh-i Baghdād (Teheran, 1934Google Scholar; Arabic transl. by Husain, ‘All Mahfüẓ, ‘Al-Madrasa al-niẓāmlya fī Baghdād’, Majallat al-Majma' al-'Ilmi al-'Iraqī, iii, 1954, 143–58)Google Scholar, and the thesis of Talas, As'ad, La madrasa Niẓāmiyya et son histoire (Paris, 1939)Google Scholar. The following abbreviations are used in this article:

‘L'affaire d'lbn ‘Aqil’: Makdisi, George, ‘Nouveaux détails sur l'affaire d'lbn ‘Aqil’, in Mélanges Louis Massignon. Tom. III,. Damascus, Institut Français de Damas, 1957, 91–126Google Scholar.

Baghdad: Strange, Guy Le, Baghdad during the 'Abbasid Caliphate. Cambridge, University Press, 1900Google Scholar.

Bidāya: Kathīr, Ibn, al-Bidāya wa'l-nihāya fī'l-tārīkh. Cairo, al-Sa'āda Press, 1358/1939Google Scholar.

Dhail: Rajab, Ibn, Dhail 'aiā tabaqāt al-hanābila, ed. Dahhān, H. Laoust-S., vol. I. Damascus, Institut Français de Damas, 1951Google Scholar.

Dhail (ed. Fiqī): Rajab, Ibn, Dhail 'aiā tabaqāt al-ḥanābila, ed. al-Fiqī, Muḥammad Ḥamid. Cairo, al-Sunna al-Muhammadīya Press, 1372/1952–1953Google Scholar.

‘Diary’: Makdisi, George, ‘Autograph diary of an eleventh-century historian of Baghdad,’ 5 parts, in Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, xviii, 1–2, 1956, xix, 1–3Google Scholar, 1957 (edition of the text and English translation of the diary of Ibn al-Bannā' with introduction and notes).

Fawā'id: al-Fawā'id al-bahīya fītarājim al-hanafīya. Cairo, al-Sa'āda Press, 1324/1906Google Scholar.

Funnn: 'Aqīl, Ibn, Kitāb al-funūn, MS arabe Paris787Google Scholar.

GAL: Brockelmann, Carl, Oeschichte der arabischen Litteratur, 2 vols., 3 supplement vols., 1898 ffGoogle Scholar.

Jawāhir: Abī'l-Wafā', Ibn, al-Jawāhir al-muḍīya fī ṭabaqāt alḥhanafīya, 2 vols. Ḥaidarābād, Dā'irat al-Ma'ārif Press, 1332/1913Google Scholar.

Kāmil:al-Athīr, Ibn, al-Kāmil iīl-tārīkh. Cairo, Munīrīya Press, 1348/1929 ffGoogle Scholar.

Madrasa Niẓāmiya: Talas, As'ad, La madrasa Niẓāmiyya et son histoire. Paris, P. Geuthner, 1939Google Scholar.

Mir'āt al-zamān: al-Jauzī, Sbṭ b., Mir'āt al-zamān fī tārīkhal-a'yān. MS arabe Paris, 1506Google Scholar.

Muntaẓam: al-Jauzī, Ibn, al-Muntaẓam fī tārikh al-mulūk wa'l-umam. Ḥaidarābād, Dā'irat al-Ma'ārif Press, 1357–8/1938–1939Google Scholar.

Shadharāt: al-'Imād, Ibn, Shadhārat al-dhahab fī akhbār man dhahab. Cairo, al-Sa'ada Press, 1358/1939Google Scholar.

Ṭabaqāt al-ḥanābila: Ya'lā, Ibn Abī, Tabaqāt al-ḥanābila. Cairo, al-Sunna al-Muḥam madīya Press, 1952Google Scholar.

Ṭabaqāt al-shāfi'īya: Subkī, , Ṭabaqāt al-shāfi'īya al-kubrā. Cairo, al-Ḥusainlya Press, 1324/1906Google Scholar.

Tārīkh Baghdād: al-Baghdādī, al-Khaṭlb, Tārīkh Baghdād. Cairo, al-Sa'āda Press, 1349/1931Google Scholar.

‘Topography’: Makdisi, George, ‘The topography of eleventh-century Baghdad: materials and notes’, Arabica, vi, 2, 1959, 178–97CrossRefGoogle Scholar; vi, 3, 1959, 281–309.

Zubda: Bundārī, , Zubdat al-nuṣra wa-nukhbat al-'usra (Histoire des Seldjoucides de l'Irâq, par al-Bondarī, vol. II. Recueil de textes relatifs à l'histoire des Seldjoucides), ed. Houtsma, M. Th.Leiden, E. J. Brill, 1889Google Scholar.

For a good working bibliography on the general subject of Muslim education, see Tritton, A. S., Materials on Muslim education in the Middle Ages (London, Luzac, 1957), pp. ix–xiiGoogle Scholar.

^{page 2 note 1} Paris, Oxford, Bologna, and others.

^{page 2 note 2} The other college which receives a good amount of praise, though on a lesser scale, is the Niẓāmīya of Nīsābūr.

^{page 2 note 3} Die Akademien der Araber und ihre Lehrer (Göttingen, 1837)Google Scholar.

^{page 3 note 1} See Le dogme et la loi de l'Islam: histoire du développement dogmatique et juridique de la religion musulmane (Paris, P. Geuthner, 1920; translation reviewed by the author), p. 98Google Scholar; cf. the original work, Vorlesungen über den Islam (Heidelberg, 1910), p. 120Google Scholar, and the second edition of Fr. Babinger (Heidelberg, 1925), p. 118. The italics in the translated quotation are mine.

^{page 3 note 2} i.e. Hanbalism.

^{page 3 note 3} See Madrasa Niẓāmiya.

^{page 3 note 4} See Jawād, Muṣṭafā, ‘Al-Niẓāmīya fī Baghdād’, Sumer, ix, 1953, 317–2Google Scholar.

^{page 3 note 5} As will be seen below, the Niẓāmīya did not have a chair of theology, but only a chair of law.

^{page 4 note 1} For these cathedral mosques and others see Baghdad, index.

^{page 4 note 2} cf. Ṭabaqāt al-shāfi'ya, in the case of Abū Mansūr al-Jīlī (d. 452/1060) where the Caliph was asked: kaifa tu'ṭi 'l-ḥalqata mani'smuhu hādhā?

^{page 5 note 1} The chair was Ḥalqat al-Barāmika and the appointment of Ibn 'Aqīl was made over the head of his senior, the Sharīf Abū Ja'far; see ‘L'affaire d'Ibn ‘Aqīl', 121 f.

^{page 5 note 2} For Ibn al-Bannā' see ‘Diary—I’.

^{page 5 note 3} This ḥalqa was most probably named after the family at the head of which stood Abū Ḥafṣ ‘Umar b. Aḥmad al-Barmakī (d. 387/997, see Ṭabaqāt al-ḥanābila, II, 153–5), who had three sons: Abū'l-'Abbās Aḥmad (d. 401/1010; see ibid., 191), Abū Isḥāq Ibrāhīm (d. 445/ 1053; see ibid., 190–1) and Abū'l-Ḥasan 'Alī (d. 450/1058; see Muntaẓam, VIII, 191). Abū Ya'lā may have been appointed after this last representative of the family, in 450. The son of Abū Ya'lā, gives special attention in his history (Tabaqāt al-ḥanabila, II, 200–1) to a session which he attended where his father dictated traditions to a considerable audience, on 29 Dhū'l-Qa'da 450 (Sunday, 17 January 1059), probably his father's inaugural lesson in this particular Barmakid ḥalqa. Abū Ya'lā kept it until his death (cf. ibid., 231–2, where Ṣihr Hibat Allāh al-Muqri' [d. 461/1068] attended Abū Ya'lā's sessions there regularly until the latter died). With Ibn ‘Aqīl, the ḥalqa enters into a period of trouble (cf. ‘L'affaire d'lbn ‘Aqīl’).

^{page 5 note 4} See Ṭabaqāt al-ḥanābila, II, 193.

^{page 5 note 5} See ‘Diary—I’, 19, n. 7.

^{page 5 note 6} Dhail, I, 21.

^{page 5 note 7} For various quarters on both sides of Baghdad and other topographical materials, see ‘Topography’, index.

^{page 5 note 8} Ṭabaqāt al-ḥanābila, II, 250–1.

^{page 6 note 1} Muntaẓam, viii, 76.

^{page 6 note 2} Ṭabaqāt al-ḥanābila, II, 188.

^{page 6 note 3} ‘Diary—I’, 18.

^{page 6 note 4} Muntaẓam, ix, 176.

^{page 6 note 5} Ṭabaqāt al-ḥanābila, II, 234.

^{page 6 note 6} op. cit., II, 189 (read:fī ḥtalqataih, instead of:fī ḥalqatih, cf. the preceding page).

^{page 6 note 7} See Funūn, fol. 247b.

^{page 6 note 8} Ṭabaqāt al-ḥanābila, ii, 201. The Ẓāhirīya Library in Damascus preserves some of these amālī (dictations of traditions) of Abū Ya'lā.

^{page 7 note 1} i.e., Jāmi’ al-Mahdi; Dhail, I, 10.

^{page 7 note 2} Ṭabaqāt al-ḥanābila, II, 234:halqat al-naẓar iva'l-fatwā, where he used to yudarris, yuftī wa-yunāẓir.

^{page 7 note 3} Dhail, I, 168: li'l-munāẓara.

^{page 7 note 4} ibid., 217.

^{page 7 note 5} Muntaẓam, vii, 172; Kāmil, vii, 162 (sub anno 383); Bidāya, xi, 312; Shadharāt, in, 104. Dār al-'Ilm was located, according to the account in Ibn al-Jauzī's Muntaẓam, vii, 172, ‘in the Karkh (area) between the two walls’. This location is not very clear. Le Strange, Baghdad, does not give any information on the Karkh quarter having ‘two walls’. But I think that what Ibn al-Jauzī refers to in this passage is the double wall which surrounded the Round City of Manṣur (op. cit., index, s.v. ‘Round City’). Le Strange (op. cit., 320) tells how, in the early history of this part of the city, the name of Karkh was used to designate the whole of the west side of Baghdad, just as that of Rusṣāfa was used for the whole of the east side. In this acceptance of the term, it is quite possible that Dār al-'Ilm was located somewhere between the two walls, just as the Maṭbaq prison appears on Le Strange's map (op. cit., Map No. II, reference no. 4).

^{page 8 note 1} Shaikh Abū Bakr Muhammad. b. Mūsā, al-Khawārizī; see Muntaẓam, vii, 172.

^{page 8 note 2} The responsibility for its destruction is attributed by Ibn al-Jauzī(Muntaẓam, vii, 205) to the Sunnites who burned this and other buildings in the Shī'ite quarter following the departure of the Turkish general al-Basāsīrī who had championed the Shī'ites.

^{page 8 note 3} Muntaẓam, vii, 266; among his students of law were two famous men of the period, the Shī'ite al-Raḍi (d. 406) and the Ḥanafite al-ṢSaimarī (d. 428).

^{page 8 note 4} Khāzin Dār al-'Ilm; see Sam'anī, Ansāb, fol. 185a.

^{page 8 note 5} See also Muntaẓam, ix, 189–90, for a notice on an Imāmite Shī'ite jurisconsult who died in 510/1116 and was said to have been known as ‘librarian of the old Dār al-Kutub’ (Khāzin Dār al-Kutub al-qadīma). It is very probable that this ‘old’Dār al-Kutub was in reality Dār al-'Ilm, since we know from the Funūn of Ibn ‘Aqīl that Dār al-Kutub itself was still in existence and would therefore not be referred to in this manner; also, since both institutions had similar characteristics, it is likely that the original Dār al-'Ilm came to be known in the period of the new Dār al-Kutub as the ‘old Dār al-Kutub’.

^{page 8 note 6} This street is not found in Le Strange's Baghdad, which does, however, cite a ‘Road of Ibn Abī ‘Aun’on the west side. But the orthography of ‘Auf’ is clear in Muntaẓam, vii, 216 and ix, 42, and in the manuscript of Ibn ‘Aqil’s Funūn, fol. 195a.

^{page 8 note 7} Muntaẓam, viii, 216.

^{page 9 note 1} Funūn, fol. 195a.

^{page 9 note 2} For author and work, see GAL, i, 124, Suppl., i, 188.

^{page 9 note 3} Tārīkh Baghdād, III,, 121–2; Muntaẓam, vii, 170–1.

^{page 9 note 4} See Ṭabaqāt al-shāfi'iya, iii, 230: fa-waqqafahu Niẓam al-Mulk bi-dar al-Kutub bi-Baghdād ‘Niẓām al-Mulk constituted it a waqf bequest in the dar al-Kutub of Baghdad’. As'adṬalas mistook this to be the library (dar al-kutub) of the Niẓāmlya (see Madrasa Niẓdmiya, 41, n. 1: ‘Niẓām fit don à l'école de Baghdad de ses precieux manuscrits’). Notice also that Qazwīnī's Mu'tazilism is not insisted upon by Ṭalas whose thesis is that Niẓām built his college to fight Mu'tazilism, among other religious movements.

^{page 9 note 5} Supplément aux dictionnaires arabes (Leiden-Paris, 1927), s.v.jls.Google Scholar

^{page 10 note 1} Especially Subkī (in his Ṭfabaqāt al-shāfi'īya), an author of a later period (he died in 771/1370), but whose work has preserved many of the earlier sources and who was conscious of the development of technical terminology in the field of education; see, for example, op. cit., II, 314 (lines 11–12).

^{page 11 note 1} Dhail, I, 13–14.

^{page 11 note 2} ibid., 118–19.

^{page 11 note 3} See Tārīkh Baghdād, xi, 267 (lines 13–14). On Shāhīn, Ibn, see also GAL, I, 165Google Scholar, Suppl. 1,276.

^{page 11 note 4} Abū ‘Alī al-Ḥasan b. ‘Alī al-Ṭamīmī al-Wā'iẓ, known as Ibn al-Madhhab; see Tārīkh. Baghdād, vii, 390–2, and Muntaẓam, viii, 155–6.

^{page 11 note 5} of. below, under ‘Historical development’, p. 48.

^{page 12 note 1} cf. Dozy, op. cit., s.v. mashhad and zāwiya.

^{page 12 note 2} From the Form I nāba, yanūbu, with the preposition 'an; and the verbal noun, niyāba, as a technical term, meant the teaching position of substitute-professor, as opposed to tadrīs. When he is referred to as teaching, the verb darrasa is used together with the former verbal noun:darrasa niyābatan ('an…).

^{page 12 note 3} cf. Subkl, , Ṭabaqāt al-shāfī'iya, iv, 86Google Scholar: darrasa bi'l-Niẓāmīya niyābatan ‘inda mauti Yūsuf al-Dimasqī ‘he taught fiqh in the Niẓāmiya as a substitute-professor at the death of Yūsuf al-Dimasqī‘. Since this was the case, it is not necessary to see in the hiring of Ghazzālī's brother to replace him when he left Baghdad the proof of his intention or of the understanding of the authorities that he was coming back. His brother was relieved the following year, and when Ghazzālī finally returned to Baghdad, he taught in the monastery-college (ribät) of Abū Sa'd.

^{page 12 note 4} From the Form IV a'āda; and the verbal noun, i'āda, as a technical term, denoted the position of drill-master, as opposed to tadrīs and niyāba.

^{page 13 note 1} When Ibn ‘Aqīl came to study under the direction of Shīrāzi's professor, Abū'l-Ṭaiyib al-Ṭabarī, he said that the latter had retired from his regular teaching.

^{page 13 note 2} cf. Subkī, iv, 198, where a ta'liqa on khilāf is given the title of al-Mu'tarad; cf. also Dhail (ed. Fiqī), I, 418, 420, where Ibn al-Jauzī's list of works includes three ta'līqas, each with a title.

^{page 13 note 3} A graduate law student is someone who has finished the ta'līqa of his professor, cf. Dhail (ed. Fiqī), I, 176:kammala 'l-ta'līqa.

^{page 13 note 4} Herein lies the significance of Fāriqī's (d. 528/1133) boast concerning his teacher Abū Isḥāq al-Shīrāzi that once the latter's ta'līqa was mastered, a student had no need for further study under another professor; see below, end of article.

^{page 13 note 5} Three ta'līqas of varying length are attributed to Ibn al-Jauzī, see this page, n. 2.

^{page 14 note 1} There is therefore a distinct difference between a wa'ẓ sermon and a khuṭba sermon, the former unrestricted as to place of delivery, the latter delivered exclusively in cathedral mosques. See below, p. 48, where the identification of the one with the other of these two types of sermon led to the identification of the madrasa with the mosque.

^{page 15 note 1} cf. the tradition in al-Janzīya, Ibn Qaiyim, Kitāb al-rūh, (Ḥaidarābād, 1357/1958), 158 (ll. 10–12)Google Scholar, wherein it is said that the dissemination of knowledge, the performance of good works, and a pious son praying for him are regarded as instrumental in earning for a man this divine grace after his death. Cf. Ḥanbal, Ibn, Musnad, v, 269 (ll. 21–22), for an elaborated form of this traditionGoogle Scholar.

^{page 16 note 1} One of the abuses of the Niẓāmīya, as will be seen below, was to split the professorial chair into two half-time appointments given to two different professors.

^{page 17 note 1} Abū'l-Ḥusain Aḥmad b. Muḥammad al-Qudūrī al-Baghdādī (d. 428/1037); see GAL, i, 174–5, Suppl., I, 295–6.

^{page 17 note 2} Abū 'Abd Allāh al-ḤHusain b. 'Alī al-Ṣaimarī (d. 436/1045); see GAL, Suppl., I, 636.

^{page 17 note 3} Abū 'Abd Allāh Muḥhammad b. 'Alī al-Dāmaghānī (d. 478/1085); see GAL, i, 373, Suppl., i, 637.

^{page 17 note 4} Abū 'Abd Allāh Muḥhammad b. Yaḥyā al-Jurjānī (d. 398/1008); see Tārīkh Baghdād iii, 433; Muntaẓam, vii, 243; Fawā'id, 202.

^{page 17 note 5} Abū Bakr Muhammad b. Mūsā al-Khawārizmī (d. 403/1012); see Tārīkh Baghdād, ni, 447; Muntaẓam, vii, 266; Fawā'id, 201–2.

^{page 17 note 6} Abū Bakr Ahmad b. 'Alī al-Rāzī al-Jaṣṣāṣ (d. 370/981); see Tārīkh Baghdād, iv, 314–15; Muntaẓam, vii, 105–6; Fawā'id, 27–8.

^{page 17 note 7} Abū Ṭāhir Ilyās b. Nāṣir al-Dailamī (d. 461/1069); see ‘Diary—IV’, 299, n. 5, to which add the source Jawāhir, i, 163.

^{page 17 note 8} Nūr al-Hudā Abū Ṭālib al-Ḥusain b. Muḥammad al-Zainabī (d. 512/1118); see ‘Diary—IV’, 300, n. 4; Muntaẓam, ix, 201; Jawāhir, I, 219–20.

^{page 17 note 9} Abū'l-Ḥasan ‘Alī b. Muḥammad al-Dāmaghānī (d. 513/1119); Muntaẓam, IX, 208–12; al-Najjār, Ibn, Dhail Tārīkh Baghdād, MS arabe Paris 2131, fol. 2a–2bGoogle Scholar.

^{page 18 note 1} A more exhaustive treatment of these and other jurisconsults of Baghdad is given in a forthcoming publication on this period of Baghdad's history.

^{page 18 note 2} See the biographical notice in Jawāhir, II, 274, under the kunyas, based on Ibn al-Najjār (d. 643/1245), and Ibn al-Hamadhānī (d. 513 or 521/1119 or 1127; cf. Massignon, Louis, Bibliographie ḥallājienne, No. 282)Google Scholar; it is likely that this latter contemporary historian was accessible to the author of Jawāhir not directly, but only through, Ibn al-Najjār.

^{page 18 note 3} Jawāhir, II, 99.

^{page 18 note 4} See the biographical notice on him in Jawāhir, II, 141.

^{page 18 note 5} Jawāhir, I, 163.

^{page 19 note 1} See Muntaẓam, viii, 245: wa-fī hādhihi 'l-aiyāmi banā Abū Sa'd al-Mustaufī al-mulaqqabu Sharaf al-Mulk mashhada Abī Ḥanīfa wa-'amila li-qabrihi malbanan wa-'aqada 'l-qubbata iva-'amila H-madrasata bi-izā'ihi toa-anzalahā 'l-fuqahā'a wa-rattaba la-hum mudarrisan.

^{page 19 note 2} Muntaẓam, viii, 238.

^{page 20 note 1} Zubda, 32: wa-wajada (Sharaf al-Mulk…) nūwāba Niẓām al-Mulk al-Wazīr qad shara'ū fī binā'i 'l-madrasati fa-'ghtanama 'qtidārahu 'aiā 'l-iqtidā'i wa-banā 'ala ḍarīfri Abī Ḥanīfa—raḥimahu 'Ilāl—bi-Bāb al- Ṭāq mashhadan wa-madrasatan li-aṣḥābihi wa-a'lama bi-ma'lamihā thauba thawābihi.

^{page 20 note 2} Ibn al-Jauzī reports that after its completion, the contemporary poet Abū Ja'far b. alBaiyādi, on the occasion of a devotional visit to the Shrine of the Imām Abū Ḥanīfa, recited extemporaneously two verses alluding to both the Shrine and the madrasa that henceforth carried the name of the founder of the Ḥanafite school. See Muntaẓam, vii, 245:

‘Do you not see that (religious) learning was lost until it was gathered by him who in this tomb reposes unseen?

Likewise this piece of land lay dead (i.e. fallow) until by the generosity of the ‘Amid Abu Sa'd it was revived’

^{page 20 note 3} In Harawī's, Kitāb al-isharat ila ma'rifat al-ziyārāl, ed. Sourdel-Thomine, J., Damascus, Institut Français de Damas, 1953Google Scholar(French translation, Guide des lieux de pèlerinage, also by Sourdel-Thomine, J., Damascus, IFD, 1957), p. 74 (p. 165 of transl.), this place of pilgrimage is referred to as the Cemetery of al-Khaizurān; the terms mashhad ‘shrine’and qabr or maqbara ‘cemetery’ often being interchangeable in the sources; cf. Muntaẓam, IX, 201Google Scholar.

^{page 20 note 4} cf., however, Madrasa Niẓāmīya, 27–8, where the information is based on Alūsī who does not give his source.

^{page 21 note 1} See Massignon, Louis, ‘La cité des morts au Caire: Qarāfa—Darb al-Aḥmar’, Bulletin de I'Institut Français d'Arché'ologie Orientate (Cairo, Institut Français d'Archeologie Orientale du Caire), LVII (pp. 25–79, with 9 plates), 58, where the author speaks of a desire on the part of Nizām al-Mulk to transport the remains of Shāfī'i, founder of the Shafi'ite school of law, from their burial-place in the Qarafa Cemetery of Cairo, to BaghdadGoogle Scholar.

^{page 21 note 2} The exact location of the Nizamiya is treated in a number of studies; see p. 31, n. 8.

^{page 21 note 3} cf.Madrasa Niẓāmīya, 13, n. 7.

^{page 21 note 4} Mnntaẓam, X, 11.

^{page 21 note 5} Abū ‘All Yahḥya b. 'Isā b. Jazla al-Tabīb (d. 493/1100), see Muntaẓam, x, 119, also GAL, I, 485, Suppl., i, 887–8.

^{page 22 note 1} Jawāhir, I, 320.

^{page 22 note 2} of. Madrasa Niẓāmīya, 42; the term nā'ib does not mean a high official (haut fonctionnaire); it merely denotes an assistant or substitute, either in teaching, or in administration. More on this term above.

^{page 22 note 3} of. al-Sā'ī, Ibn, al-Jāmi' al-Mukhtaṣar (ed. Jawād-Anastase-Marie, M., Baghdad, Syrian Catholic Press, 1934), 44–5Google Scholar, where Ibn Bakrūn is stated to have been appointed librarian of the Caliphal Dīwān and leader of the prayers (muṣalli) in the Niẓālīya, in the year 597/1201; cited in Madrasa Niẓāmīya, 42.

^{page 22 note 4} See ‘Diary—IV’, 299 (translation), where n. 5 shows that no other information had been found on him.

^{page 22 note 5} On this cemetery, the shrine, and the college, see Baghdad, 191–3.

^{page 22 note 6} ‘Diary—IV’, p. 300 (translation).

^{page 22 note 7} With this new light on the two items in the ‘Diary’, paragraphs 131 and 136 in part IV may be better understood. In § 136, the words ‘they settled' (ajlasū) should now be rendered more specifically as ‘they appointed’; the ‘tomb’of Abū Ḥanīfa is none other than the Shrine College which is identified with the tomb. The last sentence reports a new burial on 4 Rajab, two weeks after his death.

^{page 22 note 8} cf. list of Massignon, Louis, ‘Cadis ot naqībs baghdadiens’, WZKM, LI, 1–2, 1948, 112Google Scholar.

^{page 23 note 1} cf. Jawāhir, loc. cit., where a round figure of 50 years is mentioned; of. also Muntaẓam, loc. cit., affirming that his tenure was uninterrupted.

^{page 23 note 2} For a list of the professors of the Shrine College, the reader is referred to Jawād, Muṣṭafā, ‘Mudarrisū Madrasat Abl Ḥanīfa baina sanati 459 wa-sanati 771 H.’, al-Mu'allim al-Jadīd (Baghdad), vii, 1941–1942, 4–15, 111–19, 200–9Google Scholar (as cited in 'Auwād, Kūrkīs, ‘Mā ṭubī'a ‘an buldāni 'l-'Irāq bi'1-lughati 'l-'Arabīya’, Sumer, ix, 1953, s.v. ‘Muṣṭafa Jawād’)Google Scholar. I have not as yet seen this article, the journal not being available to me.

^{page 23 note 3} Abū Ḥamīd Aḥmad b. Muḥammad al-Isfarā'inī (d. 406/1016); see Muntaẓam, vi, 277; Tabaqat al-shāji'īya, Hi, 24–31; not to be confused with Abū Isḥāq al-Isfarā'inī (d. 418/10270; GAL, Suppl., I, 667).

^{page 23 note 4} Abū ‘Abd Allāh al-Ḥusaīn b. Muḥammad al-Ṭabarī al-Kashfulī (d. 414/1023); see Muntaẓam, viii, 13; Tabaqāt al-shāfi'īya, III, 163.

^{page 23 note 5} Abū'1-Fath Sulaim b. Aiyūb b. Sulaim al-Rāzī (d. 447/1055); see GAL, Suppl., i, 730.

^{page 23 note 6} Abū Muhammad 'Abd Allāh b. Muḥammad al-IṢfahānī, known as Ibn al-Labbān (d. 446/ 1054); see Muntaẓam, viii, 162; Tabaqāt al-shāfi'īya, III,, 207–8.

^{page 23 note 7} Abū'l-Taiyib Tahir b. ‘Abd Allāh al-ṬTabarī (d. 450/1058); see Muntaẓam, viii, 198; Tabaqāt al-shāfi'īya, iii, 176–97.

^{page 23 note 8} Abū Isḥāq Ibrāhīm b. 'Alī al-Fīrūzābādī al-Shīrāzī (d. 476/1083); see GAL, i, 387–8, Suppl., i, 669–70.

^{page 23 note 9} Abū Nasr ‘Abd al-Saiyid b. Muḥammad b. al-Ṣabbāgh (d. 477/1084); see GAL, I, 388, Suppl., i, 671.

^{page 23 note 10} Abū Bakr Muḥammad b. al-Muẓaffar al-Ḥamawī al-Shāmī (d. 488/1095); see Muntaẓam, IX, 94; Tabaqāt al-shāfi'īya, III,, 83–4.

^{page 23 note 11} Abū Bakr Muḥammad b. Aḥmad al-Qaffāl al-Shāshī (d. 507/1114); see GAL, i, 390–1, Suppl., i, 674.

^{page 24 note 1} Abū 'Abd al-Raḥman 'Abd Allāh b. al-Mubārak al-Ḥanẓall (d. 181/797), see Shadharāt, I, 295–7, where it is said that his tomb was in Hit; see also Harawī, , Ziyārāt (ed. SourdelThomine, J.), 66 (p. 149 of transl. by J. Sourdel-Thomine, Guide des lieux de pèlerinage), where his tomb is located in RahḥbaGoogle Scholar.

^{page 24 note 2} See the account given by a student of Shīrāzī, , in Mwniaẓam, x, 37, 11. 10–16, translated below, p. 54Google Scholar.

^{page 25 note 1} cf. Harawī, , Kitāb al-ziyārāt (ed. Sourdel-Thomine, J.), 65, 1. 1Google Scholar.

^{page 25 note 2} For al-Kāzarūnī, see the biographical notice in Ṭabaqāt al-shāfi'īya, III,, 50–1; for Abū Bakr al-Shāshī, see p. 23, n. 11.

^{page 25 note 3} Meaning ‘the garden of Zafar’; cf. GAL, Suppl., I, 674, where Buqrāj should be amended to read bi-qarāh; the mistake is based on a misprint in Ṭabaqāt al-shāfi'īya, IV, 58,1. 8, where the passage should be understood that Shāshī built for himself a madrasa in Qarāh, Ẓafar, rather than having it built for him, by a certain Buqrāj Ẓafar (‘… lehrte in Bagdād zuerst an einer von Buqrāg Zafar für erbauten Medrese…’). For Ẓafar, see ‘Topography’, index.

^{page 25 note 4} For Ẓafarīya, see ‘Topography’, index.

^{page 25 note 5} Tabaqāt al-shāfi'īya, iv, 58.

^{page 25 note 6} Abū'l-Ghanā'im al-Marzubān b. Khusrau Flrūz, known by his honorific title (laqab) Oi Tāj al-Mulk (d. 485/1093); see the biographical notice on him in Muntaẓam, ix, 74.

^{page 25 note 7} cf. Kāmil, viii, 152 (sub anno 482).

^{page 25 note 8} Muntaẓam, ix, 38; the exact date within that year is not given.

^{page 25 note 9} ibid., ix, 46; Tabaqāt al-shāfi'īya, iv, 58. Cf. Baghdad, 287–8, where Le Strange puts the location of this institution near Bāb Abraz and says that it was built about the year 482, his sources being Ibn al-Athīr and Yāqūt. Ibn al-Athīr's Kāmil (sub anno), silent on the beginning of the construction in 480, merely reports its inauguration in 482. The Tajlya, like the Niẓāmīya and the Shrine College of Abū HḤnīfa, took approximately two years to build.

^{page 25 note 10} Muntaẓam, ix, 74. Subkī (Tabaqāt al-shāfi'īya, iv, 19), biographer of the Shāfi'ītes, devotes less than one line to Tāj al-Mulk, giving his name and his title as wazīr. It is quite possible that this omission may be due to a lacuna in the manuscript tradition of the Cairo edition; but it may also be due to Subkī's own bias against this rival of Niẓām al-Mulk.

^{page 26 note 1} cf. biographical notice on Shīrāzī, , in Muntaẓzam, ix, 8Google Scholar, where Ibn al-Jauzī (d. 597/1200) says that the tomb could still be seen.

^{page 26 note 2} cf. Tabaqāt al-shāfi’īya, III,, 303:wa-a'ada Hnda Fakhr al-Islām al-Shāshī.

^{page 26 note 3} His biographer, Subkī (op. cit., loc. cit.), devotes a small notice to him, without specifying the institution at which he assisted Shāshī. The latter as we have seen, taught first in a small college of his own, until 482, then in the Tājīya until 504, and finally in the Niẓāmīya until his death in 507. Since Maḥāmilī died in Dhū'l-Ḥijja of the year 493, he could not have assisted him in the Niẓāmīya; but it would appear that he did so at least at the Tājīya College.

^{page 26 note 4} Abū Muhammad 'Abd Allāh b. Muhammad al-Shāshī (d. 528/1133); see Muntaẓam, x, 37–8; Tabaqāt al-shāfi'īya, IV, 235.

^{page 26 note 5} Abū'l-Futūh Ahmad b. Muḥammad al-Ghazzālī al-Tūsī (d. 520/1126); see Muntaẓam, ix, 260–2; Tabaqāt al-shāfi'īya, IV, 54.

^{page 27 note 1} Abū 'Abd Allāh al-Hasan b. Ḥamid al-Ḥanbalī (d. 403/1013); see Tārīkh Baghdād, vii, 303; Tabaqāt al-ḥanābila, II, 171–7.

^{page 27 note 2} Abū Ṭālib Aḥmad b. ‘Abd Allāh, known as Ibn al-Baqqāl (d. 440/1048); see Ṭabaqāt al-ḥanābila, ii, 189–90.

^{page 27 note 3} Abū Ya'lā, Muḥammad b. al-Ḥusain b. al-Farrā’ (d. 458/1066); see GAL, I, 398, Suppl., I, 686, and Tabaqāt al-ḥanābila, II, 193–230.

^{page 27 note 4} Abū Ja'far 'Abd al-Khāliq b. 'Isā b. Abī Mūsā, al-Hāshimī (d. 470/1077); GAL, Suppl., I, 687; Tabaqāt al-ḥanābila, ii, 237–41; see also ‘Diary—II’, 253, n. 1, and ‘L'affaire d'lbn ‘Aqīl’, passim.

^{Page 27 note 5} Abū'1-Wafā Tahir b. al-Ḥusain b. al-Qauwās (d. 476/1083); see ‘Diary—II’, 253, n. 2, and ‘L'affaire d'Ibn ‘Aqil’, 110.

^{page 27 note 6} Abū Sa'd al-Mubārak b. ‘Alī al-Mukharrimi (d. 513/1119); see Dhail, I, 199–205.

^{page 27 note 7} Abū'l-Ghanā'im ‘Alī b. Tālib b. Zibibyā (Zibiba ?) al-Baghdādī (d. 460/1068); see Tabaqāt al-ḥanābila, II, 231;Dhail, I, 9–10.

^{page 27 note 8} Abū Muḥammad Shāfi’ b. Ṣaliḥ al-Jīlī (d. 480/1087); see Dhail, I, 63.

^{page 27 note 9} Abū'l-Ḥusain Muḥammad b. Muḥammad, known as Ibn Abī Ya'lā, son of the aforementioned Abū Ya'lā. and biographer of the Ḥanbalites, died in 526/1131; see Dhail, I, 212–14.

^{page 27 note 10} Abū'1-Fatḥ Muḥammad b. ‘Alī al-Ḥulwānī (d. 505/1112); see Dhail, I, 131–2; ‘L'affaire d'lbn ‘Aqīl’, 119, where he is involved on the side of his teacher Sharīf Abū Ja'far.

^{page 27 note 11} Abū'1-Wafā’ 'Alī b. ‘Aqīl (d. 513/1119); see GAL, i, 398, Suppl., I, 687; see also ‘Diary—II’, 252, n. 6, and ‘L'affaire d'lbn ‘Aqīl’.

^{page 27 note 12} Abū'l-Barakāt Aḥmad b. 'Alī b. al-Abrādī (d. 531/1137); see Muntaẓam, x, 70; Dhail, i, 226.

^{page 27 note 13} Abū'l-Ma'ālī Ṣāliḥ b. Shāfi 'al-Jīlī (d. 543/1148); see Dhail (ed. Fiql), I, 213–14. Al-Kalwadhānī (d. 510/1116; see GAL, I, 398, Suppl., I, 687; Dhail, I, 143–54) does not seem to have had a chair in an exclusive institution; he did have one in Jāmi’ al-Qaṣr where he was succeeded by his student Abū Bakr al-Dīnawarī (d. 532/1138); see Funūn, fol. 247b.

^{page 27 note 14} cf. Tabaqāt al-ḥanābila, II, 189–90, 'Bāt al-Ṭāqāt', a plural variant of this east side quarter.

^{page 27 note 15} Tabaqāt al-ḥanābila, II, 245, 254.

^{page 28 note 1} cf. Baghdad, index.

^{page 28 note 2} cf. Ṭabaqāt al-ḥanābila, II, 231; Dhail, I, 9.

^{page 28 note 3} cf. ‘Diary—I’, 20, n. 3; for al-Khiraqī, see GAL, I, 183, Suppl., I, 311.

^{page 28 note 4} Ṭabaqāt al-ḥanābila, II, 238; Dhail, I, 21.

^{page 28 note 5} Ṭabaqāt al-ḥanābila, II, 238; Dhail, I, 63, 131.

^{page 28 note 6} Ṭabaqāt al-ḥanābila, II, 238; Dhail, I, 21.

^{page 28 note 7} Ṭabaqāt al-ḥanābila, II, 244; Muntaẓam, x, 8; Dhail, I, 50, 51.

^{page 28 note 8} MS Ayasophia 3010, fol. 102a: kāna yaslcunu 'l-Ẓafarīya wa-masjiduhu bihā ma'rūf ‘he used to reside in the Zafarīya quarter and his masjid there is well-known’.

^{page 28 note 9} Funūn, fol. 32a, 131a, 150a, 158a.

^{page 28 note 10} Dhail, I, 131, 1. 9.

^{page 29 note 1} Mukharrimī was accepted as shāhid-not&ry in 488, appointed substitute (nā'ib) qaḍī in 495 and removed from office in 511; cf. Muntaẓam, IX, 120, 216; Dhail, I, 200.

^{page 29 note 2} Dhail, i, 200–1.

^{page 29 note 3} Muntaẓam, X, 70; Dhail, I, 226.

^{page 29 note 4} Muntaẓam, x, 124–5, 252–3; see also ibid., 258, for the text of the endowment charter placing it in the hands of Ibn al-Jauzī.

^{page 29 note 5} Sharaf al-Mulk Abū Sa'd Muḥammad b. Manṣur al-Mustaufī (d. 494/1101); see biographical notice in Muntaẓam, IX, 128; financial agent of the Saljūqid Sultan Alp Arslān.

^{page 29 note 6} Halabī was a merchant who, originally from Aleppo (whence his ethnic name), died in Baghdad at the age of 77 (Jawāhir, I, 259). The foundation of a mosque-college is attributed to him.

^{page 29 note 7} The most well-known patron of this period. In Baghdad he foimded a monastery in addition to the Niẓāmīya College. Eight other known Niẓāmīya Colleges were built by him, and the saying goes that he had one in every sizeable town in the provinces of Khurāsān and 'Irāq. Niẓāmīya did more than anyone else before him with regard to learning. His contribution differs from his predecessors not so much in kind as in degree. See esp. Ṭabaqāt alshāfi'īya, iii, 136–7 140, for the laudatory quotation from Ibn 'Aqīl.

^{page 30 note 1} Al-Ra'īs Abū 'Alī Hassān b. Sa'd al-Manī'ī al-Hājjī (d. 463/1071), founded many mosque-colleges and Ṣufī monasteries, none of which is mentioned as founded in Baghdad. He is an example of the many others besides Niẓām al-Mulk who were patrons of the Shāfi'ites. Tāj al-Mulk, Niẓām's rival, may be mentioned as a Shāfi'ite patron for Baghdad where he founded the Madrasa Tājīya inaugurated in 482/1089.

^{page 30 note 2} Al-Shaikh al-Ajall Abū Manṣūr 'Abd al-Malik b. Muḥammad b. Yūsuf (d. 460/1067); see ‘Diary—II’, 254, n. 8; wealthy merchant of great influence under the caliphate of al-Qā'im.

^{page 30 note 3} Al-Shaikh al-Ajall Abū 'Abd Allāh Muḥammad b. Jarada (d. 476/1084); wealthy merchant, son-in-law of Abū Manṣūr and successor to his influence with the Caliph; see ‘Diary—II’, 248, n. 6.

^{page 31 note 1} This brother of Niẓām was Abū'l-Qāsim 'Abd Allāh b. 'Alī al-ẓūsī (d. 499/1106); Ṭabaqāt al-shāfi'īya, iii, 206–7.

^{page 31 note 2} ibid., 74–5.

^{page 31 note 3} Wharf of the Monasteries; see ‘Topography’(index) on the variant, Mashra'at al-Rawāya, Wharf of the Water-jars.

^{page 31 note 4} cf.Baghdad, index, s.v.

^{page 31 note 5} The Barley Gate, cf. Baghdad, index, s.v.; ‘Topography’, index.

^{page 31 note 6} Saffron Road; cf. ibid., index.

^{page 31 note 7} See Muntaẓam, vIII,, 238. In his own relation of the foundation of this Shāfi'ite college, Ibn al-Athīr mentions nothing about the origin of the materials used (Kāmil, viii, 103 [sub anno 457]); but Ibn Kathīr (Bidāya, xii, 92), coming after him, brings out this information once again. Part of the materials of the Shrine College of Abū Hanīfa had also been misappropriated from synagogues in Samarra, a fact deplored by Ibn 'Aqīl; see Muntaẓam, viii, 245–6.

^{page 31 note 8} Several studies have been written in order to establish the exact location of this college; see Strange, Le, Baghdad, 297Google Scholar; Massignon, L., Mission en Mé'sopotamie, ii, 92Google Scholar; same author, ‘Les medresehs de Bagdad’, in BIFAO, VII, 1909 (pp. 77–86), 79Google Scholar; Bowen, H., ‘The Niẓāmīya and Baghdad topography’, JRAS, 1928Google Scholar; Levy, R., ‘The Niẓāmīya Madrasa at Baghdad’, JRAS, 1928Google Scholar; Talas, A., Madrasa Niẓāmīya, 28 ffGoogle Scholar. Also Jawād, Muṣṭafā, ‘al-Madrasa al-Niẓāmīya bi-Baghdad: mauqi'uha’, al-Mu'allim al-Jadīd (Baghdad), vi, 1940, 33–44Google Scholar (as cited in the bibliographical list of K, 'Auwād, , in Sumer, ix, 1953, s.v. Muṣṭafā Jawād), as yet unavailable to meGoogle Scholar.

^{page 31 note 9} See Mir'at al-zamān, fol. HOb-llla; all additions in square brackets are from Muntaẓam, viii, 246–7; both texts are derived from a common contemporary but unidentified source, no doubt the contemporary Ibn Hilāl al-Ṣābi (d. 480/1087) quoted on this same subject by Khallikān, Ibn, Wafayāt al-a'yān (Cairo, 1948), ii, 386 (No. 372)Google Scholar.

^{page 32 note 1} ‘Abū Sa'd’ in Muntaẓam, Kāmil, Bidāya. But cf. ‘Diary—II’, 249, n. 1, where ‘Abū Sa'īd’.

^{page 32 note 2} Alluding to the building materials, from the city's west side, which went into its construction.

^{page 32 note 3} Madrasa, meaning the Niẓāmīya.

^{page 33 note 1} In so doing, Abū Isḥāq was no doubt expressing his personal disapproval of the manner in which the materials for the Nizamiya were obtained, including its furnishings.

^{page 33 note 2} A further sign of disapproval by the Shaikh; cf. below, Abū ‘Alī's dream.

^{page 33 note 3} Madrasa Niẓāmīya, 27.

^{page 34 note 1} cf. ‘Topography’, where misappropriation of materials of other buildings to build new ones was almost a standard procedure in a city where building materials were not plentiful.

^{page 34 note 2} Bāqillānī, for example, who claimed that prayers in euch a place were, by consensus, sufficient, but who was refuted on this point by Ibn Taimīya; see the latter's Kitāb al-Nubūwāt (Cairo, Munīrīya Press, 1346/1928), 100Google Scholar.

^{page 34 note 3} Al-Tanbīh fi'l-fiqh 'alā madhhab al-Imām al-Shāfi'i (Cairo, Dār al-Kutub al-'Arabiya al-Kubrā Press, 1329/1911), p. 13Google Scholar (French transl. by Bousquet, G.-H., Kitâb et-Tanbîh (Alger, Lā Maison des Livres, 1949), II, 33)Google Scholar: ‘Prayer on unjustly appropriated grounds is not permitted’ (lā tabḥllu 'l-ṣalātufi arḍin maghṣūba).

^{page 34 note 4} See letter of Niẓām, quoted in Muntaẓām, VIII, 312, esp. 11. 13–15, where Shīrāzī is described as salīmu 'l-ṣadri salisu ‘li 'nqiyād.Google Scholar

^{page 35 note 1} See Muntaẓām, viii, 306,11. 10–14.

^{page 35 note 2} Subkī, (Tabaqāt alshāfi'īya, iii, 231, 11. 18–20) writes that Niẓām repeatedly asked Shīrāzī to accept the chair after the latter had once more decided to refuse it. Only then did Niẓām permit Ibn al-Ṣabbāgh to teach there but his tenure was short-lived, continues Subkī, because Niẓām began once more to ask Shīrāzī to accept, which the latter did ultimatelyGoogle Scholar.

^{page 36 note 1} ‘Diary—II’;, 239, 249.

^{page 36 note 2} ‘Diary—III’, 26, 47.

^{page 36 note 3} ‘Diary—IV’, 285, 296–7: hādhā… mashyu '-mutaẓallimīn. In the obituary notice devoted by Ibn al- Jauzī to Abū Manṣūr b. Yūsuf, it is stated that the latter was the only person of his time to be called by the honorific title of al-Shaikh al-Ajall, ‘the most eminent Shaikh’ (Muntaẓam, VIII, 250). After his death, no one succeeded to this unique honour, for the title was assumed by more than one person, thus losing its original significance. We find it assumed by Abū Manṣūr's two sons-in-law, Ibn Jarada and Ibn Ridwān (see ‘Diary’, index), as well as by the person whom we suspect to have had a hand in removing him from the Baghdad scene, Niẓām al-Mulk (see inscriptions of the Umaiyad Mosque in Damascus, in E. Combe, J. Sauvaget, Wiet, G., Répertoire chronologique d'é'pigraphie arabe, vii (IFAO, 1936), Nos. 2734, 2736, 2737)Google Scholar.

^{page 36 note 4} cf. paragraph numbers cited in ‘Diary—II’, 254, n. 8.

^{page 36 note 5} See Muntaẓam, IX, 52.

^{page 37 note 1} See op. cit., loc. cit., and Jawāhir, II, 16–17 (read jirāya, instead of jizāya, p. 17).

^{page 37 note 2} Muntaẓam, viii, 256; neither Kāmil nor Bidāya have this information (sub anno 462); Mir'āt al-zamān, fol. 121b—122a, has it in less detail.

^{page 37 note 3} Muntaẓam, ix, 66; not mentioned in Kāmil, Mir'āt al-zamān, Bidāya.

^{page 37 note 4} Wā'iẓ: one versed in the art of preaching; not to be confused with the imām, leader of the canonical prayers. Notice that the staff as described here does not provide for such a position, the Niẓāmīya being strictly a madrasa with no adjoining shrine (mashhad) or mosque (masjid).

^{page 38 note 1} cf., inter alia, Madrasa Niẓāmīya, 56 ff.

^{page 38 note 2} Muntaẓam, ix, 12; Tabaqāt al-shāfi'īya, iii, 231.

^{page 38 note 3} See above, pp. 31 ff.; Tabaqāt al-shāfi'īya, III,, 90.

^{page 38 note 4} The Bidāya (xii, 124) cites the date of Jumādā II, but this appears to be an assumption on the Bidāya's part, for its source, the Muntaẓam (ix, 6), gives this same date as that of the death of Shīrāzī. On this appointment, sec also Kāmil, VIII, 134 (anno 476); Tabaqāt al-shāfi'īya, III, 224.

^{page 39 note 1} The sources point to a pronounced rivalry between Shīrāzī and Ibn al-Ṣabbāgh, as already indicated in the first appointment made at the Niẓāmīya. Subkī, historian of the Shāfi'ites, also cites Shīrāzī as implicating Ibn al-Ṣabbāgh in plagiarizing his lecture notes; see Tabaqāt alshāfi'īya, iv, 202.

^{page 39 note 2} ibid., 6; also Muntaẓam, ix, 27; Kāmil, viii, 144 (anno 479); Bidāya, xii, 131.

^{page 39 note 3} On this professor and the following one, see Muntaẓam, ix, 53; Kāmil, vni, 153 (anno 483); Bidāya, xii, 136; Tabaqāt al-shāfi'īya, iv, 269.

^{page 40 note 1} Zain al-Din Sharaf al-A'imma. On this professorship, see Muntaẓam, ix, 55; Bidāya, xii, 137; Tabaqāt al-shāfi'īya, iv, 103–4.

^{page 40 note 2} cf. Tabaqāt al-shāfi'īya, iv, 278, where a jurisconsult is said to have been a graduate student of fiqh under the direction of Ghazzālī in Baghdad ('allaqa 'l-ta'liqata 'an Abī Hamid al-Ghazzālī); and op. cit., iv, 319, where another jurisconsult is said to have studied fiqh under his direction in Baghdad.

^{page 40 note 3} cf., in contrast to Ghazzālī's case, that of 'Abd al-Malik al-Ṭabarī who left his fiqh studies (at the Niẓāmīya, if Subki's conjecture is correct) and went on pilgrimage to Mecca with a desire similar to that attributed to Ghazzālī, to leave the riches of the world and become an ascetic. ‘Abd al-Malik remained in Mecca about forty years, until he died, after leading a long life of self-denial. Such cases were not uncommon in Ghazzālī's time.

^{page 40 note 4} Muntaẓam, ix, 87; Kāmil, VIII, 178 (anno 488); Bidāya, xii, 149; Tabaqāt al-shāfi'īya, iv, 104.

^{page 41 note 1} It is perhaps during this period, before Harrāsī, that Abū Ṭālib al-Mubārak b. al-Mubārak al-Karkhī held the chair of fiqh at the Niẓāmīya. He died in 505, the same year as Ghazzālī. See Tabaqāt al-shāfi'īya, IV, 299.

^{page 41 note 2} Muntaẓam, ix, 143; Bidāya, xii, 164; Tabaqāt al-shāfi'īya, iv, 8.

^{page 41 note 3} cf. Bidāya, xII, 172 (11. 12–13; read al-Tājīya for al-Nājīya); see also Muntaẓam, IX, 166; Kāmil, viii, 262 (anno 504); Tabaqāt al-shāfi'īya, iv, 58.

^{page 41 note 4} Muntaẓam, ix, 171; Bidāya, xii, 174.

^{page 41 note 5} Tabaqāt al-shāfi'īya, iv, 291; cf. Muntaẓam, ix, 197.

^{page 42 note 1} Notice that Niẓām's descendants no longer had sole control over appointments. In this case, the Saljūqid Sultan did the appointing. See Muntaẓam, IX, 206 (not in Kāmil, nor in Bidāya).

^{page 42 note 2} Tabaqāt al-shāfi'īya, iv, 244.

^{page 42 note 3} Whereas here both Sultans make the appointment, later the Caliph does so. See Muntaẓam, IX, 246; tabaqāt al-shāfi'īya, iv, 268.

^{page 42 note 4} Muntaẓam, ix, 251; Tabaqāt al-shāfi'īya, iv, 42.

^{page 42 note 5} Muntaẓam, x, 5.

^{page 43 note 1} ibid., 11, 13.

^{page 43 note 2} ibid., 68, and 70 for a biographical notice.

^{page 43 note 3} ibid., 102.

^{page 43 note 4} Incidentally, this would seem to mean that the site of the Niẓāmīya was on the river bank; cf. p. 31, n. 8.

^{page 44 note 1} Article ‘Education—Muslim’ in Encyclopaedia of religion and ethics (ed. Hastings, ), v, 199, n. 8Google Scholar.

^{page 45 note 1} Levy, R., A Baghdad chronicle (Cambridge, 1929), 195Google Scholar; cf. same author, ‘The Niẓāmīya Madrasa at Baghdad ’, JRAS, 1928, 268–9.

^{page 47 note 1} These were the cases of Abū Naṣr al-Qushairī in 469, and al-Bakrī in 475; see, inter alia, Muntaẓam and Mir'at al-zamān, sub anno.

^{page 48 note 1} It is, I think, clear from what has been said that Ash'arism was not accepted officially in Baghdad as a result of the teaching conducted in the newly founded Niẓāmīya. Of course, the question still remains as to the fortunes of Ash'arism thereafter; but this is a subject which deserves a separate study.

^{page 48 note 2} See Pedersen, J., in Shorter Encyclopaedia of Islam, ed. Gibb-Kramers, (Leiden, Brill, 1953), article madrasa, 304Google Scholar.

^{page 48 note 3} Rihla, ed. Goeje, Wright-De (Leiden, Brill, 1907), 48Google Scholar.

^{page 48 note 4} op. cit., art. madrasa.

^{page 48 note 5} See Pedersen, J., ‘Some aspects of the history of the Madrasa’, Islamic Culture, iii, 4, 1929 (525–37), 536Google Scholar.

^{page 49 note 1} cf. Muntaẓzam, ix, 110, where it was said of a patron of learning that he never built a dwelling for himself without having built, for God, a masjid or a madrasa (kāna lā, yabnī li-nafsihi manzilan hattā yabniya li 'llāhi masjidan au madrasatan).

^{page 49 note 2} The New Testament's distinction between the things that are Caesar's and the things that are God's.

^{page 49 note 3} It is in this sense that we agree with the tenor of Pedersen's studies.

^{page 49 note 4} See under ‘Some technical terms’, above.

^{page 49 note 5} See ibid.

^{page 49 note 6} Abū Muḥammad ‘Abd Allāh b. Yūsuf al-Juwainī (d. 438/1047; GAL, I, 385–6, Suppl., I, 667), father of the celebrated Shāfi'ite-Ash'arite Imām al-Ḥaramain al-Juwainī (d. 478/1085).

^{page 49 note 7} Quoted by Subkī, , Tabaqāt al-shāfi'īya, iii, 217–18Google Scholar; a manuscript of this work is preserved in Alexandria, see GAL, loc. cit.

^{page 50 note 1} Subkī; op. cit., loc. cit.

^{page 50 note 2} cf. p. 49, n. 1, where the foundation of either institution was considered a meritorious act performed in the cause of God.

^{page 51 note 1} Subkī does not give his reasons for believing that scholarships might have begun with Niẓām's madrasas. But bis statement seems to have been based on information which can be found elsewhere in his own biographical work, and which he may have had in mind when he made his conjecture. When he speaks of Imām al-Ḥaramain al-Juwainī (d. 478) as having taken over the professorship of his father's mosque-college (masjid), he says of him that he used to spend his income (dukhl) on the students and that he also did this with his inheritance. This was in Nīsābūr, before Niẓām al-Mulk built his Nīzāmīya there for him (Tabaqāt al-shāfi'īya, III,, 252). Again Subkī mentions the case of a student in Baghdad who was attending the mosque-college of Abū 'Abd Allāh b. al-Mubārak and who complained of not having received from his father the usual money order for his expenses. His teacher, al-Kashfulī (d. 414/1023) arranged a loan for him with one of the merchants in the amount of 50 dinārs, which loan the student repaid upon receiving the money from his father shortly thereafter. See Subki, Tabaqāt al-shāfi'īya, III, 163.

^{page 52 note 1} Garrett Collection, MS No. 1517; cf. GAL, I, 83, Suppl., ii, 95.

^{page 52 note 2} See Dhail (ed. Fiqī), i, 339.

^{page 52 note 3} op. cit., I, 338, 343.

^{page 52 note 4} In later years, he always remembered with gratitude the lady who would, from her balcony, on catching him napping, wake him to do his studies.

^{page 52 note 5} cf. Tabaqāt al-shāfi'īya, iv, 102, where Ghazzālī and his brother were given advice by their Sufi guardian and tutor to go to a madrasa for their education so as to gain a livelihood while in the process of learning; and Ghazzālī later had a twinge of conscience that they had sought learning for a reason other than God (talabnā 'l-'ilma li-ghairi 'llah), but that God saw to it that they practised it in the cause of God.

^{page 53 note 1} … ta'affufan wa-tanazzuhan, cf. among others, the case of Ibn Ḥāmid (d. 403) and Sharīf Abū Ja'far (d. 470).

^{page 54 note 1} The Ḥanafites had such a khān in the quarter of Qatī'at al-Rabī', on the west side of the city: see Muntaẓam, VIII, 150 (11. 18–20). I do not remember finding any reference to such a khān for the Hanbalites.

^{page 54 note 2} Muntaẓam, x, 37.

^{page 54 note 3} Literally: ‘to sit before anyone else’, i.e. before any other professor of law.

^{page 54 note 4} A work by Abū Naṣr b. al-Ṣabbāgh, see GAL, i, 388, Suppl., I, 671.

^{page 54 note 5} Shīrāzī died in 476/1083.

^{page 55 note 1} All shrines were attended by imāms appointed by the Caliph; see Māwardī, , al-Aǥkām alsulṭanīya (Cairo, Maḥmūdīya Tijārīya Press, n.d.), 96Google Scholar(transl. Fagnan, E., Statuts gouvernementauz (Alger, 1915), 209)Google Scholar. The Niẓāmīya may later have acquired an imām, when it was no longer under the control of Niẓām and his descendants.

^{page 55 note 2} Ḥanafite, Mālikite, Shāfi'ite, and Ḥanbalite.

^{page 56 note 1} The following statements of the Wazīr Ibn Hubaira (d. 560/1165), staunch member of the Hanbalite school whose forces had triumphed in the sixth/twelfth century, while giving further evidence of the distinction between madrasa and masjid, characterize the spirit of the times:

‘The assignment of masjids to certain masters of juridical systems in particular, exclusively of others, is an heretical innovation (in the sense that) one should not say, “these are the masjids of the followers of Ahmad [b. Hanbal]”—so that the followers of al-Shāfi'ī are debarred therefrom; nor the reverse. This would indeed be an innovation, seeing as the Most High has said with regard to the Sacred Mosque (in Mecca), which is the most excellent of masjids, “qual is he who dwells therein and he who comes from the outside [Qur'ān, XXII, 25]”.’

[Here Ibn Rajab interrupts the quotation to make the following comment: ‘As for madrasas, he [= Ibn Hubaira] did not make the same statement with regard to them; rather, he said:’]

‘It is not right that restrictions be imposed on Muslims in the stipulations regarding madrasas. For Muslims are as brothers therein; and the madrasas are as masjids which are built for the sake of God—exalted is He above all Therefore, these stipulations should contain (only) that which falls to the lot of (all) worshippers of God (alike). I, personally, have refrained from setting foot in a madrasa respecting which stipulations had been made which I did not find to exist in my own way of thinking (lam ajidhā Hndī). Thus perhaps, because of such stipulations, I might be prevented from inquiring about a problem the solution of which I need, or from imparting knowledge, or from acquiring it.’

The above quotations are made by Rajab, Ibn, Dhail (ed. Fiqī, ), i, 279–80, from Ibn Hubaira's al-Ifṣāḥ 'an sharḥ ma'ānī 'l-ṣsiḥāḥ.Google Scholar