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2 E.g. Ringgren, H., Studies in Arabian Fatalism (Uppsala and Wiesbaden, 1955), 59Google Scholar; Goodman, L. E., “Time in Islam”, in Balslev, A. N. and Mohanty, J. (eds), Religion and Time (Leiden, 1993), 139Google Scholar; Madigan, D. E., “Themes and Topics”, in McAuliffe, J. D. (ed.), The Cambridge Companion to the Qurʾān (Cambridge, 2006), 89Google Scholar; Tamer, G., Zeit und Gott (Berlin, 2008), 193 ffGoogle Scholar.

3 Goodman, “Time in Islam”, 138.

4 Ringgren, Fatalism, 30 ff.

5 Ringgren, Fatalism, 33 f.

6 Ringgren, Fatalism, 46 ff.

7 Thus Muqātil, Ṭabarī and Zamakhsharī, for example.

8 Ṭabarī, xxv, 152, ad 45:24 (wa-dhukira). The ḥadīth is discussed in Goldziher, I., Muhammedanische Studien (Halle, 1889–90)Google Scholar, i, 254; Tamer, Zeit und Gott, 199 ff.

9 For passages in which there is better intersection between the poetry and the Quran, see Bauer, T., “The relevance of early Arabic poetry for Qur’ānic studies including observations on kull and on Q 22:27, 26:225, and 52:31”, in Neuwirth, A., Sinai, N. and Marx, M. (eds), The Qurʾān in Context (Leiden and Boston, 2011), 699–732Google Scholar.

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12 For this type of Zoroastrianism (or, in the view of some, Iranian paganism), see Crone, Patricia, The Nativist Prophets of Early Islamic Iran: Rural Revolt and Local Zoroastrianism (Cambridge, 2012), part IICrossRefGoogle Scholar. Most of the evidence for denial of the resurrection cited here is cited there in ch. 16.

13 Nöldeke, Th. (tr.), “Burzōes Einleitung zu dem Buche Kalīla waDimna”, Schriften der Wissenschaftlichen Gesellschaft in Strassburg 12, 1912, 18 fGoogle Scholar. This preface cannot be by Ibn al-Muqaffaʿ, whose real or alleged scepticism was of a different nature.

14 Nawwābī, M. (ed. and tr.), Yādgār-i Buzurgmihr (Tabriz, n.d. Offprint from the Publications of the Faculty of Letters, Tabrīz, autumn, year 11 [1960]), nos. 4, 42Google Scholar; also in Tarapore, J. C. (ed. and tr.), Pahlavi Andarz-Nāmak (Bombay, 1933), 39 f., 43Google Scholar.

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16 Gignoux, Ph. (ed. and tr.), Le Livre d'Ardā Vīrāz (Paris, 1984), chs. 56, 61Google Scholar.

17 Mādagdān ī hazār dādastān, A 34:12, ed. and tr. Perikhanian, A., The Book of a Thousand Judgements (a Sasanian Law-book), tr. from Russian by Garsoian, N. (Costa Mesa, 1997), 311 f.Google Scholar; ed. and tr. Macuch, M., Das Sasanidische Rechtsbuch “Mātakdān ī Hazār Dātistān” (Teil II), Wiesbaden 1981Google Scholar, 216 f., rendered “slander” by Perikhanian (in English translation), and as “utterance of untruth” in Macuch. For the translation as atheism, see EIr. s.v. “Dahrī” (Shaki).

18 Ibn al-Muqaffaʿ, Athār, Beirut, 65, 69 f. For the authorship, see Nagy, I. Kristó, “On the authenticity of al-Adab al-ṣaghīr attributed to Ibn al-Muqaffaʿ and problems concerning some of his titles”, Acta Orientalia Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae, 62, 2009, 199–218, and the literature cited thereCrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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20 Stausberg, M., “Hell in Zoroastrian history”, Numen 56, 2000, 231, citing Dk VI D1bGoogle Scholar.

21 de Ménasce, J. (tr.), Le Troisième livre du Dēnkart (Paris, 1973)Google Scholar, nos. 189, 338, 410.

22 Molé, M., “Le problème des sectes zoroastriennes”, Oriens 13–14, 1961Google Scholar, 10, citing the summary of the Varshtmānsr Nask in Dk IX, 42:2 in the numeration of West.

23 de Ménasce, J. (ed. and tr.), Škand-Gumānīk Vičār (Fribourg en Suisse, 1945), ch. 5, 64 ffGoogle Scholar.

24 Bereshit Rabba, 84:21.

25 Bereshit Rabba 63:11, 13, 14 (anon., Resh Laqish and R. Levi); Babylonian Talmud (hereafter BT), Baba Bathra 16a, b (R. Jonathan).

26 Jerusalem Talmud, Sanhedrin 27b–c; Pe'ah; 16b; Hagigah 77b; BT, Sanhedrin 90a; cf. Setzer, C., “‘Talking their way into empire’: Jews, Christians, and Pagans debate resurrection of the body”, in Bakhos, C. (ed.), Ancient Judaism in Its Hellenistic Context (Leiden, 2005)Google Scholar, 159, cf. 163; Becker, H.-J., “‘Epikureer' im Talmud Yerushalmi”, in Schäfer, P. (ed.), The Talmud Yerushalmi and Greco-Roman Culture (Tübingen, 1998), 400 ffGoogle Scholar.

27 Setzer, “Talking their way”, 162.

28 For all this, see Gershenzon, R. and Slomovic, E., “A second-century Jewish–Gnostic debate: Rabbi Jose ben Halafta and the Matrona”, Journal for the Study of Judaism 16, 1–41, esp. 3, 9 f., 33CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

29 Townsend, T. (tr.), Midrash Tanḥuma (S. Buber Recension) (Hoboken, 1989)Google Scholar, i, 236; also cited in Gershenzon and Slomovic, “Rabbi Jose ben Halafta and the Matrona”, 33n (Vayeshev, 8; ed. Buber, 181).

30 BT, Sanhedrin 91b.

31 BT, Rosh Hashana 17a, with a version in the note construing the statement differently.

32 Epiphanius, On Weights and Measures (Syriac text tr. Dean, J. Elmer, Chicago, 1935)Google Scholar, par. 17. He is speaking of Symmachus, the Bible-translator, claiming that he was a Samaritan who became a Jewish proselyte.

33 All the versions are translated in Vermes, G., “The Targumic versions of Genesis IV 3–16”, The Annual of Leeds University Oriental Society 3, 1961–62, 81–114Google Scholar; the most helpful discussion from the present point of view is Bassler, J. M., “Cain and Abel in the Palestinian Targums: a brief note on an old controversy”, Journal for the Study of Judaism 17, 1986, 56–64CrossRefGoogle Scholar, with reference to earlier literature at 58n.

34 Thus Targum Neofiti (and its marginal variants) and the Fragmentary Targum.

35 Cf. Isenberg, S., “An anti-Sadducee polemic in the Palestinian Targum tradition”, Harvard Theological Review 63, 1970, 433–44CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and the literature in Bassler, “Cain and Abel”, 63n.

36 Pesikta de-Rav Kahana, tr. Braude, W. G. and Kapstein, I. J. (Philadelphia, 1975)Google Scholar, piska 24, p. 376; cited in Isenberg, “Anti-Sadducee polemic”, 443, with reference to Buber's edition, 181a.

37 Novella 146 (peri Hebraiōn), cap. ii, ed. and tr. Linder, A., The Jews in Roman Imperial Legislation (Detroit and Jerusalem, 1987), 406 f. = 409Google Scholar.

38 Thus Avi-Yonah, M., The Jews under Roman and Byzantine Rule (New York, 1976.Hebrew original 1946), 250Google Scholar.

39 Kahle, P., The Cairo Geniza, (2nd ed., Oxford, 1959), 316Google Scholar; Noethlichs, K. L., Die Juden im christlischen Imperium Romanum (4.–6. Jahrhundert) (Berlin, 2001), 160Google Scholar; Klingenberg, E., “Justinians Novellenzur Judengesetzgebung” in Medicus, D., Mertens, H. J. and others (eds), Festschrift für Hermann Lange zum 70. Geburtstag. (Stuttgart, Berlin and Cologne, 1992),160Google Scholar.

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41 For literature on the novella apart from that cited here, see Meier, M., Das andere Zeitalter Justinians: Kontingenzerfahrung und Kontingenzbewältigung im 6. Jahrhundert n. Chr. (Göttingen, 2003)Google Scholar, 289, note 295. Meier does not discuss the heresies.

42 Juster, J., Les Juifs dans l'Empire (Paris, 1914), i, 374–7Google Scholar.

43 See most recently F. Parker, “The terms ‘Angel’ and ‘Spirit’ in Acts 23,8”, at http://www.biblicalstudies.ru/NT/60.html, and the literature cited there.

44 Juster identifies the heresy in Justinian's novella as a claim that the angels were not divine creatures, a formulation which implies, perhaps unintentionally, that the heretics saw the angels as mere humans. The Sadducees certainly cannot have explained the angels in the Hebrew Bible along those lines, but they could perhaps have explained them as shortlived appearances of God rather than created beings in their own right.

45 Avi-Yonah, Jews under Roman and Byzantine Rule, 250.

46 Origen, in Matthiam 23:22 (MPG xiii, col. 1564); Homily 25 ad Numeri (MPG xii, 763).

47 Epiphanius, Panarion, tr. Williams, F. (Leiden, 1987–1994)Google Scholar, i, 30 (sect no. 9. 2. 3).

48 Masseket Kutim, par. 28, in Montgomery, J. A., The Samaritans, the Earliest Jewish Sect (Philadelphia, 1907)Google Scholar, 203: Samaritans will be received into the community if they deny Mt Gerizim and accept the resurrection.

49 Clement (attrib.), Recognitions (Ante-Nicene Christian Library: Translations of the Writings of the Fathers down to A.D. 325, ed. Roberts, A. and Donaldson, J., iii, Edinburgh, 1867)Google Scholar, I.5.4; cf. I, 57.

50 E.g. Koni, Theodore Bar, Livre des scolies (recension de Séert), ed. Scher, A. (Paris, 1910)Google Scholar, 1912; tr. R. Hespel and R. Draguet (Louvain, 1981–82), mimrā V, 25; Qurra, Abū, Mīmar fī wujūd al-khāliq wa'l-dīn al-qawīm, ed. Dīk, I. (Rome, 1982)Google Scholar, 203, where the seeker after truth encounters the Samaritans, whose description of their own faith includes this: “And when we leave this world, it is perdition forever [al-halāk ilā 'l-abad]. There is no resurrection”. Cf. also Rubin, M. Levy (ed. and tr.), The Continuatio of the Samaritan Chonicle of Abū 'l-Fatḥ al-Sāmirī al-Danafī (Princeton, 2002)Google Scholar, 236 = 87, for the presence of Dositheans in 3rd/9th-century Palestine.

51 Mere confusion of the two is assumed by Klingenberg, “Justinians Novellen”, 160n, following A. Sharf, “Justinian”, in Encyclopedia Judaica x, 478.

52 Rutgers, L. V., “Justinian's novella 146 between Jews and Christians”, in Kalmin, R. and Schwartz, S. (eds), Jewish Culture and Society under the Christian Roman Empire (Leuven, 2003), 387Google Scholar.

53 Cf. Stuckenbruck, L., Angel Veneration and Christology (Tübingen, 1995)Google Scholar.

54 Pauly-Wissowa, Realencyclopädie, ix, s.v. “Domnus”.

55 Goulet, R. (ed.), Dictionnaire des philosophes antiques (Paris, 1994–2000)Google Scholar, s,v, “Ges(s)ios” (R Goulet); cf. Magoulias, H. J., “The lives of the saints as sources of data for the history of Byzantine medicine in the sixth and seventh centuries”, Byzantinische Zeitschrift 56, 1964, 130, 132 f.Google Scholar; Watts, E., “The enduring legacy of the Iatrosophist Gessius”, Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies 49, 2009, 113–33Google Scholar.

56 Galen, “That the faculties of the soul follow the mixtures of the substances of the body”, in his Scripta Minora, ii, 36:12–16; Galen, “About that which he considers an opinion”, in his Scripta Minora iv, 761, both cited in M. M. Bar Asher, “Quelques aspects de l'éthique d'Abū Bakr al-Rāzī et ses origines dans l'oeuvre de Galien” (part 2), Studia Islamica 70, 1989, 123 f.

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58 Aphrahat, Demonstrations VIII, 19; XXII, 24.

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60 Gregory, On the Soul, cols. 53, 129 ff., 152 f.; tr. Roth, 51, 103 ff., 117.

61 Nemesius of Emesa, On the Nature of Man (tr. Sharpless, R. W. and van der Eijk, P. J., Liverpool, 2008)Google Scholar, 213 f., 217.

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63 Nemesius, Nature of Man, 204 f., 218, cf. 73 f.

64 Theodoret, Providence, 1:13 (with the editorial notes), 2:21.

65 Nemesius, Nature of Man, 206.

66 Theodoret, Providence, 9:23 f. The English translator has “persuaded by natural reason” for tē physeipeithomenous (MPG 83, 729), an embroidery started by the Latin translator and reproduced in the French translation by Y. Azéma as well (my thanks to Heinrich von Staden for confirming that nothing additional is implied).

67 Theodoret, Providence, 9:34 f.

68 Theodoret, Providence, 9: 36–42.

69 Theodoret, Providence, e.g. 1:37; 3:21, 23; 4:34; 5: 6.

70 Legend of the Seven Sleepers of Ephesus in the older Syriac prose version, tr. Ryssel, V. in Archiv für das Studium der neueren Sprachen und Literaturen 93, 1894, 263 f.Google Scholar; cf. Griffiths, S., “Christian lore and the Arabic Qurʾān: the ‘Companions of the Cave’ in Sūrat al-kahf and in Syriac Christian tradition”, in Reynolds, G. S. (ed.), The Qurʾān in Its Historical Context (London, 2008), 109–37Google Scholar.

71 For the account of Gregory of Tours (d. 593 or 594), which was translated for him from Syriac, see Peters, E., Monks, Bishops and Pagans (Philadelphia, 1975)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, 202; for the Sogdian version, see Sims-Williams, N., The Christian Sogdian Manuscript C2 (Berlin, 1985), 154–7Google Scholar.

72 van den Ven, P. (ed. and tr.), La vie ancienne de S. Syméon Stylite le Jeune (521–92) (Brussels, 1962)Google Scholar, pars. 157, 161.

73 Ps. Athanasios, “Quaestiones ad ducem Antiochum”, MPG xxviii, cols. 608, 681 (questions 17, 134); cf. Dagron, G., “L'Ombre d'un doute: l'hagiographie en question, VIe–XIe siècle”, Dumbarton Oaks Papers 46, 1992CrossRefGoogle Scholar, 62 f. (My thanks to Yannis Papadoyannakis for these references.)

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75 John of Phenek, Book of the Main Points of the History of the Temporal World, MS Mingana Syr. 179, mimrā 9, kindly supplied to me by Richard Payne.

76 EI ², s.v. “Dahriyya”; EIr., s.v. “Dahrī”; EI ³, s.v. “Dahrites”; P. Crone, “The Dahrīs according to al-Jāḥiẓ”, forthcoming in Mélanges de l'Université de St Joseph; P. Crone, “Ungodly cosmologies”, forthcoming in S. Schmidtke (ed.), Oxford Companion to Islamic Theology.

77 For atheism as a pagan characteristic, see Bar Penkaye see above, note 75. Theodore Bar Koni, Scolies, mimrā I, 29.

78 Thus EI ², s.v. “Dahriyya” (Goldziher and Goichon); EIr, s.v. “Dahrī” (Shaki); McDermott, M. J., “Abū ʿĪsā al-Warrāq on the Dahriyya”, Mélanges de l'Université de Saint-Joseph 2, 1984, 387 (but not everyone agrees)Google Scholar.

79 Abū ʿĪsā al-Warrāq in ʿAbd al-Jabbār, al-Mughnī, v, ed. M. M. al-Khuḍayrī (Cairo, 1965), 156.

80 He tells us that there were akhbār about ʿAbd al-Muṭṭalib, Zayd b. ʿAmr and Quss b. Sā’ida indicating that they believed in the creator and the resurrection; whether he envisages them as mushrikūn is not clear, however (ʿAbd al-Jabbār, Mughnī, v, 156).

81 Māturīdī, Taʿwīlāt, xv, 44, ad 58:9.

82 Māturīdī, Ta'wīlāt, xiv, 339, ad 57:8.

83 Māturīdī, Ta'wīlāt, xi, 405, ad 34:7.

84 Māturīdī, Ta'wīlāt, x, 28.

85 Māturīdī, Ta'wīlāt, xvi, 309, ad 75:36.

86 Māturīdī, Ta'wīlāt, xiii, 336 (ad 45:24).

87 Māturīdī, Ta'wīlāt, xv, 81 (ad 59:13).

88 Māturīdī, Ta'wīlāt, iv, 94 (ad 4:150).

89 al-Shahrastānī, Kitāb al-milal wa'l-niḥal, ed. Cureton, W. (London, 1842–46), 432Google Scholar; ed. M. S. Kaylānī (Cairo, 1961), ii, 235; tr. Gimaret, D. and Monnot, G., Livre des religions et des sectes, UNESCO 1986Google Scholar, tr. ii, 497. Unfortunately, Ibn al-Malāḥimī, the best source for Abū ʿĪsā, does not have a section on the pre-Islamic Arabs.

90 al-Qummī, Tafsīr (Beirut, 1991)Google Scholar, ii, 68, 270.

91 al-ʿĀmirī, Kitāb al-amad ʿalā ’l-abad, ed. and tr. Rowson, E., A Muslim Philosopher on the Soul and Its Fate (New Haven, 1988)Google Scholar, ix.1 (160 = 161).

92 Rāzī, Tafsīr, xxvii, 269 f., ad loc.

93 Ibn Kathīr, Tafsīr (Cairo, n.d.), iv, 150, with a swipe at the “theist philosophers”.

94 al-Maʿarrī, Risālat fī ’l-ghufrān (Beirut, n.d.), 294 (radd ʿalā Ibn al-Qāriḥ, al-Mutanabbī, shakwā ’l-dahr).

95 Similarly Tamer, Zeit und Gott, 194, on al-Shahrastānī. The same applies to al-Sharīf al-Murtaḍā, Amālī, ed. Ibrāhīm, M. A.-F. (Cairo, 1954)Google Scholar, i, 127.10.

96 Cf. Fonrobert, C. E., “Jewish Christians, Judaizers, and Christian anti-Judaism”, in Burrus, V. (ed.), A People's History of Christianity, ii (Late Ancient Christianity) (Minneapolis, 2005)Google Scholar, 235: we must abandon the presumption of a cohererent, more or less uniform movement of Jewish Christianity and instead assume “a number of locally determined struggles over legitimate versions of Christianity that may not be directly connected with each other at all”.

97 Cf. Reynolds, J. and Tannenbaum, R., Jews and God-fearers at Aphrodisias: Greek Inscriptions with Commentary (Cambridge, 1987), 48–77Google Scholar, which supersedes all earlier treatments. Cyril of Alexandria reports on Godfearers in Phoenicia and Palestine in the fifth century; the last evidence is an inscription from sixth-century Italy (pp. 53, 63, 65f.).