^{page 141 note 1} Published by Raf'at, Kilisli in Milli tatabbu'lar mejmū‘asï, jild ii, say 5, Istanbul, 1331 (A.D. 1913), pp. 273–305 (corrections, pp. 385–6)Google Scholar.

^{page 141 note 2} He was a native of Davān, a village lying 2½ farsakhs to the north of Kāzarūn, see Fasā'ī, Ḥasan-i, Fārs-nāma-yi Nāṣiri, part ii, 25Google Scholar. He taught at the Madrasa-yi Dār al-aytām of Sh ī rāz and was qāḍ ī of the province of Fārs.

^{page 141 note 3} Translated a century ago by Thomson, W. T. under the title of Practical philosophy of the Muhammadan people, Oriental Translation Fund, London, 1839Google Scholar. The work is based on Tusi's, Naṣ ī ral-d ī nAkhlāq-i Nāṣiri, cf. Rieu, ii, 443Google Scholar.

^{page 141 note 4} The Akhlāq has no date. In the Conclusion, , ed. Lucknow, 1875, pp. 334-5Google Scholar, the author says with regard to S. Khal īl: nihāl-i amal-i ahl-i Fārs rā ki az athar-I lchushk-sāl-i fitna (NJ) khūshīda būd az fayd-i amṭār-i ra'fat-i Sulṭān … ābī ba-jūy bāz āmad. The allusions to “troubles” quelled by S. Khal ī l may have in view Oghurlu- Muḥ ammad's revolt (A.D. 1474), but it may as well refer to the last times of the Qaraqoyunlu rule (before A.D 1467).

^{page 142 note 1} In the plain crossed by the Kur river, a short distance to the south of the ruins of Persepolis.

^{page 142 note 2} See Minorsky, , Uzun Ḥ asan in El., and La Perse au XVe siecle entre VEmpire Ottoman et Venise, Paris, 1933Google Scholar; Hinz, , Irans Aufstieg zum Nationalstaate, Berlin, 1936CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

^{page 142 note 3} Lubb al-tavārīkh, Br. Mus. Or. 140, f. 63vGoogle Scholar: tā ghāyat (i.e. down to the time of Shāh Tahmāsp) ‘amal-i ū (i.e. U.-Hasan) dar istīfā-yi māl va huquq-i dīvānī qanūn-ast. Sharaf-nāma, ii, 120: dar akhdh-i māl-i ra'āyā qānūnī nihāda ki bil-fi'l dar ‘Irāq-va- Fārs-va-āzarbayjān salāṭīn ba-ān qānūn-nāma ‘amal mīkunand. See also Tadhkirat al-mulūk, f. 10Ir.

^{page 142 note 4} Of particular importance for our purpose is the Tārkhī-i Amīnī, Paris, Bib. Nat., ancien fonds persan, No. 101, which is the special history of the reigns of Sulṭān- Khalīl and Ya'qūb (quoted: T.A.). In his Irans Aufstieg Hinz utilized the Leningrad copy of vol. ix of Ḥasan-i Rūmlū‘s Ahsan al-tavārīkh which seems to contain many new facts on the Aq-qoyunlu. Mīr Yaḥyā‘s Lubb al-tavārīkh, Br. Mus. Or. 140, and Ghaffārī‘s Jahān-ārā, Br. Mus. Or. 141, seem to epitomize the same source (Rūmlū, vol. ix ?). Their accounts are very valuable for the period after Ya'qūb's death. Other references will be found in the text.

^{page 143 note 1} Iyās, Ibn, Cairo, 1311, ii, 160Google Scholar; Zeno, C., 36Google Scholar; Contarini, 173. [Venetian travelers are here quoted in English translation, Hakluyt Society, 1873.]

^{page 143 note 2} Perhaps even over the princess of Trebizond Despina Caterina who in later years (after 1471) lived separated from her husband in Kharput, cf. C. Zeno (Ramusio), 42, Angiolello (Ramusio ?), 73–4.

^{page 143 note 3} Contarini, , 133, 173Google Scholar, gives only his personal impressions when he says (towards 879/1474) that U.-Ḥasan “appeared to me to be about 70 years of age”.

^{page 143 note 4} Chardin, , 29Google Scholar: Les femmes eessent aussi fort vite d'enfanter en Orient, savoir des l'âge de vingt-sept ou de trente ans.

^{page 143 note 5} Uzun-Ḥasan's exploits began towards 1451!

^{page 143 note 6} In the Alchlāq-i Jalālī Davānī also speaks of S.-Khalīl's “being in the flower of his youth”, vide supra, p. 141, and vide infra, pp. 149 and 171

^{page 143 note 7} Cf. Jahān-ārā, fol. 192r., note in the margin.

^{page 143 note 8} The first governor of Fārs on behalf of U.- Ḥasan was ‘Omar-beg Mauṣillu. S.-Khalīl succeeded him, Lubb al-tavārīkh, f. 63v. down. More details on the earlier activities of 0. Muḥammad are found in Ferīdūn-bey's Collection of state papers. In a letter to the Sulṭān, i, 267, U. Ḥasan writes that his beloved (a'azz) son Khalīl,Sulṭān, at the head of 3,000 men, had a skirmish with the Qaraqoyunlu amir Qāsim parvānachipreviously to Jahān-shāh's defeat. He further writes, ibid., i, 267, that his eldest (arsad) son [O.]-Muḥammad captured Jahān-shāh's son Ḥasan ‘Ali near Hamadān and was sent to Shīrāz. In a subsequent letter, ibid., i, 279–281, it is announced that Adud al-salṭana Abul-Fath Sulṭān Khalīl had accompanied to Herat Muḥammad Yādigār appointed to succeed Ḥusayn Bayqara; that Shams al-saltana val-din [Oghurlu]-Muhammad had been appointed to Māzandarān and that the amīr-i a'zam Nāsir al-dīn ‘Omar-beg had been sent to Shīrāz in order to organize the administration (yasāmīshī) of Fars. This letter must have been written before the final distribution of the fiefs.

^{page 144 note 1} Most probably Saljūq-shāh begum's intrigues in favour of her progeny were responsible for the split in U.-Ḥasan's family. This would be the explanation of a rapprochement between O.-Muḥammad and Maqsūd.

^{page 144 note 2} He appears to have made certain appointments in Fārs. The author of the T.A., f. 59r., says that, at the suggestion of his uncle, Jalāl al-dīn Ismāī' Sa'idlī, O.-Muḥammad nominated in Mas'ūd-shāh, Shīrāz Amār to the imārat-i dīvān-i Oghūrī, vide infra, p. 163Google Scholar.

^{page 144 note 3} G. Barbaro, 64; A. Contarini, 126, says that a partisan of O.-Muḥammad, named Zagarli (*Jāgīrli ?), was ravaging the countryside of Tabrīz; C. Zeno (retold by Ramusio), 36, Angiolello (compiled from Barbaro and others), 95.

^{page 144 note 4} O.-Muḥammad was killed while trying to recapture the kingdom by force of arms (from the direction of Arzinjān ?). The news of his death was brought to Tabrīz immediately before Uzun-Ḥasan's, death, Jahān-ārā, f. 192rGoogle Scholar. However, , according to the Sharaf-nāma, ii, 120Google Scholar, a great battle was fought in 879/1474–5 in Bayburt between the Ottomans and the Aq-qoyunlu. The latter were defeated but O. Muḥammad, who was in the Ottoman army, was killed.

^{page 144 note 5} He and Shāh Ismā'īl's mother were children of the Princess of Trebizond Despina Caterina. Under the tutorship of Dānā, Amīr Khalīl (vide infra, p. 173)Google Scholar Maqṣūd was governor of Baghdād, in which city the author of the T.A. saw him in 877/1472. Both he and his tutor were accused of collusion with 0.-Muḥammad (Jahān-ārā, f. 192a). Yet in August, 1474, Contarini, p. 126, speaks of the arrival of “Massubei” in Tabrīz, where he was to take the government “on account of the fear caused by Zagarli”! Perhaps Maqṣūd's guilt was proved only later.

^{page 145 note 1} Read 882, instead of 883 in T.A., f. 55r. This prince is not to be confused with Alvand b. Yūsuf, who reigned A.D. 1499–1504.

^{page 145 note 2} Brother of Qāsim, on whom see my previous article, A soyūrghāl, BSOS., IX, 4Google Scholar.

^{page 145 note 3} T.A., f. 62r.

^{page 145 note 4} T.A., f. 64. It is possible that Khalīl's attempt to reorganize the provincial taxation, ibid., 55r., had provoked some dissatisfaction. At all events, the insurgent prince Ibrāhīm b. Jahāngīr was said to be a partisan of Ya'qūb, ibid., f. 60r.

^{page 145 note 5} T.A., f. 79v, states that, when Prince ‘Alī heard of his father's death, “in spite of the terror and bewilderment, he set his mind on the thought of domination; he

^{page 145 note 6} collected the most valuable treasures and with his mother and a few grown-ups and infants (buzurg and kūchikī chand) lacking in agreement, set out for ‘Irāq.“At the time the Prince was eleven years old.

^{page 146 note 1} She was a Kurdish lady of Chamishgazak, , vide infra, p. 172Google Scholar.

^{page 146 note 2} The Jahān-ārā says that Ya'qūb Alvand-rā ārām sākkt, which sounds ominous!

^{page 146 note 3} T.A., fols. 79v., 80r., 82r., 175v., 177v.

^{page 146 note 4} His approaching end is hinted at in the T.A., f. 197r.: Amīr-zāda ‘Alī, ki ajal ū-rā garībān-va-baghal girifta ba maqtal mīrasānīd.

^{page 146 note 5} Lubb al-tavārīkh, f. 65r.

^{page 146 note 6} Cf. also what Barbaro, says about the season of reviews, vide infra, p. 167Google Scholar. In Muḥammad, Sulṭān II's letter, see Feridunbey, i, 272Google Scholar, the month of Sha'bān is called mubārak but in our case Sha'bān would make still more difficulty.

^{page 147 note 1} Ming-bulaq must have lain outside Fārs. It does not figure in the Index of the excellent Fārs-nāma-yi Nāṣirī. One would look for it in the north-west of Persia, perhaps in the region of Qaraghān (between Qazvīn and Hamadān), where there is a Qirkh-bulakh “Forty springs”. The numbers 1,000 and 40 are equally sacramental. Davānī calls Persepolis Hazār Sut ū n, while in Lārī, f. 229r., it goes by the name of Chihil-manār (in Niebuhr, Chihil-sut ū n). A mountain Chihil-chashma, known for its excellent pastures, lies in Kurdistan to the north-west of Senne, but too far from Fārs!

^{page 147 note 2} Lubb al-tavārīkh, f. 64a. The year 881 corresponds to the period from 20th June, 1476, to 14th April, 1477.

^{page 147 note 3} In Arabic sharī‘a means “a road to the watering place”.

^{page 148 note 1} The author refers to the theory according to which each hundred years of Hijraproduces a special “Restorer of Religion”. It is based on the hadith supposed to emanate from the Prophet: Cf. al-Suyūṭī, al-Jāmi’ al-saghīr, Cairo, i, 182. My learned friend M. Qazvīnī has drawn my attention to a passage in Khāwnsārī, , Rauḍāt al-jannāt, Tehran, p. 551 (Brit. Mus. pagination, p. 276)Google Scholar, where the theory is explained with reference to the shī‘a theologian Kulīnī..Khwānsārī says that the doctors applied it “each to the pillar (al-gā‘im) of his own sect”, while he suggests a more general application to rulers (ūlu'l-amr), collectors of ḥadīths, preachers, etc. The title of “Restorer of the religion of the beginning of the century (ra's al-mi'a) “ill suited U.-Ḥasan, born in 828 and dead in 873. Consequently Davānī uses a more neutral term,”The Envoy of the ninth century.“The author of the T.A. is more astute in finding an allusion to the Aq-qoyunlu “advent “in 872/1467 in the Qor'ān, xxx, 3 (sūrat al-Rūn), where the numerical value of the word is 872.

^{page 148 note 2} This is an allusion to the defeat of the Qara-qoyunlu king Jahān-shāh (12 Rabī' 872/10 November 1467), of whom Munejjim-bashï, iii, 153, writes that he “passed his nights until dawn in straying, and during the day slept like the dogs; therefore he was surnamed ‘the Bat’ (Pers. shabpara, Turk, yarasa)”.

^{page 149 note 1} The author hints at the capture of the Tīmūrid Abū-Sa'īd (16 Rajab 873/ 30 January 1469).

^{page 149 note 2} Too vague for identification. As the author does not speak clearly of the destruction of his opponent, he may have in view the clash between the Ottoman Sulṭān Muḥammad II and Uzun-Ḥasan, but the result was inglorious for the Aq-qoyunlu (12 August, 1473)

^{page 149 note 3} Vide supra, p. 143.

^{page 149 note 4} This evidently means that as a pure Turk, both on his father's and his mother's side, he was a descendant of Tūr, son of Farīdūn. In popular opinion these princes were connected with the Pīshdādiyans (Jamshīd, etc.).

^{page 149 note 5} See p. [278], paenultima: fatḥ-i Abul-Fatḥ, cf. p. 144.

^{page 149 note 6} A long series of similar hyperboles may be a hint at the prince's propensity to a merry existence, among beauties, singers, and musicians, but vide infra, p. 171.

^{page 149 note 7} i.e. Fārs, as the province where Jamshīd's throne (takhi-i J.) stood, Jamshīd being identified with Solomon, vide infra, p. 150. Qazvīnī, M. in his recent work, Mamdūḥīn-i Shaykh Sa'dī in Sa'dī-nāma, Tehran, 1317, pp. 77-9Google Scholar, has quoted a number of passages showing that “Heir to Solomon's kingdom “(wārith-i mulk-i Sulaymān) was an official title of the Salghurid atabeks of Fārs (A.D. 1148–1287). Similarly in our text S.-Khalīl is usually called Ḥaḍrat-i Sultṭānī-yi Sulaymān-makānī “H.H. the locum tenens of Solomon”.

^{page 149 note 8} Daulai-i Khalīlī, Khwān-i Khalīlī.

^{page 150 note 1} Mushiuluq < Persian muzhda + Turk, suffix -lïq.

^{page 150 note 2} Bather “of the qoshuns”, vide infra, p. 164.

^{page 150 note 3} From Turkish boy “sept, family”, vide infra, p. 165.

^{page 150 note 4} Already Istakhri, BGA., i, 123₆, records this identification which he attributes to “commoners who do not verify (facts)”.

^{page 151 note 1} A knob in the shape of the full moon, at the top of the shaft.

^{page 151 note 2} Pādshāh-zāda-yi sa'īd-i shahīd-i maghfūr-i mabrūr. I fail to understand why the Tīmūrid Ibrāhim was a “martyr”, vide infra, p. 177.

^{page 151 note 3} The author gives ‘Alī a long series of epithets such as vālī abrār valiyy-I mukktār qasīm al-jannat-wal-nār amīr al-mu'minīn ya'sūb al-muslimīn, etc. (For note 4 see p. 152.)

^{page 151 note 4} Niebuhr, vide, infra, p. 177, gives the following variants: instead offuniyat, buniyat, and instead of dāra, dāna (not very clearly written). Both are right and correspond to the printed text of the Dīwān, Būlāq, 1251, p. 70. The poem begins: Our quotation corresponds to verses 4 and 6.

^{page 152 note 1} Makkzan al-asrār, Maqāla iii: dar ḥavādith-i dunyā.

^{page 152 note 2} The famous Būyid king who ruled A.D. 943–983.

^{page 153 note 1} Read: Aḥmad b. Mūsā al-Kāẓim (d. A.H. 183), brother of ‘Ali al-Riḍā (d. A.H. 203). On the discovery of Sayyid Ahmad's intact body in the seventh/thirteenth century see Fārs-nāma-yi Nāṣirī, ii, 154. His tomb is situated in the ward of Bāgh-i Murgh.

^{page 154 note 1} i.e. they were lined up very closely.

^{page 154 note 2} The author does not say whether there were any figures on the banner. The detail of the white banner is very interesting but still insufficient for deciding whether the White Sheep tribe was called after their banner, or the latter was white as an echo of the tribal name.

^{page 155 note 1} But vide infra, p. 172.

^{page 155 note 2} Because compared with the khing-i charkh, i.e. the sun.

^{page 155 note 3} Vide infra, p. 164.

^{page 156 note 1} Literally “owing to the pleasant fountain head of the Siddīq”.

^{page 156 note 2} Cf. a family name (of Turcoman origin) in Transcaucasia: Aghamalu, Aghamalov

^{page 157 note 1} The name of the second amīr may be a false repetition of the preceding item.

^{page 157 note 2} The Milky Way (majarra) in Persian is called kāh-kashān “the Straw-carriers”. Janāh al-faras is properly speaking only one (γ) of the four bright stars in Pegasus, see Lane, Arabic Dictionary, i, 469.

^{page 157 note 3} The total is 120.

^{page 157 note 4} This surname is apparently Turkish chalïq “agile, wayward, restive” (Budagov). The word is used in Persian, Vullers, i, 557: chāligh “equus refractarius”.

^{page 157 note 5} There is surely some disorder in this enumeration of the lesser nobles.

^{page 158 note 1} The remaining 105 were probably civil servants ?

^{page 159 note 1} Vide supra, p. 150.

^{page 159 note 2} Under the Qājārs (and probably earlier), recruited among Gipsies.

^{page 160 note 1} Jārchī is not so much a herald as a messenger transmitting orders to the army; the quruqchīs are the attendants responsible for the privacy of the king and the harem.

^{page 160 note 2} Vide infra, p. 166.

^{page 160 note 3} Spelt Aq-qoylu, which is also a possible form.

^{page 161 note 1} In the verses which follow it is explained that the army hama ṣaff kashīda “formed a row”, or more exactly a circle, as explained lower down. Such is also the description of yāsāl by Barbaro, vide infra, p. 167.

^{page 161 note 2} Qor'ān, xxi, 80: David is said to have invented coats of mail to replace plate armour. Cf. xxxiv, 10.

^{page 161 note 3} The word must be Turkish, see Radloff, iii, 338: yärän, yägrän, yigrän “fuchsfarben”. In Russian иΓϱeИГ.

^{page 161 note 4} Vide supra, note 1.

^{page 162 note 1} (1), (8), (16), but not (10).

^{page 162 note 2} From Mong. noyan “master, lord”; in this form the term amīr-nūyān “a full general” survived in Persia till 1920. In a letter addressed by Qāsim b. Jahāngīr to Sulṭān Bāyazīd (A.D. 1481–1512), among the latter's titles figures nū'īn-i buzurgvār, cf. Feridun-bey, i, 209.

^{page 162 note 2} (8), (12), (13).

^{page 162 note 4} Lubb al-tavārīkh, f. 65a, top: Mīrzā ‘Alī … amīr-i dīvān-i pādishāh būd.

^{page 163 note 1} The author of the T.A., f. 59v., refers to the imārat-i dīvān-i Oghūrī to which Amīr Mas՚ūd-shāh Lirāvī was appointed in Shīrāz by Prince Oghūrlū-Muḥammad b. Uzun-Ḥasan. [The reading Oghuzi does not seem possible in this case, for the author, fol. 5r., spells Oghuz , as also does Rashīd al-dīn, ed. Bérézine, i, 4.]

^{page 163 note 2} As lengths in Turkish words are only matres lectionis, it is possible to read the word täväji, and even töväji. The word seems to have had two parallel forms, a hard one and a soft one, tavajï/täväji. The upshot of the long discussion concerning the meaning of this term is found in J. Deny's notice in J.As., July, 1932, pp. 160–1. The author compares it with Mong. dag'udakČi “a public crier”. As a further illustration of this interpretation, may be quoted Mirkhond's Rauḍat al-ṣafā on Chengiz-khan's yasa, see Notices et Extraits, v, 223. The importance of the office in Timurid times appears from the Ẓafar-nāma, i, 216: tavājīgarī ki tālī-yi manṣab-i salṭanat-ast.

^{page 163 note 3} Mushtuluq, munjuq, sanjaq, kövärgä, yarlīq, tūq. Many words of this description are collected in a poem of Pūr-bahā. Jāmī, cf. Hammer, , Gesch. d. Goldenen Horde 480–2Google Scholar (quite inadequate translation). Pūr-bahā lived under il-Khan Arghun.

^{page 163 note 4} Barthold, , Turkestan, 383Google Scholar, and Pelliot, , T'oung Pao, 1930, p. 31Google Scholar.

^{page 164 note 1} Barthold, , Ulughbek i yego vremia, 1918, p. 24Google Scholar.

^{page 164 note 2} I avoid the term “man at arms” on account of its European associations.

^{page 164 note 3} “Those binding quivers,” cf. Mongol qorchi (“archer”), also derived from qor “a quiver”.

^{page 164 note 4} From Mong. nōkōr, plur. nōkōd “friends, companions”, see Vladimirtsov, , Dokladï Akad. Nauk, 1929, pp. 287–8Google Scholar. The true Persian pronunciation is noukar.

^{page 164 note 5} Cf. the well-known Turkish term boy-begi “chief of a boy”.

^{page 165 note 1} Respectively called manqalay (Mong. “forehead, front”), sagh, and sol (Turk. “right” and “left”).

^{page 165 note 2} In the army mobilized in 1472 (vide infra, C. Zeno) the “masters” formed 40 per cent and the “servants” 60 per cent.

^{page 165 note 3} Instead of Davānī's 6,714.

^{page 165 note 4} It is only logical that, being nokars, they had no “servants” among them.

^{page 166 note 1} Ibn Baṭṭūṭa, , ii, 88Google Scholar, calls them “an Iranian tribe (min al-a'ājim) living in the desert”, see Minorsky, Shūlistān, in El. In 661/1263 the Salghurid princess Tarkānkhātūn, with the help of the Shūl and Turcoman amīrs, deposed the atabek of Fārs, Muẓaffar al-dīn, cf. Rashīd al-dīn and Vaṣṣāf quoted by Qazvīnī, M., op. cit., 24, 28Google Scholar.

^{page 166 note 2} Chardin, , v, 315Google Scholar: in 1666 ‘Abbās II held a general review of his troops “mais il reconnut que les mêmes armes, les mêmes chevaux, et les mêmes hommes aussi repassaient dix à douze fois devant lui”.

^{page 167 note 1} In Persian qazh-āgand, see Ḥudūd al-'ālam, 371Google Scholar.

^{page 167 note 2} Called qullughchi in Davānī's text.

^{page 167 note 3} Hakluyt Society, vol. 49, 1873, pp. 65–8Google Scholar. I have modernized the spelling of the sixteenth century translation.

^{page 167 note 4} This is the ceremony of yasal, see Davānī's text p. [304].

^{page 168 note 1} Vide supra, C. Zeno.

^{page 168 note 2} Besh-kand? According to Barbaro it is “of 2 miles in compass and stands on a hill where no man dwells but the craftsmen of that science”. Does he refer to the famous village in Daghestan called in Turkish Kubechi and in Persian Zirihgarān, both meaning “makers of mail”, cf. Mas'ūdī, , Murūj, ii, 39Google Scholar. This isolated group of people inhabits four villages: Kubachi, Sulel-qal'a, Amūzgā, and Shīra, cf. Dorn, , Mélanges asiatiques, vi, 1873, pp. 717–740Google Scholar. However, the important Kubachi could easily have been taken for a double village (“upper” and “lower” K. ?).

^{page 168 note 3} Contarini, 137. Uzun-Ḥasan was probably making some preparations for the expedition he was to lead to Georgia in the following year (A.D. 1476, vide supra, p. 147).

^{page 169 note 1} How many foot-soldiers on 2nd June, 1475, stayed behind? Were the foot-soldiers the same as the qnllughchi in Davānī's document? What exactly was the “porta” of Uzun-Ḥasan's army: the whole ordu, or only some special body-guard? vide infra.

^{page 169 note 2} Evidently translated from some such Oriental term, as Persian dar-i khāna, Turkish qapu, or even Mongol qahulgha. Zeno says that U.-Ḥasan took his “porta” against Oghurlu-Muḥammad.

^{page 169 note 3} Minorsky, , La Perse au XVe siécle, Paris, 1932, pp. 13–14Google Scholar

^{page 170 note 1} On the contrary, under 7, Shāh-‘Alī is merely a name.

^{page 170 note 2} On the restoration of the ancient title shāhinshāh by the Būyids, Iranian see my Domination des Daïlamites, 1932Google Scholar.

^{page 170 note 3} On the Safavid use of sulṭān for “a captain” see my “A Soyūrghāl”, etc., in BSOS, ix/4.

^{page 170 note 4} It is characteristic that the only non-Iranian (?) member of the civil staff (43) called chäläbī and not khwāja.

^{page 171 note 1} The title is connected with Mongolian yāsā “statute, law”.

^{page 171 note 2} See Budagov, , A Comp. Diet, of Turco-Tatar Dialects (in Russian), SPb., 1869, i, 262Google Scholar

^{page 171 note 3} Davānī, , in his Akhlāq-i Jalālī, p. 15Google Scholar, says in praise of S.-Khalīl that in spite of being in the flower of his youth (‘unfuvān-i javānī) he is “absorbed” (maṣrūf) in the books containing “scientific truths, philological rarities … and stories of righteous kings”.

^{page 171 note 4} In India the bakhshis were chiefly concerned with appointments and promotions in the army, see Irvine, W., The Army of the Indian Moghuls, 1903, p. 37Google Scholar. At the time of the composition of his work, the author of Or. 1649 was living in India.

^{page 172 note 1} The name may have been derived from Persian “young man”. In Turkish pörnäk, bürnäk, etc., does not seem to have a meaning.

^{page 172 note 2} The name of this tribe is differently spelt (Mauṣil-lu), Cf. T.A., fol. 64r., etc., unless there is some confusion between several tribes of similar names.

^{page 173 note 1} Issued from the Erzerum branch of the Seljuks?

^{page 173 note 2} His personal name was Budāq, cf. Lārī, f. 230v.

^{page 173 note 3} The Ḥabīb al-siyar spells Dāna-Khalīl, and the surname may be derived from Turkish dana “a calf”. Such names are frequent in Turkish. On D.-Khalīl, vide supra, p. 144Google Scholar.

^{page 173 note 4} The Lubb al-tavārīkh, f. 66v., speaks in high terms of his valour and calls him ṣāḥib-shān pādshāh-nishān “marked with the seal of royalty”. On Ayba-Sulṭān's campaign in Gīlān in 898/1493 vide ibidem, f. 65b.

^{page 173 note 5} Amīr Sulaymān had previously executed an uncle of ‘Alī, Nūr, Ḥabīb al-siyar, iv, 333Google Scholar.

^{page 174 note 1} In both cases M.mt.mad must be a misspelling; on f. 61v. Mihmād is clearly read, as in the ‘Arḍ-nāma.

^{page 175 note 1} JAs, xvi, 1920, p. 183Google Scholar; cf. Taesehner, , Futuwwa Studien in Islamica, v, 294Google Scholar, where akhī is quoted with a secondary (?) meaning of “generous”.

^{page 175 note 2} The name Shahriyār was particularly popular in Māzandarān, cf. Justi, , Iranisches Namenbuch, 174–5Google Scholar. A Shahriyār district irrigated by the Karaj-rud belongs to Tehran, (Rayy), Nuzhat al-qulūb, 220Google Scholar. Khondamīr, , Ḥabīl al-siyar, ii, 124Google Scholar, calls the contemporary ruler of Sīstān shahriyār. Chardin, , vi, 79Google Scholar, says that in common parlance shahriyār was used for kāldntar “mayor of a town”.

^{page 175 note 3} See Minorsky, Sawdj-bulaḳ (i.e. Sā'uj-bulaq) in EI.

^{page 175 note 4} i.e. the district of Sabzavār. Cf. Ḥudūd al-‘ālam, fol. 19b, “Sabzavār, a small borough on the road to Rayy and the chief place of the district Bēh (= Béhak > Beyhaq).” I am obliged for this shrewd correction to my friend ‘Abbās Eghbāl. For the long lists of statesmen, native of Bayhaq, , see the Tārīkh-i Bayhaq, recently printed in Tehran, 1317 (1938)Google Scholar.

^{page 176 note 1} Qāḍī ‘Isā himself was hanged by the brutal Ṣūfi-Khalīl on 13 Rabī’ I/24 Jan. 1491, at Ordūbād, see Jahān-ārā.

^{page 176 note 2} See Babinger, Mentesche, in El., and Wittek, P., Das Fürstentum Mentesche Istanbul, 1934, pp. 50–1Google Scholar. To the examples quoted in the latter work may be added, the name of Bār-beg Shād Mantash whose fortress (lying in Transcaucasia, perhaps in the region of Erivan) was besieged by Ismā‘īl, Shāh, see Ḥabīb al-siyar, iv, 337Google Scholar. Cf. also Sharaf-nāma, i, 221 on the amīrs of Killīs issued from Mantashā (this passage may give a clue to the origin of the princes of Caria!).

^{page 176 note 3} Qāsim al-anvār uses it in one of his odes, but the latter is in Turkish: Chäläbi, bizi umdma. In the T.A., fol. 61v. and 73r., Chäläbi is used as a personal name. In spite of a long discussion by Russian Orientalists, the origin of the term chäläbi is still obscure: some connect it with Semitic ṣalam (Arab, ṣanam “idol”), some with Turkish chalab “God”. Cf. Barthold, Čelebi, in El. Already Chardin, , viii, 70Google Scholar, knew the derivation from chalap.

^{page 177 note 1} Reisebeschreibung, Kopenhagen, 1778, ii, table xxviiGoogle Scholar.

^{page 177 note 2} In his celebrated Mémoires sur diverses antiquités de la Perse, Paris, 1793, pp.125–165Google Scholar.

^{page 177 note 3} Muḥammad, Naṣīr Furṣat's Āthār-i ‘ajam, Bombay, 1314, pp. 166–7Google Scholar, is disappointing: his copy is incomplete and seems to follow Niebuhr. With regard to ‘Aḍud al-daula's Kufic inscription Furṣat writes: faqīr dar kitābī dīgar ki faransavī būd va mutarjimī barāyam tarjuma numūd … dīdam, etc. The book referred tomay have been a French translation of Niebuhr's work or S. de Sacy's Mémoires.

^{page 177 note 4} Ẓafar-nāma, i, 710Google Scholar.

^{page 177 note 5} Ḥabīb al-siyar, iii, 191, 202Google Scholar.

^{page 177 note 6} Būstān, Bāb I: Pādshāh-i Rūm va dānishmand.

^{page 178 note 1} Sharḥ tibyān dīwān al-Mutanabbī, Cairo, 1287, i, 496Google Scholar.

^{page 178 note 2} Mir’āt al-advār, Br. Mus. Add. 7650, f. 229r. A similar flattering record of the young Prince's skill is found in the Tadhkira of Qāḍī Aḥmad Qumī (end of the sixteenth century), who quotes the distich (nuh sāla-am) as in Davānī, and confirms the date 881. I owe this reference to Mrs. C. Edwards, the owner of a copy of this very rare Tadhkira. (On a second copy found in Hyderabad, Deccan, see now Armaghān, 1318, Nos. 5–6, p. 344Google Scholar.)

^{page 178 note 3} Niebuhr distinguishes between the ancient inscriptions which are cut in the stone (gehauen) and the modern ones which are in relief (erhoben).