^{page 632 note 1} See Old Iranian Calendar by the present writer, publ. by the Royal Asiatic Society, 1938Google Scholar.

^{page 632 note 2} See Lagarde, P. deGesammelte Abhandlungen, 160Google Scholar; Marquart, Das Naurōz in Modi's Memorial Volume, 1930, p. 720Google Scholar.

^{page 633 note 1} The original name may have been Nausard, as this was kept with different spelling in the names of the first Soghdian, Kh^wārazmian and Armenian first month.

^{page 633 note 2} Even a thousand years later their use had not ceased.

^{page 633 note 3} See BSOS., ix, 3, pp. 603–619Google Scholar.

^{page 633 note 4} The Julian calendar is used in the old Syrian martyrology publ. by Wright, W., which was composed before A.D. 412, the date of the manuscriptGoogle Scholar.

^{page 634 note 1} Synodicon Oriental ou recueil de Synodes Nestoriens, Notices et extraits des manuscripts de la Bibliothèque Nationale et aulres bibliothèques, tome 37.

^{page 634 note 2} See Hoffmann, G.Auszüge cms syrischen Akten persischer Môrtyrer, Abh. f. die Kunde d. Morgerilandes, vol. vii, p. 79Google Scholar.

^{page 634 note 3} See Wright, W., Catalogue of the Syrian Manuscripts in the Brit. Mus., ccxlvi and cclviGoogle Scholar. The first book is copied in the eleventh century. In both manuscripts, according to Wright, “the Sunday that ends the Week of the Apostles” is called Nūsārdīl. The 6th Sunday after Pentecost is called Apostles' Sunday and the week following it is “Apostles' Week”. According to Nilles, Kalendarium Manuale, the Friday of this week was consecrated by the Nestorians to the memory of the seventytwo disciples, and the next Sunday which is the 7th after, and 8th with the inclusion of Pentecost, is for the commemoration of the twelve Apostles and is called Nausardēl.

^{page 634 note 4} It is not quite clear to me to which synod Nöldeke refers. So far as I can trace the only Nestorian Synod convened in Bêth-Lâpât in the time referred to was the assembly held by the turbulent Bishop Bar Ṣauma. But as this assembly was not recognized by the Nestorians as a synod and its decisions were annulled the following year by a legally constituted Synod, it can hardly be called a constituent and “an important” Synod. However, not being a competent judge on the history of the Nestorian Church, I refrain from disputing the statement of Nüldeke on this matter.

^{page 634 note 5} The Nestorian church year is based on Easter and is divided into nine periods of “seven weeks”, though some of the divisions are not strictly of seven weeks' length. This kind of church year, which is not limited to the Nestorians, is so constructed that it extends by jveeks from Easter Sunday. This church year is the basis for the anniversaries of the martyrs, etc., and is not connected with the secular year. For more details see The Catholicos of the East and his People, by Maclean, A. J. and Browne, W. H., London, 1892Google Scholar.

^{page 635 note 1} However in the old Nestorian martyrology mentioned above the year begins as in later times with December.

^{page 635 note 2} There is a special Pablavi booklet on the many great qualities and privileges of this day.

^{page 636 note 1} See Maclean and Browne, op. cit., p. 349.

^{page 636 note 2} The practice of sprinkling of the water is recorded by the old authors also in Naurūz as well as on some other Persian festivals; but Bīrūnī, whose chapter on the Persian festivals is based on the books of much older authors (a list of whom is to be found in the Istanbul complete manuscript of Bīrūnī's chronology, p. 228), discusses more fully the said practice as having been instituted on the Greater Naurūz and gives many reasons for it.

^{page 636 note 3} And not fixed in the Julian year, as Nöldeke seems to suppose.

^{page 636 note 4} The Nausardêl fell in the following year (486) on 13th July.

^{page 637 note 1} The Babylonian Talmud, Engl. translation edited by Epstein, Rabbi J., London, 1935; Avoda Zara, transl. by Misheon, A., p. 59 (11b)Google Scholar.

^{page 637 note 2} Vol. 9 of his translation, I, iii (11b), p. 468 nGoogle Scholar.

^{page 637 note 3} Talmud de Jerusalem, traduit par Moïse Schwab, Paris, 1889, vol. ii, p. 182Google Scholar.

^{page 637 note 4} P. de Lagarde (Purim, 25–27) and Kohut (Les fêtes Persanes el Babyloniennes dans les Talmuds dc Babylon et de Jérusaleme, Revue des Études Juives, xxiv, pp. 256- 271) have recognized rightly the second and third. Scheftelowitz (Die Entstehung der manichôischen Religion …, p. 9) traces the second name (Tīrēyaskī) to a supposed Pahlavi word *Tīrēyazakē or ‘the reverence of Tir’.

^{page 637 note 5} According to the reading of A. Misheon.

^{page 637 note 6} See Bar Bahlul 1037; Bar Ali No. 5563, p. 219; Th. Hyde, Historia religionis …, p. 188; Lagarde, Prætermissorum, p. 51; the same, Semitica, i, 65; the same, Purim, p. 25; G. Hoffmann, op. cit., p. 60 n., where some more references are given; Brockelmann, Lexicon Syriacum, p. 421; Smith, Supplement, p. 208.

^{page 638 note 1} Langlois, , Collection des historiens … de l'Arménie, i, 178Google Scholar.

^{page 638 note 2} Lagarde (Purim, p. 27) tries to connect the word with Fōrdīgān (the well-known Persian festival), though this needs the supposition of a too great change in the word.

^{page 638 note 3} See the Jewish Encyclopædia.

^{page 638 note 4} This agrees roughly with Lagarde's conjecture in the matter but not with regard to the word.

^{page 639 note 1} According to Karaka, D. F. (History of the Parsis, London, 1884, vol. i, p. 151)Google Scholar the same ceremonies in honour of the “fravashis” which is performed on 19th Farvardin is also repeated on the 19th day of the month Ādhur (the 9th month), which after the last intercalation remained always as representing the fixed (vihēzakīk) Farvardīn. Also according to the Pahlavi Rivāyāt the ceremony relating to the anniversary of a deceased man in the case of the exact date of the death not being known must be performed on the 19th Ādhur (see Nyberg, Texte zum mazdayasnischen Kalender, pp. 44–5).

^{page 639 note 2} Both Fravardīgāns (the epagomenae and the 19th day of the first month) are consecrated to the memory of the dead.

^{page 639 note 3} Kleine Schriften, iii, 212.

^{page 639 note 4} This was the feast of Vanator (in later sources Armazd), and it was the great Arm. feast said to have been instituted by the king Vagharsh (A.D. 178–198) see History of Armenia by Moses of Khorene, ii, 66.

^{page 640 note 1} According to Langlois (op. cit., p. 176 n.) this feast is now celebrated by the Armenians on the 2nd Sunday after the Pentecost. If this was really the same feast and it was made later dependent upon the Pentecost, this transference may have happened some time in the ninth or tenth century, e.g. in 909 when the 7th Sahmi fell on the 2nd Sunday after Pentecost. But according to Nilles (op. cit., ii, 580) this Sunday is the day of the commemoration of St. Gregory's ascent from the pit. The old Arm. calendar, however, puts the said ascent on 14th (or 13th) Sahmi.

^{page 640 note 2} d. 714.

^{page 640 note 3} Quoted by Conybeare in his Rituale Armenorum, p. 510.

^{page 640 note 4} According to Tournebize, Histoire politique et religieuse de l'Arménie, p. 148, this feast was in honour of the triad of the Arm. deities Vahagn, Anāhit, and Astlik. But the source of this information is not given.

^{page 640 note 5} The same date for this feast is given also in an older document, namely the old Arm. Lectionary publ. by Conybeare.

^{page 640 note 6} The name is transcribed by different authors in different ways: Wardawarh (Conybeare), Vardadzri, “the name of the deity which was the patron of the day” (Macler, ERE. Festivals), Vartavarh (Holweck, Cath. Encyc), Vastavar (Chardin, see below).

^{page 640 note 7} The statements of Macler, F., in his article on the Arm. “Festivals” in ERE.,Google Scholar relating to the origin and the places of the feasts in the year do not seem to be based on the old and reliable documents. He must have taken his details from the uncritical works of some of the modern Armenian writers.

^{page 640 note 8} Kleine Schriften, iii, p. 383.

^{page 641 note 1} Op. cit., p. 511. He puts it, however, wrongly at 352–6.

^{page 641 note 2} Another theory based on the supposition that 7th Sahmi was made the feast of the commemoration of the beheading of John and 1st Navasard that of his birth would be also fitting so far as the days are concerned. The interval between 24th June, the traditional date of John's birth, and 29th September, the day of his death, is exactly as much as between the 1st Navasard and the 7th Sahmi (sixty-five days). But this would bring the date of the institution (or the adoption) of these two feasts down to A.D. 620–3, a date incompatible with the mention of the feasts by Agathangelos.

^{page 641 note 3} The dates of the feasts given in the menologies or calendars composed after the eleventh century are all adapted to the fixed Arm. year on the basis of 1st Navasard = 11th August and have nothing to do with the original places of the feasts in the Arm. vague year. Therefore the conclusions based by some authors (e.g. Conybeare, op. eit., p. 511) on the equation of those Arm. dates with the Julian dates given in these documents, according to which the year 432 (or rather one of the four preceding years) was the date of the original adoption of the feasts, are obviously wrong.

^{page 642 note 1} The manuscript is copied in A.D. 1287.

^{page 642 note 2} David Duinensis, Vahan of Goืthn, Sahak and Joseph of Karin and Atom and his fellows have there their days of commemoration. The first was martyred about 680, the second in 737, the third (two martyrs) in the first-third of the ninth century, while the fourth, if identical with Adom and his six companions martyred by the order of Boghā in 852–3, belongs to the second half of the ninth century. It is curious that while the martyrdom of Vahan is recorded in the Arm. sources as having happened on 17th March and 27th of the Arm. month Mareri, i.e. the 10th month (see Dulaurier, Recherches sur la chronologie arménienne, etc., p. 242, quoting from the Petite Bible arménienne), the above-mentioned calendar puts it on 27th Margatz, i.e. the 11th month. This date could not correspond to 17th March before A.D. 860 and to 28th March (given by Nilles as the date of the martyrdom) before 816. The correspondence between 27th Mareri and 17th March agrees with the time of martyrdom, i.e. 737.

^{page 642 note 3} Although the theory of Gutschmid is disputed by some later authors such as Krumbacher, in Abk. d. bayer. Alcad. d. Wiss., 1911, p. 304Google Scholar, and Cumont, Fr. in Revue de Vhistoire des religions, vol. 114 (1936), pp. 5–41Google Scholar, where the acts of George, St. and their “Judæo-mazdean sources” are discussed, the substance of Gutschmid's thesis still, I think, holds good. Cumont himself in a later article in Journal of Roman Studies, vol. 27, 1937, pp. 63–71Google Scholar (St. George and Mithra, “the Cattle-thief”), while rejecting the opinion of those who regarded the Saint himself as “purely mythical”, is in complete agreement as to St. George being “the successor of Mithra” and expressly states that the Saint “has taken the place” of the said god and has become “the heir to his legend”.

^{page 643 note 1} The time of the adoption of this Mithra feast is not known. However, if it was adopted first by the Romans from Cappadocia and was later introduced from the pagan Roman religion into Christianity, then the date fixed for it (24th April) may be due not solely to the astronomical reason (the sun's being in Taurus) explained by Gutschmid (loc. cit., p. 210) but also or rather related to the time of its first adoption by the Romans. The 24th April corresponded with the 21st day of the Cappadocian month Mithri in A.D. 204–7. In 207 the day (24th April) was also a Friday, i.e. the traditional week-day of the martyrdom. The date agrees with the time of the rapid spread of Mithraism in the Roman Empire.

^{page 643 note 2} Le Synaxaire Arménien publié et traduit par G. Bayan, Palrologia Orientalis, vol. 21, pp. 841 ffGoogle Scholar.

^{page 643 note 3} Nilles (op. cit., ii, 588) states that the Armenian calendar puts the feast of Transfiguration, in agreement with the Greek and Roman menologies, on 6th August, but “according to our calendar” it is celebrated on the 7th Sunday after Pentecost. This statement seems to be due to a misunderstanding.

^{page 644 note 1} Again, since this feast is celebrated in summer and it falls always between 28th June and 1st August (n.s.), it could not be connected with the Arm. vague year, which moves through all the seasons of the solar year. Neither Easter nor any other movable feast connected with the Easter, such as Ascension Day, Pentecost, etc., is to be found in these calendars.

^{page 644 note 2} See chronology, pp. 300 and 310.

^{page 644 note 3} Nilles (ii, 563) reverses this theory and believes that the Arm. feast is transferred from 6th August to the 7th Sunday after Pentecost.

^{page 644 note 4} See Nilles, , Calendarium Manuale, ii, pp. 456–9Google Scholar. Rev. Dr. W. Telfer writes to me that the Orthodox church keeps the feast of the Apostles Peter and Paul on 29th June, and that on the 9th day after Pentecost it begins a fast which is kept up until the said feast of the Apostles. Therefore this fast, which is in essence a summer post-Pentecost fast and is therefore called the fast of the Apostles, varies in length between eight and forty-two days.

^{page 644 note 5} See Nilles, p. 456.

^{page 645 note 1} Bīrūnī, Chronology, pp. 308 and 311.

^{page 645 note 2} When Bīrūnī composed his chronology.

^{page 645 note 3} Bīrūnī, loc. cit. This fast is spoken of as that of Twelve Apostles. It was not connected with the names of Peter and Paul as the later Orthodox “Fast of the Apostles” seems to be.

^{page 645 note 4} The doubt is apparently based on the absence of the Arm. feast in the old Arm. calendars publ. by Conybeare, which ground, as we have seen, is not a sound one.

^{page 645 note 5} Nilles (op. cit., ii, 563) puts this transformation in the early fourth century.

^{page 646 note 1} Ter Israel (op. cit.) states that the “Pagan Armenians” used to celebrate on this day (Vardavar) the feast of Aphrodite and to say that she is a virgin born of the blood and foam of the sea and to call her “she who has the fingers of roses and golden branch” and that they used to scatter roses in this feast. Also according to Gregory Asharuni (loc. cit.) “… in summer they (the pagan Arms.) feasted the Lady Aphrodite, and they prattled the following silly story, that because of her awful beauty and delicacy whithersoever she ran from the sole of her feet there fell drops of blood and in the footsteps rose and myrtle shrubs shot up from the ground.”

^{page 646 note 2} ”Rose-flame” or “she who blows the roses” or “she who makes the roses grow” or “rose-kindling” according to the interpretation of the different authors.

^{page 646 note 3} Pietro della Valle, ii, 115, p. 406; Franklin, i, p. 84, and Herbert, p. 406.

^{page 646 note 4} See the story of the feast of the Ḥarrānian pagans in honour of Venus on 4th Kānūn I and the use of the dry roses in al-Fihrist, 324.

^{page 646 note 5} The Arm. Anahit is usually made the counterpart of the Grecian Artemis.

^{page 646 note 6} Op. cit., p. 230. According to Chardin (Voyage, vii, p. 261) the Armenians of Isfahān used on the day of Vastavar (Vardavar) to pelt (sprinkle) each other in the churches and in all houses with rose-water and flowers.

^{page 647 note 1} Matthew, xvii, 2,

^{page 467 note 2} The adoption of this feast by one of the two churches (the Armenian and the Nestorian) from the other, in spite of such a great similarity in practice and the coincidence in time, can hardly be conceived owing to the great antagonism between the two sects, though a common Christian origin going back to the time before the Council of Ephesus-is not impossible to suppose.

^{page 647 note 3} Bīrūnī, op. cit., p. 221.

^{page 647 note 4} Also the rose was one of the Oriental attributes of Aphrodite.

^{page 649 note 1} They not only sent some of their learned disciples to Kdessa and Constantinople to secure and collect the important religious books, to translate those written in Syrian and Greek language into Armenian and to transcribe those already written in the Armenian language but with Syrian script into the newly invented Armenian writing, a work which took seven years to accomplish, but in the meantime they began also to work on regulating the church ceremonies. They compiled the Breviary, appointing the services for the Dominical Feasts and those for the saints, the Liturgy, the Book of Church Hymns, the Ritual and the Calendar (see Issaverdens, J., Armenia and the Armenians, vol. ii, p. 71Google Scholar). Then Sahak convened the assembly of bishops in the city of Vagharshabat (Valarshapat) in which canons were proposed and accepted, particularly for the reform of the discipline of the Church. This synod was held in 426 and another following it is said to be convened again by Sahak in Ashtihat in 432 (though the actual convention of this second synod is disputed). Although the independence (or semi-independence) of the Arm. state (in Persarmenia) came to an end just at this time, the independence of the Arm. church and the beginning of the national culture and literature of the Christian period, generally called the golden age of Arm. literature, dates from this epoch.

^{page 649 note 2} Über das Iranische Jahr …, Kleine Schriften, iii, p. 209.

^{page 650 note 1} As a matter of fact the Arm. New Year in the years 428–431 corresponded to 11th August (Julian), whereas at the time of the institution of the new calendar (1084) the 1st Navasard fell on 29th February.

^{page 650 note 2} Possibly a vague idea of the beginning of the year in autumn in the oldest times (?) and the correspondence of the 11th August to the beginning of the autumn in the system of Julius Caesar strengthened that belief (of an old fixed year commencing in August). The old Persian (Achæmenian) year began most probably in autumn, and Gutschmid thinks that even the old Avestan year began also in this season (loc. cit., p. 211). If the oldest Arm. year really began with the month Mehekan instead of Navasard, as Marquart believes, when he states that he can prove that the traces of this usage are to be found in the Arm. language of the fifth century A.D. (Untersuchung zur Geschichle von Eran, p. 134, n.), then this would be a further proof for the original autumnal beginning of the year, as Mehekan fell in the older times (perhaps at the time of the adoption of the Avestan calendar by the Armenians) in September and August.

^{page 650 note 3} This is the Magian era, which seems to have been in the first post-Sasanian centuries more in use than the era of Yazdegerd, which began with the accession of that monarch to the throne (see BSOS., ix, 918–922).

^{page 651 note 1} The idea of adopting a fixed year did, however, not occur first to John or Malikshāh. The earlier attempt of Anastasius the Arm. Catholicos (661–7) in the case the Armenian and that of Caliph al-Mu‘taḍid (892–902) in the case of the Persian year either failed to succeed or did not find general acceptance.

^{page 651 note 2} The expiration of the said period (of 532 years) at 1084 may have been the principal motive of John's reform.

^{page 652 note 1} St. Augustine, Contra Faustum, xx, c. See the article Agape in the Encyclopædia Britannica.

^{page 653 note 1} Cumont, in his article “L'archéveché de Pedachtoé et le sacrifice du faon” in Byzantion, vi, 526 ff., discusses the similarities between Athenogenes and the Grecian Artemis, the Cappadocian Ma and the Persian Anaitis, and especially between the animal sacrifice offered to the said pagan deities and the Christian Saint.

^{page 653 note 2} Doubt is sometimes expressed as to the identity of the Iranian Anāhitā and Arm. Anahit, but I believe not with convincing argument.

^{page 653 note 3} Lagarde, Armen. Stud., 141.

^{page 653 note 4} Ter Israel (Patrologia Orientalis, vol. 5, p. 433) states that Anahit was considered as the daughter of Armazd and is the same as Aphrodite of the Greeks. For more details about the deities of pagan Armenia and their origin see Gelzer, H., “Zur armenischen Gōtterlehre” (Berichte über die Verhandlungen d. K. Sôchs. Gesell. d. Wiss., vol. 48, 1896, pp. 99–148)Google Scholar; Windischmann, “Die persische Anahita” (Abh. d. K. hayer. Akad. d. Wiss., 1856); Anikinian, ERE. (Armenia); F. R. Tournebize in Dictionnaire d'histoire et de géographie écclesiastique of Bourdillart (Arménie); L. Petit in Dictionnaire de théologie catholique of Vacant (Arménie). The books of A. Carrier, Les huit sanctuaires de l'Arménie païenne, and of Emin, Recherches sur le paganisms arménien, were not available to me.