^{page 504 note 1} Cf. Plinius, N. H., 6, 13, 16Google Scholar: Otene; Arm. Geography: Uti. This ancient province extended probably on both banks of the Kur, whereas the surviving villages lie in the Shakkī district near to the passes leading into southern Daghestan.

^{page 504 note 2} To say nothing of the numerous Armenian villages in the whole of Eastern Transcaucasia.

^{page 504 note 3} Balādhuri (d. 279/892), Ya'qūbī (d. 284/897), Ṯabarī (d. 311/923).

^{page 504 note 4} Thomas Artsrani (before A.D. 1000), Asoḷik (soon after A.D. 1000) and some later historians, like Stephannos Orbelian (about A.D. 1300).

^{page 504 note 5} I am using his History of Albaniain the Russian translation of K. Patkanian, St. Petersburg, 1861; for a number of clarifications I am obliged to Mr. C. Dowsett, who is preparing a new edition of the Armenian text.

^{page 505 note 1} I am inclined to think that Turkish Qaraja- stands here, as a popular etymology, for some ancient name, cf. the second element of B.lwān-karaj (?), quoted in E.I. under Urm.

^{page 505 note 2} Chiefly to the west of the Akera.

^{page 505 note 3} Though mixed with other elements, see Orbelian, Stephannos, Histoire de la Siounie, ch. 14, transl. Brosset, 1864, i, 32.Google Scholar Cf. Minorsky, , Studies in Caucasian History, 1953, pp. 67–74.Google Scholar

^{page 506 note 1} It is quite possible that the Mihranids at times controlled the left bank of the Kur. Of one of their descendants Hamam (Grigor), son of Adernerseh (a contemporary of Muḥammad Afshin, 889–901), Moses, iii, ch. 22 (trans. 278) says that he spread his sway ‘on to the other side’, i.e. apparently to the left bank of the Kur.

^{page 506 note 2} The title has hardly any ecclesiastic connotation in this case.

^{page 506 note 3} This people is already mentioned by Ptolemy, viii, ch. 8, § 13, Σαναραîοι. According to the ancient Armenian geography, the Darial pass was situated in their country, see Ḥudūd, pp. 400–2Google Scholar, but in the 9th and 10th centuries the centres of the Ts'anar/Ṣanār must have moved eastward to the region of the passes connecting Kakhetia with Daghestan, i.e. nearer to Shakkī.

^{page 506 note 4} His real Christian name is doubtful. Sahl seems to be an Arabic ‘mask’.

^{page 506 note 5} See Minorsky, , ShakkiGoogle Scholar in E.I. (1926), and A. E. Krïmsky, Sheki, in the memorial volume Pamyati N. Y. Marra, 1938, 369–384.Google Scholar My teacher Krïmsky's article is very valuable for the number of sources consulted, but contains quite a few risky identifications.

^{page 506 note 6} In the Armenian version Gaḷgaḷ, possibly Khalkhal, on the right bank of the Kur, now Khilkhina, on the Dzegam river, some 60 km. west of Ganja. Cf. Hübschmann, Die altarmenischen Ortsnamen, 272. Also Brosset, 1/2., 49.

^{page 508 note 1} Marquart, , Streifzüge, 396, 416Google Scholar, Südarmenien, 292Google Scholar, thought that they were descendants of Grigor Mamikonean, who in 748 blinded the ‘patrician’ Ashot Bagratuni. Laurent, J., L'Arménie, entre Byzance et l'Islam, 1919, p. 110Google Scholar, sees in them cousins of Ashot-the-Blind, who between 750 and 772 were expelled by Ashot's son and went to Georgia. Under the same reign the Georgian Chronicle speaks of a further immigration into Kakhetia and Šakix of some princes from Klarjet' (south-western Georgia).

^{page 508 note 2} According to Vakhusht, the widow of a prince of some mountaineer tribes (T'ush, Khundz) was given by Archil to a prince of Šakix called Adarnase, see Brosset, , i, 251.Google Scholar

^{page 508 note 3} Šakix is only an alternative form of Šak'ē. The reference to Shako (*Šak'ē) has been pointed out by A. E. Krïmsky, but he confuses Sahl b. Sunbāṭ with the Siuniau Sahl (see below, p. 509, n. 2).

^{page 508 note 4} Apparently during the first term of office of Khālid, cf. Ya'qūbī, 566. I am quoting the 11th-century History of Sharvān according to the edition which I have prepared, cf. my Studies, 1953, p. 33.Google Scholar

^{page 508 note 5} The ancient residence of the catholicos of Albania, near the sources of the Khachen river, see Alishan, in Orbelian, S., ii, 152.Google Scholar

^{page 508 note 6} Note the Persian construction with the patronymic iḍāfat.

^{page 508 note 7} Which must be understood only as a sublimation of the more modest local title Aran-shahik.

^{page 509 note 1} S. Orbelian (tr. Brosset, , i, 95Google Scholar) calls him ‘Ter-Nerseh, the Siunian (?), son of P'ilippe’, though Moses who is Orbelian's source, says nothing about the origin of Nerseh. According to Marquart, , Streifzüge, 457Google Scholar, he was one of the (Arrānian ?) baṭrīqs whom Ya'qṭrīūbī, 562, mentions among the supporters of the governor appointed by Amīn, and who were opposing the new governor appointed by Ma'mūn (circa 198/813). cf. Brosset, in Orbelian, , i, 96, ii, 25.Google Scholar

^{page 509 note 2} His widow fled to Khach'en (south of the Terter) and there married her daughter Spram to Atrnerseh, son of Sahl [*Sahak] ‘head of the Siunians’, see Moses Kalankatvats'i, iii, ch. 22 (see below, p. 522).

^{page 509 note 3} Ṭabarī, iii, 1221, refers to Bābak's wife who accompanied him on his flight as ibnat al-Kalandāniya (?). If an Armenian, she might have been useful to him in his dealings with her countrymen north of the Araxes, but it is difficult to identify her with Vasak's daughter, in view of Bābak's polygamous habits described by Ṭabarī himself, iii, 1223 (see below, p. 510).

^{page 509 note 4} But not ‘Tavusin’, as in Patkanian's translation, p. 268. C. Dowsett tells me that Tavusin/Tosin in some MSS. of M. Kalan. must stand for *Tōsi. In fact Ṭabarī, iii/2, 1099, says that in 211/826 Ma'mūn appointed Muḥammad b. Ḥumayd al-Ṭūsī to fight Bābak, and further, p. 1101, that on 26 (?) Rabī' I 214'3 June 829 Bābak killed him near Mt. Hashtād-sar and scattered his troops. After *Tūsī's defeat, Moses records another success of Bābak over Abrahim, son of Ḷet' (Dowsett). This man is surely Ibrāhīm b. al-Layth b. al-Faḍl (the editor suggests *al-Tajībī ?) whom Ma'mūn appointed to Azarbayjan in 209/824, see Ṭabarī, , iii, 1072Google Scholar, and who later is referred to in the enumeration of the generals killed by Bābak. See Ṭabarī, , iii, 1233Google Scholar (year 223/837) where his name comes at the last place, after Zurayq b. ‘Ali b. Ṣadaqa and Muḥammad b. Ḥumayd al-Ṭūsī, cf. I. Athir, vi, 275, 338. Among the coins which Khālid b. Yazīd struck in Armenia about 212–217/827–832 his name is associated with that of a certain Ibrāhīm, whose father's name cannot be read clearly. Vasmer, R., Chronologie der arabischen Statthalter, Wien, 1931, p. 72Google Scholar, suggested that on the coin of 213 the name should be read: Ibrāhīm b. Zayd, and on those of 215 and 217: Ibrāhīm b. 'Attab, whereas, in Tiesenhausen's idea, ibn-Ghiyath or ibn-'Ayān should be read on all the coins. The absence of al- before these names stands in the way of their identification with Ibrāhīm b. al-Layth.

^{page 510 note 1} On him see below, p. 512.

^{page 510 note 2} Ṭabarī, , iii, 1272Google Scholar: Sahl's son (Mu'āwiya) received 100,000 dirhams and he himself 1,000,000 dirhams, a gem-studded belt, and the title of baṭrīq with a tiara appertaining to it. Ibn-Iṣṭifānūs was possibly confirmed in his fief, see below, p. 512.

^{page 510 note 3} I owe this quotation to C. Dowsett (12th August, 1952).

^{page 511 note 1} i.e. Smbat Nahatak, Smbat-the-Martyr (890–914), killed by Yūsuf b. Abil-Sāūāj; see Grousset, , Histoire de l'Arménie, 1947, 397–441.Google Scholar

^{page 511 note 2} The dynasty of ‘Abkhazia’ was of local origin, with some Khazar parentage. Its family tree is given in the document called Divan, discovered by Taqaishvili, see Jour. As., 1927, ccx, 357–368.Google Scholar The ‘Abkhazian’ dynasty ruled over the territories including Western Georgia, and even expanded into Eastern Georgia. In 978 the Georgian Bagratid Bagrat II, whose mother was an Abkhazian princess, succeeded to the throne of her ancestors, and thus united the state.

^{page 511 note 3} Vakhusht's witness, see above, p. 508, note 2, if true, might be taken as an indication of the persistence of the name Ādhar-Narsē in the family. The fact must still be borne in mind that there were two streams of immigrants into Kakhetia and Shakkī: from Taron and from Klarjet', see above, p. 508, n. 1.

^{page 511 note 4} See below, p. 521.

^{page 512 note 1} See my Studies, p. 30, 66.Google Scholar

^{page 512 note 2} Brosset did not know his filiation. Grousset, p. 364, note 2, wrongly calls him ‘son of Aternarseh of Western Siunia’.

^{page 512 note 3} Verin-Vaykunik', Berdzor, (Lesser) Sisakan, Haband, Amaras, Pazkank', Mxank', and Tri, of which the latter belongs to the province of Uti, and the others to Arts'ax—all of them situated in the basin of the Kur (and not of the Araxes).

^{page 512 note 4} Brosset suspects this qualification of being a tentative translation of Arabic Abū-Mūsā, which is hardly possible.

^{page 513 note 1} Its ruins are known as Mil-i Baylaqan.

^{page 513 note 2} See Minorsky, and Cahen, Cl. in Jour. As., 1949, No. 1, pp. 286–336.Google Scholar

^{page 513 note 3} The original fief of Ibn-Iṣṭifānūs might correspond to the still mysterious fief of Khayzān/Jaydhān, etc., referred to in I. Ḥauqal (see below, p. 525).

^{page 514 note 1} Cf. Artsruni, Thomas, p. 133Google Scholar: Atrnerseh, prince of Aḷvank' > Arran.

^{page 514 note 2} The river Khachen flows south of, and parallel to, the Terter on which stands Barda'a (Partav).

^{page 514 note 3} See now the ‘Eclipse’ with its annexes; Kasrawī, Sayyid A., Pādshāhān-i gum-nām, 3 vols., 1928, 1929, 1930Google Scholar; Minorsky, , La domination des Daïlamites, 1932Google Scholar; Dūrī, A. A., Studies in the economic life of Mesopotamia in the 10th century (London University thesis, 1942)Google Scholar and its Arabic version Ta'rīkh al-'Irāq al-iqtiṣādī fil-qarn al-rābi' al-hijrī, Baghdad, 1367/1948; A. Ates, Deylem in Islam Ansiklopedisi, iii, 567–573Google Scholar; Spuler, B., Iran in früh-islamischer Ze.it, 1952, pp. 100–6Google Scholar (with a still insufficient appreciation of the ‘Iranian interlude’). See also Bowen, H., The last Buwayhids, in JBAS., 04, 1929, 226–245Google Scholar, and Kabir, M., The Buwayhid dynasty of Baghdad (356–47/967–1055) (London University thesis, 1953).Google Scholar

^{page 515 note 1} See Huart, , ‘Les Musâfirides’, in A Volume to E. G. Browne, 1922, pp. 228–256Google Scholar; Kasrawâ, Sayyid A., loc. cit., i, 1307/1928Google Scholar; Minorsky, , ‘Musāfirids’, in E.I.Google Scholar

^{page 515 note 2} See my Studies, 1953, pp. 158–166.Google Scholar

^{page 515 note 3} His work was completed in 367/977. The chronology of his peregrinations, as indicated by himself, is desultory: see Barthold, in his Introduction to the Ḥudūd al-'ūlam, p. 20Google Scholar; cf. also Barthold's repeated references to the fact that in 358/969 Ibn Ḥauqal (p. 282, less clear on pp. 14 and 281) was in Gurgān.

^{page 515 note 4} See my Studies, p. 38.Google Scholar

^{page 515 note 5} The father of Daysam was an associate of the well-known Khārijite rebel Hārūn al-Shārī and, after his death, fled to Azarbayjan, where he married the daughter of a Kurdish chief. See Miskawaih, , ii, 32.Google Scholar The said Hārūn (whom I. Mu'tazz surnamed ‘the caliph of the Bedouins and Kurds’) was active between 272/885 and 283/896, when he was captured by the caliph Mu'taḍid, see Ṭabarī.iii, 2109, 2141, 2149–2151. cf. Canard, M., Histoire des Ḥamdānides, i, 1951, pp. 308–311.Google Scholar

^{page 516 note 1} Which probably depended on the Rawwādī family, see my Studies, 158.Google Scholar

^{page 516 note 2} Miskawayh, , ii, 119, 132, 135–6, 148Google Scholar (omitted in Margoliouth's index). This is the famous dihqān of Tūs for whom the Book of Kings was translated from the Pahlavi. Firdausi's Shāh-nāma is based on this translation.

^{page 517 note 1} Comp. I. Ḥauqal, p. 61,11. 14–15: .

^{page 517 note 2} I thought that wa lā yufliḥ ba'du ‘udhruhum () could be improved as *ba'da ghadrihim with the meaning: ‘and he (Yūsuf) did not prosper after his treachery towards them and no banner was raised to help him (ilayhi) until to-day’ (Yūsuf died in 315/927). However, M. Marçais writes: ‘Je crois que le mot est à conserver. II n'a pas ici le sens de “excuse” mais celui de “réussite, bonne fortune”, les lexicographes le glosent par le mot nujḥ’

^{page 517 note 3} See the next paragraph.

^{page 517 note 4} théoriquement, du point de vue juridique.

^{page 518 note 1} J'ai eu un instant l'idée de lire (avec ): ‘leur font des invasions sur les bords de leur territoire’ (de même originairement a le sens de ‘ronger sur les bords’) mais taṭarraqa ‘attaquer, envahir’ est connu; et quant à tataṭarraqu > taṭarraqu ‘attaquer, envahir’ il est courant: firāran min ta'āqub al-mithlayn, c'est à dire ‘par dissimilation’.

^{page 518 note 2} On the Arab families settled north of Lake Van and belonging to the Qays tribe (with the exception of Bergri, which was originally held by the family of a certain ‘Othmān), see Marquart, , Südarmenien, 299–304, 501–8.Google Scholar

^{page 518 note 3} De Goeje, 250, adds ‘the lords of these districts, who were kings of the marches (aṭrāf), were obeying the king (malik) of Azarbayjan, Armenia, and the two Arrāns’.

^{page 518 note 4} This is strange in comparison with the earlier passage, p. 517.

^{page 518 note 5} De Goeje omits this limitation, which might suggest that I. Ḥauqal did not visit the region.

^{page 519 note 1} Instead of I read *.

^{page 519 note 2} In fact, Muqaddasi, 382, describes the road from Barda'a to Dabīl across the Arrānian highlands (via Qalqāṭūs—i.e. Kalanḷkatuk', the birthplace of the historian of Albania—M.trīs, D.mīs, and Kīlkūnī, i.e. Geḷak'uni). On Smbat's expansion, see Grousset, loc. cit., 401, 419, but I.Ḥ. exaggerates his power, for since 893 the kingdom of Albania was restored under Hamam (see Asoḷik (Macler, ), iiiGoogle Scholar, ch. 3), and in Siunia Smbat met with resistance, see Grousset, , loc. cit., 421.Google Scholar

^{page 519 note 3} Spelt: ishjānīq; already de Goeje suggested Ishkhānūq.

^{page 520 note 1} Perhaps *jawālī, a term which I.Ḥ., 216, substitutes to jizya used by Istakhri, , 156Google Scholar, in the corresponding passage on Fars.

^{page 520 note 2} For comparison with the first passage of our translation I shall quote Iṣṭakhrī, 188: ‘(In Armenia there ruled) Sunbāṭ b. Ashōṭ, and (Armenia) never ceased to remain in the hands of the seniors (kubarā) from among the Christians and these prevail (ghālib) over (among ?) the inhabitants of Armenia.’ Only isolated words of Iṣṭakhrī have survived in Ibn Ḥauqal's expanded and original report (cf. K. 343).

^{page 520 note 3} He certainly visited the environs of Mt. Sabalan (near Ardabīl), p. 249 (347).

^{page 520 note 4} In (B.) Sharvān-shāh is the prince and in (D.) his principality. Lāyzān is the present-day Lāhījān (west of Sharvān proper). According to the History of Sharvān, the Lāyzān branch of the Yazīdī family had dispossessed the branch of Sharvān by 304/916; cf. Mas'ūdī, ii, 5, and it is characteristic that in (D.) (referring to 344/955) Lāyzān is no more mentioned. The Sanḥārīb of Ṣanāriya also seems different from the two Sanḥārībs in Marzubān's list.

^{page 521 note 1} Translated into modern Persian and partly commented upon by Kasrawī, , Pādshāhān-i gum-nām, i, 101.Google Scholar Cf. also Krïmsky, , Sheki, pp. 377–8.Google Scholar

^{page 521 note 2} According to Mas'ūdī, , ii, 5Google Scholar, Muḥammad b. Yazīd was ruling already in 332/943.

^{page 521 note 3} See above, p. 508, n. 4.

^{page 521 note 4} Even their capital was called Yazīdiya.

^{page 522 note 1} Accepted by A. E. Krīmsky, and apparently by Spuler, Iran in früh-islam. Zeit, 467.Google Scholar

^{page 522 note 2} See my Studies, p. 32Google Scholar, and the chapter on Sharvān. Cf. my article ‘Shakkī’, in E.I.

^{page 522 note 3} Except perhaps in an addition to Iṣṭakhri's text, 193a; see my commentary in Ḥudūd, p. 402.Google Scholar

^{page 522 note 4} The term rub' (plural arbā'), as a territorial unit, is used by Ibn Rusta, 171, who says that Nīshāpūr has thirteen rustāqs and four arbā', as against Muqaddasī, 300, who counts twelve rustāqs and four khānāt; cf. Ḥudūd, § 23, 1, and p. 325.Google Scholar [However, rub' can refer to the quarters of the town.]

^{page 523 note 1} Which at this moment I am publishing in Cairo after the unique MS. of the Mashhad sanctuary.

^{page 523 note 2} Unless he was an entirely subjected ruler, with some independence in local and internal affairs. [Cf. al-rab' ‘a custom-house’.]

^{page 523 note 3} Brosset, in his notes to Orbelian, ii, 24, contests his appurtenance to Siunia and prefers to take him for a scion of the Albanian house who encroached on the territory of Siunia (‘profita de quelque bonne occasion pour se caser en Siounie’). Brosset's surmise suits well the illuminating identification of Ādhar-Narsē Khāshinī by Marquart. Moses himself is silent on the appurtenance of Khachen, but even if Spram's marriage was arranged with a prince outside Khachen, it is possible to imagine that, after the marriage, Khachen—undoubtedly friendly to the Mihranids— was included in the dominions of Spram and her husband.

^{page 524 note 1} This restoration was already proposed by Saint-Martin, , Mémoires sur l'Arménie, 1818, i, 231.Google Scholar He thought that this Vach'agan might be the son of the rebellious governor of Uti against whom Ashōṭ II, son of Smbat, led an expedition in 922. of. Grousset, , Histoire de l'Arménie, 451.Google Scholar St. Martin leaves, however, the name Jurz/Khazar in the air.

^{page 524 note 2} According to the newly discovered Arabic text of Ibn A'tham, Jarrāh (appointed by Yazīd II, 101–5/720–4) reduced the people of M.rghūma (Tarqi ?) and moved its population to the village of Ghassāniya in the rustāq of Qabala (see Kurat, A. N., in Ankara Univer. D.T.C. fakult. dergisi, 1949, p. 269).Google Scholar

^{page 524 note 3} See my Studies, p. 167.Google Scholar

^{page 525 note 1} Bājarvān ‘the bazaar place’ is a common name. The best known Bājarvān lay south of the Araxes on the way to Ardabīl, but the legend may have in view some different place, nearer to Sharvān. The starting point for the strange location is the term majma' al-baḥrayn (Qor'ān, xviii, 59)Google Scholar, ‘the junction of the two seas, or rivers,’ which the sages took to be the confluence of the Kur and Araxes, see Khurd, I.., 175.Google Scholar Cf. Minorsky, , MūḳānGoogle Scholar in E.I. (Supplement).

^{page 525 note 2} This is a conspicuous landmark, and in 1948 a Latin inscription of Legio XII Fulminata was found in the same neighbourhood. See Vestnik drevney istorii, 1950, No. 1, p. 177.Google Scholar

^{page 525 note 3} Which stood south of the Araxes, near Mt. Hashtād-sar (between the districts Hōrānd, Kalaybar, and Garmādūz).

^{page 525 note 4} Circa A.D. 835 we hear of a Christian prince in this region called ‘Īsā b. Yūsuf (or Ibn-Iṣṭifānūs, because his mother was a sister of Iṣṭifānūs). On him and his dominions see above, p. 512, but I have not been able to trace his succession.

^{page 526 note 1} In his article ‘Hasan Jalal, knyaz Khachensky’, in Izvestiya Imper. Akad. nauk, 1909, p. 405.Google Scholar

^{page 526 note 2} Unless he happened to be there on a visit at the time of his bride's arrival. See above, p. 522.

^{page 528 note 1} Also Miskawayh, ii, 34, for the year 332/943; I. Ḥauqal, 146 (K. 218), for the year 358/968. cf. Dūrī, A., Ta'rīkh al-'Irāq, 222.Google Scholar

^{page 528 note 2} Malik-shah (1072–1092) tried to obtain from the sharvan-shah Farīburz 70,000 dinars, but the contribution gradually dwindled to 40,000, see Bundārī, 140. According to Nasawī, 160, 175 the original sum was 100,000 dinars, but in 622/1225 the khwārazm-shāh Jalāl al-dīn requested the sharvān-shāh to pay 50,000, and then further reduced this sum by 20,000 dinars. The real value of these nominal sums is difficult to ascertain in view of the silver crisis of the 12th century, see Pakhomov, E., Monetï Gruzii, 1910, pp. 79, 118.Google Scholar

^{page 528 note 3} According to Barthold's estimate of 4 dirhams = 1 rouble, this would give 1,437,500 roubles, or over £140,000 (at the pre-1914 rates).

^{page 528 note 4} Qudāma, , 244Google Scholar, enumerates its provinces: Ardabīl, Jābarvān (apparently the region to the south of Lake Urmiya) and Warthān (on the Araxes), adding that its capital is Bardha'a. Ya'qūbī, in his Geography, BGA., vii, 274Google Scholar, puts the kharāj of Azarbayjan at 4 m. dirhams.

^{page 528 note 5} Qudāma, 246, enumerates its provinces: Jurzān (Georgia), Dabīl (Dvin), Barzand, Sirāj- Ṭayr (Shirak and Taik'), Bājunays (Bznunik'), Arjīsh, Khilāṭ, Sīsajān (Siunik'), Arān, Qāliqālā (Erzerum), Basfurrajān (Vaspurakan)—with its capital at Nashawā (Nakhchavan).

^{page 528 note 6} See Qudāma, 236, line 20. Cf. also the unusual indication concerning the administrative centres (qaṣaba) of Azarbayjan—at Bardha'a, and of Armenia—at Nakhchavan.

^{page 529 note 1} According to Ṭabarī, , iii, 2284Google Scholar: ‘of Marāgha and Azarbayjan’; according to I. Athīr, viii, 42Google Scholar, also ‘of Armenia’. cf. von Kremer, , Das Einnahmebudget vom Jahre 306 H., 1887, 299.Google Scholar

^{page 529 note 2} In his chapter on taxation Spuler, , loc. cit., 467Google Scholar, has quoted I. Hauqal's table only for the tribute of Sharvān. Ghazarian's reference to I. H.'s passage is incomplete, see his ‘Armenien unter d. arab. Herrschaft, ’ in Zeit. f. arm. Philologie, 1903, ii/3, p. 205.Google Scholar

^{page 529 note 3} See above, p. 508, n. 4. The chapters on Sharvān and al-Bāb complete the chapter on the Shaddādids of Ganja published in my Studies in Caucasian History, 1953.Google Scholar