^{page 1 note 1} Kračkovskij, Ignaz, “Der historische Roman in der neueren arabischen Literatur,” translated by Mende, G. von, in Die Welt des Islams, Band 12, Heft 1–2, Leipzig, 1930.Google Scholar

^{page 2 note 1} See Manfalūṭī and the “New Style”, v, 2, pp 311 ff.Google Scholar

^{page 2 note 2} The almost exclusive cultivation of the historical romance by the Syrian writers may possibly be explained by the lighter demands which it made in this direction.

^{page 2 note 3} Al-amānī wa'l-minna fī ḥadīth Qabūl wa Ward Janna, published by Tāj, Shaykh Muṣṭafā, Cairo, n.d. (but in the reign of Tawfīq, i.e. before 1892), pp. 103. On ‘Osmīn Ǵalāl see the first of these studies, BSOS., IV, 4, p. 748, and the article of Sobernheim in Enc. of Islam, s.v. Muhammad Bey ‘Othmān al-Djalāl.Google Scholar

^{page 2 note 4} The following extract may serve as an illustration of the style of this rendering and of the translator's success in adapting it, in spite of the slight deformation of the sentiment at the end. The passage is that in which the missionary priest persuades Virginia to leave her home: “Mais vous, jeune demoiselle, vous n'avez point d'excuse. II faut obéir à la Providence, a nos vieux parents, même injustes. C'est un sacrifice, mais c'est l'ordre de Dieu. II s'est dévoué pour nous : il faut, à son exemple, se dévouer pour le bien de sa famille. Votre voyage en France aura une fin heureuse. Ne voulez-vous pas bien y aller, ma chère demoiselle?“ The priest is transformed, naturally, into a “Shaykh faqīh” and his argument is rendered thus (p. 44):

^{page 3 note 1} See the exhaustive and penetrating criticism of M.'s translation of Paul et Virginie by Saussey, E. : “Une adaptation arabe de ‘Paul et Virginie’,” in Bulletin des Études orientates de l'Institut frančais de Damas, Tom. 1 (Paris, 1932), pp. 49–80.Google Scholar It does not appear that M. based his translation in any way on that of ‘Ogmān Ǵalāj; cf. his version of the passage quoted in the preceding note, ap. Saussey, p. 71. For a general characterization of the work of recent translators see Khemiri, Tahir and Kampflmeyer, G., Leaders in contemporary Arabic literature, pt. i, (Leipzig, Cairo and London, 1930), p. 23.Google Scholar

^{page 3 note 2} Riwāyat ‘Adhrā'al-Hind’ aw Tamaddun al-Fard'ina limunsh'ihā ‘d-da'if Aḥmad Shawqī (Alexandria: Maṭtb. al-Ahrām, 1897), pp. 150.Google Scholar

^{page 3 note 3} See on these Maḥmūd Taymūr, Introduction to Ash-Shaykh Sayyid al-'Abīt (Cairo, 1344/1926), pp. 39–40Google Scholar; revised German translation by Widmer, G., Die Welt des Islams, Bd. 13 (Berlin, 1932), 9 ff., and especially pp. 44–6. This valuable introduction gives a survey of the development of the novel and short story in Arabic literature, both medieval and modern. Particularly noteworthy are the analyses of the styles and powers of characterization of the writers mentioned, coming from the pen of one of the most talented and successful of modern Arabic authors.Google Scholar

^{page 4 note 1} See Brockelmann's article “Mākama ” in Encyc. of Islam; also Massignon, L., Essai sur les origines du lexique technique de la mystique rmisulmane (Paris, 1922), p. 298.Google Scholar

^{page 4 note 2} See BSOS., IV, 4, pp. 750 and 753. Fikrī Pāshā'a famous Maqāma Fikrīya, which is a short story, already illustrates the widening scope of the maqāma.Google Scholar

^{page 5 note 1} The Muwaylḥis came of a mercantile family of Sayyids, and Muh.'s greatgrandfather was sar-tujjāar of Egypt under Muh. āAlī. Muhammad studied in al-Azhar and Ismā'īl's madrasat al-anjāl; he joined the party of ‘Arabi Pāshā, and afterwards assisted Jamāl ad-Dīn al-Afghānī in Paris in the journal Mir'āt ash-Sharq. After spending some time in Constantinople, where he published al-Ma'arrī's Risālat al-Ghufrān and other early Arabic literary works from MSS. there, he returned to Egypt and engaged in journalism (in al-Ahrām, al-Mu'ayyad, etc.), and subsequently held a post in the Ministry of Awqaf until his retirement in 1915. A number of sidelights on his career will be found in the Diaries of Wilfrid Scawen Blunt (see Index, s.v. Mohammed Moelhi). His father, Ibrāhīm Bey, was also a man of literary attainments, and published a volume of essays under the title of Mā hunāka (Muqtataf Press, 1896). See also al-'Aqq1896d, Murāja'āt, p. 173. Hadith ‘;ĪIsā'bni Hishām was originally published in parts in the journal Misbah ash-Sharq; 1st collected ed. Matb. al-Ma'ārif, 1324/1907 ; 4th ed. Matb. Misr, n.d. (c. 19287ndash;1930).Google Scholar

^{page 5 note 2} BSOS., V, 2, p. 315.Google Scholar

^{page 5 note 3} Introduction to Ash-Shaykh Sayyid al-'Abīt, p. 42 ; tr. Widmer, , W.I., xiii, pp. 47–8.Google Scholar

^{page 6 note 1} E.g., the dirty fingernails of a painter are

(4th ed., p. 411).

^{page 6 note 2} Layālī Satīft li-munshi'ihi Muhammad Hāfiz Ibrāhām (Maṭb. Muḥ. Muḥ. Miṭr., Cairo, n.d. [1907]), pp. 128.Google Scholar Cf. Taymur, M., loe. cit., p. 42Google Scholar; Widmer, p. 48. For the legendary and half-mythological character of Saṭiḥ, see Encyc. of Islam, s.v. On Hafiz Ibrāhām, see the study by Kurd, M. ‘Alī in as-Siassa, weekly ed., 20th and 27th October, 1928, and al-Hilāl, xl, 10, and xli, 1 (October-November, 1932), where the reader will find some account of the personal experiences which influenced him in his selection of material for this book.Google Scholar

^{page 6 note 3} Cf. al-Manār, xi, 7 (August, 1908), p. 530; Zaydān, , in al-Hilāl, xvi, 10 (07, 1908), p. 583Google Scholar, refers to its

.

^{page 6 note 4} Al-Muqtabas, vol. iii, 9 (October, 1908), p. 598.Google Scholar

^{page 7 note 1} Maṭb, Cairo. at-Ta'lif, 1912, pp. 192.Google Scholar The work is enthusiastically reviewed by Zaydān, in al-Hilāl, xx (1912), pp. 551–5.Google Scholar For other early works of the author see Sarkīs, , Diet. Biog., coll. 1692–3Google Scholar (very incomplete). His plays are criticised by Muhammad Taymur in the collected volume

pp. 94–103, and a later book of his entitled

in as-Siassa, weekly ed., 29th October, 1927, by Mahmūd Muhammad al-Khudayrī, who declares it to be plagiarized from Munk's, S.Mélanges de Philosophie Juive et Arabe (Paris, 1859).Google Scholar On his most recent work entitled

(Cairo, Maṭb. al-Muqtataf, 1926, pp. 324), in reply to Tāhā Husayn's work on pre-Islamic poetry (see BSOS., V, 3, p. 457)Google Scholar, see Professor Ignaz Kratchkowsky's article “Tāhā Ḥusein o doīslamskoī poëzii arabov i ego kritiki” in Bull. Ac. Sciences UBSS., 1931, pp. 604–7, and Kurd, M. ‘Alī in RAAD., vii (1927), pp. 89–90.Google Scholar

^{page 7 note 2} To the same class as these works, though distinct in inspiration and to some extent in style, belongs also the celebrated treatise entitled (Cairo, Matb. al-Mā'arif, n.d. [1911], pp. 272), composed by Shaykh Ṭanṭāwī Ǵawharā and offered to the International Congress of Peoples, which met in London in 1911. The interlocutor in this book is a celestial spirit, and the subject is the wider one of human progress and fraternity. The author avoids the use of rhymed prose, but has retained the traditional balanced and antithetical style. Although this is one of the works which do most honour and credit to modern Arabic literature, and deserves to be made the subject of an independent study, it is unnecessary to do more than refer to it here, since it falls outside the scope of the present article. It has, moreover, already been analysed and made known to wider circles by Santillana, D. (BSO., iv, pp. 762–773)Google Scholar and Vaux, Baron Carra de (Les Penseurs de Tlslam, v (Paris, 1926), pp. 281–4), preceded by a description of the first part of the author's remarkable commentary on the Qur'ān, now complete as far as Sura 49 in twenty-two volumes (Cairo, Maṭb. Muṣṭafā al-Bābi al-Halakī, A.H. 1341-). See further the author's own comments on the above-mentioned work in vol. xxii, pp. 239–247.Google Scholar

^{page 8 note 1} Cf., e.g., the introduction to Riwāyat Nihāyat al-Gharām 'aw Fatāt al-Minya, a dull and rather primitive type of novelette by Muḥ. ṣadiq al-‘Antablā, apparently a Syrian Christian, (Cairo, Maṭb. Khadīwīya, 1905):

^{page 8 note 2} Zaynab. Manāẓir wa-’akhlāq rāfāya. Biqalam misrā fallāh. (Cairo, Maṭb. al-JarCairoda, n.d. [1914])Google Scholar. My copy has 416 pages, but has possibly lost the last sheets, as the second edition (Maṭb. al-Jadīd, n.d. [1929], pp. 296) has the equivalent of four pages more. On Bey, Haykal see BSOS., V, 450–6Google Scholar; Khemiri, and Kampffmeyer, , Leaders, i, 20–1; Widmer, 48–9.Google Scholar

^{page 9 note 1} Cf. for the characters of the two women the article by Ode-Vasil'eva, K. V., “Otrazhenie byta sovremennoā arabskoā zhenstchiny v'novelle,” in Zap. Koll. Vostokovedov, V (Leningrad, 1930), pp. 300–301.Google Scholar

^{page 10 note 1} 1st ed., p. 19 ; 2nd ed., pp. 22–3.

^{page 10 note 2} 1st ed., pp. 401–403 ; 2nd ed., pp. 283–4.

^{page 10 note 3} 1st ed., p. 322 ; 2nd ed., pp. 229–230.

^{page 10 note 4} 1st ed., pp. 293, 296; 2nd ed., pp. 209, 211.

^{page 10 note 5} E.g. abū retained in oblique cases ; fondness for participles governing the accusative; tendency to omission of relative conjunction (alladhī, etc.); the ungrammatical use of the oblique case of the dual (e.g., p. 408; p. 275; both corrected in 2nd ed., pp. 287, 197). There can be little doubt that these offences against literary usage, together with the type of sentence illustrated in the following note, were partly responsible for the negative attitude adopted towards it by the literary public on its first appearance. Moreover, the novelty in literary style of many details of usage and vocabulary has been blurred at this distance of time by the fact that they have come to be more and more extensively used in contemporary writing.

^{page 11 note 1} E.g. the sentence beginning 1st ed., p. 37; 2nd ed., p. 34; or that beginning 1st ed., pp. 89–90; 2nd ed., p. 70.

^{page 11 note 2} See the passages quoted in the third article of this series, BSOS., V, 3, p. 451.Google Scholar

^{page 11 note 3} It would scarcely serve any useful purpose to attempt to trace out its origins in detail. Dr. Rudi Paret, in a private letter, suggests that an interesting comparison might be made between Zaynab and Th. Fontane's Effi Briest, but the comparison could hardly go beyond general situation and atmosphere, and it is not likely that Fontane entered into Dr. Haykal's course of reading in Paris.

^{page 11 note 4} Already in 1927 I found great difficulty in procuring a copy.

^{page 11 note 5} It was adapted and produced by the Ramsis Film Co. of Egypt in 1929, having been selected as the only novel amongst the works of “two hundred or more writers” which was worthy of consideration (see the article by the technical producer, Muhammad Karīm, in as-Siassa, weekly ed., 17th August, 1929, p. 7).

^{page 12 note 1} The most interesting of these, in view of what follows, are the two long articles by al-Māzinā in as-Siassa, weekly ed., 27th April and 4th May, 1929.

^{page 12 note 2} 22nd February (pp. 3–4); 1st March (p. 10); 8th March (pp. 3–4). On Muh. ‘Abd. ‘Inān see Khemiri and Kampffmeyer, Leaders, pp. 22–3. The question of modern literary tendencies in Arabic and of the novel in particular is discussed ad nauseam in every production of the Arabic periodical press, but it would neither be possible nor profitable to analyse all these views here. The three articles dealt with here stand out from the rest, as having been written by authors with practical experience, and as facing the problem frankly and fully.

^{page 14 note 1} al-Ma'rifa, i, 11 (March, 1932), pp. 1326–8. The article is written in reply to a pessimistic article by Dr. Tāhā Husayn under the same title in the special number of the journal 10th January, 1932, in the course of which he quotes a casual remark made by the present writer on the subject of the Egyptian novel.Google Scholar

^{page 16 note 1} See the biography by his brother Maḥmūd in the Introduction to vol. i of his collected works, entitled (Cairo, Maṭb. al-I'timād, 1922), pp. 11–88 ; Cheikho in al-Machriq (1926), pp. 862–3 ; further the Introduction to p. 45; Widmer, p. 52. The following section of the latter Introduction contains a list of the principal recent writers of short stories in Arabic, to whom must be added–and that in the first place–Maḥmūd Taymur himself; for him see Widmer, pp. 3–9, and the literature cited there on p. 8. Two of Muh. Taymür's stories (Nos. 2 and 7 of the collection entitled translated into English by the poet Ahmad Rāmī, are contained in the last chapter of Egypt in Silhouette, by Hall, Trowbridge (New York: Macmillan, 1933), together with two sketches by Manfalātī, an essay by ‘Aqqād, and poems by ‘Aqqād, Shawqī, Hafiz Ibrāhīm, and Rāmī himself.Google Scholar

^{page 16 note 2} Cf. the article of Mme. Ode-Vasil'eva cited above, p. 9, n. 1.

^{page 17 note 1} In the second edition of Ash-shaykh Ǵum'a (Cairo, Matb. as-Salafīya, 1345/1927) the dialogue has been revised in accordance with this method. See on this subject the Introduction to this edition and Widmer, p. 7.Google Scholar

^{page 17 note 2} Introduction to pp. 46–7; Widmer, p. 53, where the titles of his principal works are cited. He is known also as a translator of sociological works.

^{page 17 note 3} Published originally in 1922–3; issued in one volume, Matb. Yūsuf Kawwā, n.d. The scene is laid in Constantinople during the war of 1914–18. This was intended as the first volume of a series, the second of which appeared later under the title of Ǵam'īyat” ikhwān al-‘ahd.

^{page 18 note 1} Cairo, , Maṭb. al-I'timād, 1926, p. 435.Google Scholar

^{page 18 note 2} Riwāyat Ibrāhīm al-Kātib biqalam Ibrāhim ‘Abd al-Qādir al-Māzinī (Cairo, Maṭb. at-Taraqqī, 1350/1931), pp. 384.Google Scholar

^{page 18 note 3} The greater part thus belongs to the period during which his new style was still in process of formation, and is earlier than the sketches collected under the title of (Cairo, Matb. at-Taraqqī, 1929), pp. 320. See further SSOS., V, 3, 460–4Google Scholar; Khemiri, and Kampffmeyer, , Leaders, 27–9.Google Scholar

^{page 19 note 1} The reader can already guess something of his spirit from the dedication: “To her for whom I live, on whose behalf I strive, and with whom alone I am concerned, willy-nilly–my self.”

^{page 19 note 2} E.g. in reference to magical spells and the like, “… in spite of his Azharite education… he had no belief in all that” (p. 241).

^{page 20 note 1} E.g. “a ‘Homeric’ sight” (p. 147); “his words were like … pearls cast before swine” (p. 375).

^{page 20 note 2} This free adaptation of episodes or methods from well-known books is characteristic of al-Māzinī's work (see for example the reminiscences of Mark Twain's The Innocents Abroad in his travel sketches entitled originally published by him as Special Correspondent for as-Siassa–signalized by 'Umar Abun-Nasr, in al-Hadith, vi, 5 (Aleppo, May, 1932), pp. 359–366) but appears to me in no way to detract from his literary craftsmanship.Google Scholar

^{page 20 note 3} Sanine was translated into Arabic (? by al-Māzinī himself) from the discreetly abridged English version (by Pinkerton, P., 1915)Google Scholar and published en feuilleton under the title of I have not seen this Arabic translation, but a detailed comparison between phraseology and episodes from it and from al-Mazini's novel will be found in an article in al-Hadīth, vi, 3 (Aleppo, March, 1932), pp. 194–201Google Scholar, by the ‘Irāqī novelist Maṭmud Aṭmad (for whose writings see Taymūr, M., tr. Widmer, , p. 53).Google Scholar