² On Tamīm see Encyclopaedia of Islam (1st ed., Leyden, 1987 (repr.)), s.v. ‘Tamīm al-Dārīī (G. Levi Delia Vida); and Shulman, D., ‘Muslim popular literature in Tamil’, in (ed.) Islam in Asia, i, Y., Friedmann (Jerusalem: Magnes Press, 1984), 178–90;Google Scholar on his ascetic connections see al-Iṣfahānī, Abū Nu'aym, Ma'rifat al-ṣaḥaba, ed. Muhammad, Rāḍī'Uthmān, b. Hājj (Medina: Maktabat al-Dār, 1988), III, 191–9Google Scholar, for example; and al-Najm, Wadī'a, ‘Tamīm al-Dārī: Awwāl qāss fi 'l-Islām’, Majallat Kulliyat al-Adab, 5, 1962, 293–314.Google Scholar

³ Concordance et indices de la tradition musulmane, (ed.) Wensinck, A. J. and others (Leiden, E. J. Brill: 1936–1962)Google Scholar, s.v. jassāsa; and al-Hindī, al-Muttaqī, Kanz al-'ummāl, ed. Bakrī Ḥayyānī, (Beirut: Mu'ssasat al-Risāla, 1989), xiv, 283–84Google Scholar (no. 38738), among many sources.

⁴ Encyclopaedia of Islamr(2nd ed. Leyden, 1960–), s.v. ‘Lakhm’ ('Irfān Shahīd). On Tamīm's genealogy see Caskel, W., Ğamharat al-Nasab: Das genealogisches Werk des Hišām ibn al-Kalbī (Leyden: E. J. Brill, 1966), II, 543;Google Scholar and also ''Asākir, Alī b. Ḥusayn b., Ta'rīkh madīnat Dimashq (photostat: Dār al-Bashīr, n.d.), III, 531;Google Scholaral-Mizzī, Abū 'l-Hujjāj Yūsuf, Tahdhīb al-kamāl fī asmā' al-rijāl, ed. Bashar, Ma'rūf (Beirut: Mu'ssasat al-Risāla, 1988), IV, 326–8Google Scholar (no. 800); al-'Asqalānī, Ibn Ḥajar, al-Iṣāba fī tamyīz al-ṣaḥāba (Beirut: Dār Iḥya al-Turāth al-'Arabī, 1328 A.H.), I, 183Google Scholar (no. 837); Sa'd, Muḥammad b., Kitāb al-tabaqāt al-kubrā, ed. Muḥammad 'Abd, al-Qādir ‘AṠā’ (Beirut: Dār al-Kutub al-'Ilmiyya, 1990), VII, 286Google Scholar (no. 3723); al-Kalbī, Ibn, Kitāb nasab Ma'dwa'l-Yamān al-kabīr, ed. Nājī, Ḥasan (Beirut: Maktabat al-Nahḍa, 1988);Google Scholar and 'al-Sam'ānā, Abd al-Karīm b. Muḥammad, Kitāb al-ansāb, ed. 'Abdallāh, al-Barūrī (Beirut: Dār al-Kutub al-'Ilmiyya, 1988), II, 442Google Scholar.

⁵ al-Yamanī, Yaḥya b. Abī Bakr al-'Āmirī, al-Riyāḍ al-mustaṠāba (Beirut: Maktabat al-Ma'ārif, 1979), 40;Google Scholar and Caskel, op. cit, II, 543. On his supposed knowledge of Christianity (a rather frequent claim made for converts) see al-Ṭabarī, Ibn Jarīr, Jāmi' al-bayān fī ta'wīl ayy al-Qur'ān (Beirut: Dār al-Fikr, n.d.), XIII, 177;Google Scholaral-Suyūtī, Jalāl al-Dīn, al-Durr al-manthūr fī 'l-tafsīr bi'l-ma'thūr (Cairo: al-Anwār al-Muḥammadīyya, n.d.), IV, 78;Google Scholar and al-Dhahabī, Shams al-Dīn Muḥammad b. Aḥmad, Siyar a'lām al-nubalā' (Beirut: Mu'ssasat al-Risāla, 1985), II, 444.Google Scholar

⁶ On deputation stories see Landau-Tessaron, E., ‘Asad from Jāhiliyya to Islam’, Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam, 6, 1985, 8–20;Google Scholar idem, ‘Processes of redaction: the case of the Tamīmite delegation to the Prophet Muḥammad’, BSOAS, 49/2, 1986, 253–70;CrossRefGoogle Scholar and Donner, F.M., Early Islamic conquests (Princeton, 1981), 101–11.Google Scholar

⁷ This account can be found in Hishām, Ibn, al-Sīra al-nabawiyya, ed. Muḥammad Muḥī al-Dīn, al-Ḥamīd (Beirut: Dār al-Fikr, 1981), III, 408–9;Google Scholar Muḥammad b. Yūsuf al-Ṣālihī al-Shāmī, Subul al-hudā wa'l-rashād (=al-Sīra al-Shāmiyya), ed. 'Abd al-'Azīz 'Abd al-Hayy al-Ḥilmī (Cairo: Dā'irat al-Awq'f, 1990), v, 508–10; al-Wāqidī, Muḥammad b. 'Umar, Kitāb al-maghāzī, ed. Marsden, Jones, Oxford, 1966), II, 794–5;Google Scholar Abū '1-Faraj Ibnal-Jawzī, Kitāb al-muntaẓam fī 'l-ta'rīkh, ed. Muḥammad ‘Abd al-Qādir 'Atā’ (Beirut: Dār al-Kutub al-'Ilmiyya, 1992), III, 326;Google Scholar, ‘Uyūn al-ta'rīkh wa'l-siyar (Mecca: Multazim al-Tibā'ī, n.d.), 157; Ismā'īl b. Kathīr, al-Bidāya wa'l-nihāya (Cairo: MaṠa'at al-Sa'da, 1932), v, 87; Ṣalāḥ al-Dīn b. Aibek al-Ṣafadī, al-Wāfībi'l-wafīyat, ed. 'Alī Amāra and Jacqueline Sublet (Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner, 1981), x, 408 (which does not mention the numbers involved); Ibn 'Asākir, Ta'rīkh, III, 531–2; al-Dhahabī, Siyar, II, 443; Ibn Sa'd, Ṭabaqāt, I, 258–9; al-Maqrīzī, ‘al-Daw' al-sārīf ī ma'rifat khabar Tamīm al-Dārī’, ed. Charles Matthews, Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society, 17, 1939–40, 159–60; al-'Āmirī, Riyād, 40; Ibn al-Athīr, Usd al-ghāba fī ma'rifat al-ṣaḥāba, ed. Muḥammad Ibrāhīm al-Binā' (Cairo: Kitāb al-Sha'b, n.d.), i, 256–7 (no. 515); Ibn Hajar, Iṣāba, I, 183; Ibn Taghrībirdī, al-Nujūm al-zāhira (Cairo: Maktabat Dār al-Kutub al-Miṣriyya, 1929), I, 120; Ahmad b. 'Abd al-Wahhāb al-Nuwayrī, Nihāyat al-arab fī funūn al-adāb (Cairo: MaṠba'at Dār al-Kutub al-Miṣiyya, 1955), xvm, 104–5; Ibn Durayd, Kitāb al-ishtiqāq, ed. 'Abd al-Salām Hārūn (Cairo: Mu'ssasat al-Khānjī, 1958), 155; and Muḥammad b. 'Alī al-Ansārī, al-Misbāh al-mudiyy (Beirut: Dār al-Naḥwa al-Jadīda, 1986), 390; and see also L. Caetani, Annali dell' Islam (Mi'lano: Ulrico Hoepli, 1907) II/l, 288–90; Watt, W. M., Muḥammad at Medina (Oxford, 1956), 112;Google Scholar F. M. Donner, Early Islamic conquests, 105 (but correct ‘embraced Islam in A.H. 10’); and Gil, M., History of Palestine during the First Muslim Period(transl. Ethel Broido, Cambridge, 1992), 129–30.Google Scholar

⁸ al-Tabanī, Muḥammad b. Janrī, Ta'rīkh al-rusul wa'l-mulūk, ed. M. de, Goeje (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1964 (repr.)), I, 1783;Google Scholaral-Balādhurī, Aḥmad b. Yaḥyā, Ansāb al-ashrāf ed. Muḥammad, Ḥamīdullāh (Cairo: Dār al-Ma'ārif; n.d.), I, 510;Google Scholaral-Majlisī, Muḥammad al-Bāqir, Biḥār, XVI, 111;Google Scholar al-Ansārī, Misbāh, 390; and Ibn Sa'd, Ṭabaqāt, I, 380.

⁹ Ibn Sa'd, Tabaq't, I, 380; Mūsā b. 'Uqbā, al-Ahādāth al-muntakhiba, ed. Hasan Salmān (Dār Ibn Hazm, 1991), 82 (no. 13); Ibn al-Athīr, Usd, I, 244; 'Abd al-Raḥmān b. Abī al-Ḥasan al-Khatha'mī al-Suhaylī, al-Rawd al-unūf (Beirut: Dār al-Fikr, 1989), iv, 223.

¹⁰ Not all of the sources cited in footnote 7 mention the land-deed.

¹¹ 'al-Māwardī, Alī b. MuḤammad, al-Ahkām al-sultāniyya (Beirut: Dār al-Kutub al-'Ilmiyya, n.d.), 239–41Google Scholar gives some; and , al-Hindī, Kanz, III, 913–18Google Scholar has a discussion of the competing traditions on the subject. Al-Majlisī, Bihār, xvm, 134ff. gives many more.

¹² All the variants are quoted in Hamīdullāh, M., Majmūa al-wathā'iq al-siyāsiyya (Cairo: Maktaba al-Thaqafiyya al-Dīniyya, n.d.), 51–6.Google Scholar The text translated above is located on p. 52.

¹³ This idea comes from Quran 59: 6–7. The difference of verbs in the text wahaba = gave, and ‘ atā = bestowed) indicates that the source of the gifts is God

¹⁴ On Bayt 'Aynun see Conder, C., A survey of Western Palestine (Jerusalem: Qedem, 1970 (repr.)), III, 311, 351;Google Scholar and R. Zadok, 'Hirbet Bayt ‘Enūn’, Israel Exploration Journal, 29, 1979, 62. Hibrun is probably the base village of the modern city and apparently carried its ancient name well into the Muslim period, since from the 800s/1400s we have the nisba of one Aḥmad b. Mūsā al-Hibrawī al-Khalīlī: Muḥammad b. 'Abd al-Raḥmān al-Sakhāwī, al-Daw ' al-lāmi' fī rijāl al-qarn al-tisa' (Beirut: Dār Maktabat al-Ḥayāt, n.d.), n, 230 (no. 651); and the village of Khirbet Ḥibra in Conder, in, 281. MarṠūm is probably a village or a monastery (or perhaps a martyrium) with the name Mar Thomas, see map in Massignon, L., ‘Documents sur certains waqfs des lieux saints de l'lslamĩ, Revue des Etudes Islamiques (Paris: Paul Geuthner, 1952), 79.Google Scholar

The variations on the place names are many: (1) 'Aynūn in Ibn Ḥajar al-'Asqalānī, Isāba, I, 184; Ibn al-Athīr, Usd, I, 256; and al-Suyūtī, Husn al-muhādara fī mahāsin Misr wa'l-Qāhira, ed. Muḥammad Ibrāhīm (Cairo: Dār Iḥya al-Kutub al-'Arabiyya, 1968), i, 177; (2) Bayt Habrūn in Ibn Ḥajar, Tahdhīb al-tahdhīb (Beirut: Dār al-Fikr, 1984), i, 449; (3) Ḥibra and Bayt 'Aynūn in al-Maqrīzī, ‘Daw'’, 159; (4) Bayt Ḥibra and Bayt 'Aynūn in Ibn al-Kalbī, Nasab, i, 207; (5) Athar Ibrāhīm in Aḥmad b. 'Alī al-Qalqashandī, Ṣubḥ al-a'shā fī sinā'at al-inshā, ed. Muḥammad Shams al-Dīn (Beirut: Dār al-Fikr al-'Ilmiyya, 1987), xin, 126; and al-Maqrīzī, 161; (6) Bayt Laḥm (!) in al-Dhahabī, Siyar, n, 443; (7) 'Aynūn, ‘Fulāna’ and the place of Abraham's grave in al-Maqrīzī, 161; (8) Bayt Habrūn and Bayt 'Aynūn in Ibn Hazm, Jamharat al-nasab, ed. 'Abd al-Salām Hārūn (Cairo: Dar al-Ma'ārif, 1962), 422; and (9) Bayt 'Ayn and Jabrūn in Ibn Abī 'Āṣim, al-Āḥad wa'l-mathānī, ed. Basīm Fayṣal al-Jubāra (Riyadh: Dār al-Zayāta, 1991), V, 112.

¹⁵ On Rawḥ see, Crone, P., Slaves on horses (LondonCrossRefGoogle Scholar, 1980) s.v.; and I. Hasson, ‘Le chef judhamite Rawḥ ibn Zinbā'‘, Studio Islamica, 11, 1993, 95–122.

¹⁶ Ibn al-Athīr, Usd, I, 257; Aḥmad b. al-Ḥusayn al-Bayhaqi, Shu'ab al-īmān, ed. Muḥammad al-Sa'īId b. Bassouny Zaghlūl (Beirut: Dār al-Kutub al-'Ilmiyya, 1990), rv, 33–4 (no. 4273); al-Musharraf b. al-Murajja', Fadā'il Bayt al-Maqdis wa'l-Khatīl wa'l- Shām, ed. Ofer Livne-Kafri (Shfar'am: Dār al-Mashriq, 1995), 349 (no. 577); and Sulaymān b. Aḥmad al-Ṭabarānī, al-Mu'jam al-kabīr, ed. Ḥamdī 'Abd al-Majīd al-Silfī (Mosul: Iḥya al-Turāth al-'Arabi, n.d.), II, 51.

¹⁷ al-Qalqashandī, Ṣubḥ al-a'shā, XIII, 126; al-Maqrīzī, ‘Daw'’ 160–61; Ibn Abī al-'Aṣim, al-Āḥad wa'l-mathānī, v, 12 (no. 2548); al-Musharraf b. al-Murajja', Faḍāil 347–8 (no. 576), and note the emphasis on the half brother Abū Hind in al-'Armirī, al-Riyād, 41; Muḥammad al-Mutī'ī, Sūat al-fatwa (Būlāq: Dār al-Tabā'a al-Fu'ādiyya, n.d.), 4 (though biographical information about Abu Hind is sparse, he is probably mentioned in Abū Nu'aym al-Iṣfahānī, Ḥilyat al-awliyā' (Cairo: Maktabat al-Khānjī, 1935), v, 187). Ibn Ḥazm, Jamhara, 422 appears to support this version without quoting it directly. In a related version, though one free from any familial influences, Tamīm comes from Syria with a select group of Christians who convert to Islam. These include such luminaries as Baḥīra the monk, and Abrāha (the Ethiopian governor of the Yemen?): al-Majlisī, Biḥār, XXII, 47.

¹⁸ Krenkow, F., ‘The grant of land by Muḥammad to Tamīm al-Dārī’, Islamica, 1, 1924–1925, 530–32;Google Scholar Watt, Muḥammad at Medina, 112; I. Hasson, ‘The penetration of the Arab tribes in Palestine during the first century of the Hijra’, Cathedra, 32, 1984, 61 [in Hebrew]. Dormer alone, (Conquests, 97) appears to accept the idea of Muḥammad granting a deed to somewhere far outside his control, for which he has been criticized by E. Landau-Tessaron, 'Review of Dornner's Early Islamic conquests', Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam, 6, 1985, 508–9, 31 (a similar case). M. Gil, ‘Processes of settlement: Arab tribes in the first Muslim century’, Cathedra, 32, 1984, 67 claims that Tamīm received tax collecting rights from the Prophet, not a deed to land.

¹⁹ For example, al-SuyūṠī, al-Khasā'is al-kubrā (Beirut: Dār al-Kutub al-'Ilmiyya, 1985), II, 45–46; and among modern scholars: Iḥsān 'Abbās, 'Fatḥ Bilād al-Shām', in Fourth International Conference on Bilād al-Shām (Arabic section, 2nd. symposium, part 2; ed. Muḥammad 'Adnān BakhṠīt, (Amman: al-Jamī'a al-Urdunniyya, 1987), 17, and ṣāliḥ Dāradka, ‘Muqaddimāt fī Fatḥ Bilād al-Shām’, I.e., pp. 116–17, among many examples.

²⁰ al-Maqrīzī, ‘Daw'’, 161; Muḥammad b. Aḥmad al-GhayṠī, al-Jawāb al-qawīm 'an al-su'āl al-muta'lliq bi-iqtā' al-sayyid Tamīm, ed. Ḥasan 'Abd al-Raḥmān Salāwadī (Jerusalem: Markaz al-Abḥāth al-Islāmiyya, 1986), 34–5 (who gives the tradition the mark of munkar (despicable)); and Ibn 'Asākir, Ta'rīkh, III, 534. In addition there are other variations: see Ibn Sa'd, Ṭabaqāt, VII, 286; and Aḥmad b. Yaḥyā al-Balādhurī, Futūh al-buldān, ed. 'Abdallāh Anīs al-Ṭibā'a (Beirut: Mu'ssasat al-Ma'ārif, n.d.), 176.

²¹ One should note that one possible interpretation of Tamīm's nisba, Dārī, is that it is connected to a perfume manufacturing house in Mecca: al-Sam'ānī, Ansab, II, 443. See in general, Crone, P., Meccan trade and the rise of Islam (Princeton, 1987).Google Scholar

²² On him see Ibn Ḥajar, Isāba, II: 467. Muslim scholars in general denied him the rank of ṣaḥabī since he died a Christian.

²³ Ibn al-Jawzī, Zād al-masīr fī 'ilm al-tafsīr (Damascus: al-Maktaba al-Islāmiyya, 1985), II, 444; al-Maqrīzī, ‘Daw'’, 167; al-Qurtubī, Tafsīr (Cairo: Dār al-Sha'b, n.d.), III, 2344; Ibn Bashkawāl, Ghawāmidal-asmā' al-mubhama ed. 'Izz al-Dīn al-Sayyid (Beirut: 'Alam al- Kutub, 1991), V, 337'9; Ibn Ḥajar, Iṣāba, II, 467; 'Alī b. Aḥmad al-Wāhidī, Asbāb al-nuzūl (Beirut: Dār al-Fikr, 1988), 142–3; al-Suyūtī, Durr, II, 382; Ibn 'Asākir, Ta'rīkh, III, 538; Abū Ya'lā al-Mawṣilī, Musnad, ed. Ḥusayn Sālim Asad (Damascus: Dār al-Mā'mūn li'1-Turāth, 1987), IV, 338–9; al-Dhahabī, Siyar, II, 444; and Aḥmad b. al-Ḥusayn al-Bayhaqī, Ma'rifat al-sunan wa'l-athār, ed. 'Abd al-MuṠī' Qala'jī (Beirut: Dār al-Wa'ī, 1991), xiv, 281 (no. 19949). Compare theShii version, in which Tamīm is himself the victim, and the perpetrator one Ibn Banda: 'Alī b. Ibrāhīm al-Qummī, Tafsīr (Beirut: Mu'ssasat al-'AṠā', 1993), I, 196; al-Majlisī, Biḥār, XXII, 65–6; and al-Ḥusayn b. al-Ḥakam al-Ḥibarī al-Kūfī, Tafsīr, ed. al-Sayyid Muḥammad Riḍā al-Ḥusaynī, Mu'ssasat Āl al-Bayt li'1-Iḥya al-Turāth (Beirut, 1987), 335.

²⁴ Ḥajar, Ibn, Isāba, I, 140–41.Google Scholar

²⁵ Encyclopaedia of Islam, s.v. ‘'Amr b. al-'Āṣ’ (A. J. Wensinck).

²⁶ Ḥajar, Ibn, Iṣāba, III, 425.Google Scholar

²⁷ Ḥabīb, Muḥammad b., Kitāb al-munammaq fī akhbār Quraysh, ed. Khurshīd Aḥmad Farīq, (Beirut: 'Alam al-Kutub, 1985), 244.Google ScholarḤilf is denned in Ibn al-Athīr, al-Nihāya fī gharīb al-ḥadīth, ed. Tāhir Aḥmad al-Rāzī(Beirut: Dār Iḥya al-Kutub al-'Arabiyya, n.d.), I, 424 as a ‘brothering’.

²⁸ , al-Balādhurī, Ansāb al-ashrāf, ed. 'Abd al-'Azīz, al-Dūrī (Beirut: Dār al-Nashr, 1978), III, 294–95.Google Scholar

²⁹ ibid., 302.

³⁰ Ibn Ḥabīb, Munammaq, 65; and al-Balādhurī, Ansāb, III, 301–2.

³¹ Lecker, M., ‘The estates of 'Amr b. al-'Āṣ in Palestine’, BSOAS, 52/1, 1989, 24–37;CrossRefGoogle Scholar and it should be noted that 'Amr is recorded as regularly journeying to Ethiopia: 'al-Mubārak, Abdallāh b., Kitāb al-jihād, ed. Nazīh, Ḥammād, (Beirut: Muḥammad 'Afīf al-Zu'abī, 1971), 158Google Scholar (no. 203).

³² Sprenger, A., Das Leben und die Lehre des Mohammads (Berlin: A. Effert, 1869), I, 408,Google Scholar who does not mention his source; and Ḥabīb, Ibn, Kitāb al-muḥabbar, ed. Ilse, Lichtenstadter (Beirut: Dār al-Afāq al-Jadīda, n.d.), 452.Google Scholar Tamīm is the first of her listed husbands, so the marriage must have been early.

³³ al-Zubayrī, Mus'ab, Kitāb nasab Quraysh, ed. E., Lévi-Provençal (Cairo: Dār al-Ma'ārif, 1953), 276.Google Scholar

³⁴ Kister, M. J. ‘On strangers and allies in Mecca’, Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam, 13, 1990 113–54Google Scholar, especially 135, 147.

³⁵ al-Dhahabī, Siyar, II, 444; Naṣr b. al-Layth al-Samarqandī, Bahr al-'ulūm (Beirut: Dār al-Kutub al-'Ilmiyya, 1993), I, 465 (where he is called Budayl b. Warqā', a mistake); Ibn Ḥayyān, al-Bahr al-muhīt, ed. Zuhayr Ju'ayd (Beirut: Dār al-Fikr, 1992), IV, 389 (correct 'Adī b. Żayd to 'Adī b. Badā'); Muqātil b. Sulaymān, Tafsīr, ed. Maḥmūd Shaḥāta (Cairo: al-Ha'ya al-Miṣriyya, 1983), I, 511–13; al-Maqrīzī, ‘al-Ḍw'’aw, 169; al-QurṠubī, Tafsīr, III, 2344; Ibrāhīm b. 'Umar al-Biqa'ī, Nizam al-durar (Beirut: Dār al-Kutub al-Islāmī, 1992), VI, 328; Muḥammad b. al-Ḥasan al-Ṭūsī, al-Tibyān fī tafsīr al-Qur'ān, IV, 42 (where 'Adī appears as his brother); al-Ḥusayn b. Mas'ūud al-Baghawī, Ma'ālim al-tanzīl, ed. Muḥammad 'Abdallah Nimr (Riyadh: Dār Ṭayba, 1412h), III, 111; al-SuyūṠī, Durr, II, 382; Ibn 'Asākir, Ta'rīkh, III, 539; and see M. Godefroy-Demomboynes, Mahomet (Paris: Albin Michel, 1959), 578. There are harmonizing versions in Ibn Ḥayyān; and al-Bayhaqī, al-Ma'rifa, XIV, 279. The story appears in a very garbled form in the Tafsīr ascribed to Ḥasan al-Baṣrī, ed. Muḥammad 'Abd al-Raḥīm (Cairo: Dīr al-Ḥādith, n.d.), I, 345–6, even though the source listed is Muqātil b. Sulaymān.

³⁶ 'Ubayd, Abū, Kitāb al-amwāl, ed. Muḥammad Khalīl, Harās (Beirut: Dār al-Kutub al-'Ilmiyya, 1986), 274–5.Google Scholar

³⁷ al-'Amirī, Riyād, 41.

³⁸ Ibn Ḥajar, Iṣāba, I, 184.

³⁹ Sa'd, IbnTa'rīkhGoogle Scholar, Ṭabaqāt,Ta'rīkh VII, 286;Google Scholar, al-Ṣafadī, al-Wāfī, X, 408;Google Scholar and al-Athīr, Ibn, Usd, I, 256.Google Scholar

⁴⁰ al-Maqrīzī, ‘Daw'’ p. 166; and 'Asākir, Ibn, Ta'rīkh, III, 532–3.Google Scholar The sources also note that he maintained a connection with the father of Mūsā b. Nuṣayr (the future conqueror of Spain): al-Ḥamāwī, Yāqut, Mu'jam al-buldān (Beirut: Dār al-Fikr, n.d.), IV, 471;Google Scholar and Khālikān, Ibn, Wafīyat al-a'yān, ed. Iḥsān, 'Abbās (Beirut: Dār al-Thaqāfa, 1977), V, 318.Google Scholar

⁴¹ 'ānī, al-Sam, al-Ansāb, II, 442.Google Scholar Some correct this to Jerusalem; see Krenkow, ‘Grant of land’, 531, or to Damascus: , al-Bakrī, Nuzhat al-anām fī maḥāsin al-Sham (Beirut: Dār al-Rā'id al-'Arabī, 1980), 224.Google Scholar

⁴² Encyclopedia of Islam (new ed.) s.v. ‘al-Khalīl’ (M. Sharon). See now Musharraf b. al-Murajja', Fadā'il, 331ff.

⁴³ al-Ghaytī, Jawāb, 34; and al-Maqrīzī, ‘Daw'’, 166.

⁴⁴ al-Balādhurī, Futūh, 176; al-Maqrīzī, ‘Daw'’, 164; 'Abdallah b. 'Abd al-'Azīz al-Bakrī al-Andalusī, Mu'jam mā staājama, ed. MuṣṠafā al-Sāqī (Cairo: Lajnat al-Ta'līf, 1947), II, 420; and al-GhayṠī, Jawāb, 34.

⁴⁵ 'Asakir, Ibn, Ta'rīkh, VIII, 229;Google Scholar and al-GhayṠī, Jawāb, 38 (correct dimash to Dimashq).

⁴⁶ Despite a search in the relevant bibliographical material, I was unable to locate this man.

⁴⁷ al-Maqrīzī, ‘Daw'’, 174; al-GhayṠī, Jawāb, 44–5; and Mujīr al-Dīn al-Ḥanbalī, al-Uns al-jalīl bi-ta'rīkh al-Quds wa'l-Khalīl (Amman: Maktabat al-Muḥtaṣib, 1973), II, 82.

⁴⁸ Ayalon, D., ‘Payment in Mamluk military society’, Journal of the Economic and Social; History of the Orient, 1, 1958, 292CrossRefGoogle Scholar (quoting from Muhī al-Dīn 'Abd al-Zāhir, Sīrat al-ẓāhir Baybars). One of the few times when the Tamīmī Dārī family is mentioned is in a quote in al-Athīr, Ibn, Ta'rīkh, ed. Tomberg, (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1864– repr.), X, 560,Google Scholar whose source is stated to be Ḥamza b. Asad al-Tamīmī, and it is said there that he composed a Ta'rīkh. It is rather curious, though, that the incident mentioned (the discovery of the non-decomposed bodies of the Patriarchs) must have taken place during Crusader rule when the Tamīmī family was not present (they went into exile).

⁴⁹ Ayalon, 291.