^{page 371 note 1} See SBE, vol. x, part I, p. 53, note 1.

^{page 372 note 1} Conant, James B., Modern Science and Modern Man, New York, 1953, pp. 106–7.Google Scholar

^{page 372 note 2} George, Simpson, Man in Society, New York, 1954,Google Scholar p. 3, see also Timasheff, N.S., Sociological Theory, New York, 1955, p. 10.Google Scholar

^{page 372 note 3} Such as those of M. Weber, K. A. Wittfogel, M. Granet, H. Maspero, 0. Franke, L. Abegg, F. C. S. Northrop, O. Lattimore, Hu Shih, Hsü Chung-shu, Ch'i Szu-ho, Meng Szu-ming, Naitä Torajirä, Gimpu Uchida, and others.

^{page 372 note 4} Such as those of L. Buck, Fei Hsiao-t'ung, M. Yang, Y. H. Lin, K. H. Shih, M. Levy, and others.

^{page 372 note 5} Such as the theories on feudalism of Ganshof, Calmette, Hintz, Poliak, Frank-Brentano, Gibb, Lattimore, and others; or the theories on the emergence of a post-feudal society of Weber, Tawney, Pirenne, Dobb, Wittek, Bonné, and the general theories of Huntington, de Castro, P. Gourou, W. Ruben, Toynbee, Spengler, the Viennese school, R. Thurnwald, Rüstow, and many others.

^{page 372 note 6} The scientifically correct attitude towards syntheses has recently again been well formulated by Franke, H., Sinologie, Bern, 1953, p. 111Google Scholar

^{page 372 note 7} Naito Torajirô, Shina-ron, and Gimpu Uchida, P.43.

^{page 372 note 8} See my remarks in Oriens, 4, 1951, p. 143, and recently Kirby, E.S., Introduction to the Economic History of China, London, 1954, pp. 97 ffGoogle Scholar

^{page 372 note 9} Such as Toynbee, Spengler, Lamprecht, Breysig, Jaspers, A. Weber, and practically all European anthropological schools.

^{page 373 note 1} cf. the remarks of Lattimore, O. in Schram, L.M.J., The Monguors of the Kansu-Tibetan Frontier, Philadelphia, 1954, p. 12.Google Scholar

^{page 373 note 2} Another attempt to define feudalism was recently made by Sjaberg, G. in Am. Journal of Sociology, 58, 1952, pp. 232–3. On the danger of a loose definition see now E. S. Kirby, loc. cit., p. 12.Google Scholar

^{page 373 note 3} Preferring them to those of Yang, L.S. in this special case (see Pacific Affairs, 27,1954, p. 75).Google Scholar

^{page 373 note 4} cf. the parallels between China and Europe in the period of dissolution of feudalism which Walker, K.L., The Multi-state System of Ancient China, Hamden, 1953, 153 pp., has seen.Google Scholar

^{page 373 note 5} Zeitschr. f. Geopolitih, no. 2, 1953, p. 79 f.

^{page 373 note 6} ‘Classe dirigeante de “gentlemen” éduquesé (Asiatische Studien, vol. 6, 1952, p. 80).

^{page 373 note 7} The Chinese Gentry; Studies on their Role in Nineteenth-Century Chinese Society, Univ. of Washington Press, 1954, and his Ph.D. thesis, The Gentry in Nineteenth-Century China, Univ. of Washington, 1953.

^{page 373 note 8} ‘State and Society in Nineteenth-Century China’, a paper read at the Far Eastern Association meeting in New York, April, 1954. To be published. Chang and Michael, both referring to the 19th century only, modify the meaning of gentry slightly, according to the different period.

^{page 373 note 9} Fragment, published in Tun-huang tsa-lu, by Hsü Kuo-lin, Shanghai, 1937, vol. 2.

^{page 373 note 10} Against Bielenstein, H., The Restoration of the Han Dynasty, Stockholm, 1954,Google Scholar a book in which, incidentally, the role of the Nan-yang gentry is excellently described. See the remarks on historiography by Balazs, E. in his ‘Le traite economique du “Souei-chou”’, in T'oung Pao, 42, 1953, p. 123.Google Scholar

^{page 373 note 11} See the remarks in Far Eastern Quarterly, 1954, p. 192 f.

^{page 374 note 1} E. A. Kraeke in a paper on ‘Regional Representation and Social Mobility in Chinese Examinations, 1148–1911’, to be published in Studies in Chinese Thought, vol. 2, tried to show that there was greater mobility in Sung times, and less again in Manchu times.

^{page 374 note 2} The problem of political function of the gentry is important, but the function did, in this period, apparently not determine the formation of the gentry (cf. different opinion in Asiatische Studien, 7, 1953, p. 163).

^{page 374 note 3} The list of 634 expressly excludes three such ‘upstart’ families with probably spurious genealogies, which we, in spite of this statement, had included in the gentry families.

^{page 374 note 4} Noboru, Niida, The Critical Study on Legal Documents, Tokyo, 1937, p. 576 f., studied the laws regulating the registration. My material relating to this will be published separately in a group of studies.Google Scholar

^{page 375 note 1} That the retreat of the Sha-t'o to Mt. Otuken may have been regarded by them as an attempt to set up a dynastic claim, is based upon the opinions of O. Pritsak (ZDMG, vol. 101, 1951, pp. 273–4, 277–8, 279) and Gabain, A.von (Der Islam, vol. 29, 1949, p. 35).Google Scholar

^{page 375 note 2} The Monguors of the Kansu-Tibetan Frontier, Philadelphia, 19

^{page 375 note 3} loc. cit., 40b–41a; 53a.

^{page 375 note 4} Chiu-T'ang-shu, 195, 3603b

^{page 375 note 5} MSOS, 34, 1931, p. 14.

^{page 375 note 6} Hsin-T'ang-shu, 37

^{page 375 note 7} 58, 4275bb

^{page 375 note 8} Balazs, loc. cit., p. 14

^{page 375 note 9} loc. cit., p. 15, note 22.

^{page 375 note 10} loc. cit., p. 14; and Shigeru, Kato, Studies in Chin. Econ. History, Tokyo, 1952, vol. 1, pp. 256–7.Google Scholar

^{page 375 note 11} Perhaps changes in the taxation laws in 763, 769, 780. In general see Fitzgerald, C.P., ‘The Consequences of the Rebellion of An Lu-shan upon the Population of the T'ang Dynasty’, in Philobiblon, 2, Peking, 1947. Another famous case of this type, the depopulation of Szu-ch'uan by Chang Hsien-chung, has recently been analysed by J. B. Parsons, ‘The Rebellion of Chang Hsien-chung as an Example of the Internal Disturbances in China during the Late Ming Dynasty’ Ph.D. thesis, Berkeley, 1954.Google Scholar

^{page 376 note 1} Chung-kuo t'ien-chih shih vol. 1, Nanking, 1933, pp. 270–1

^{page 376 note 2} loc. cit., p. 272.

^{page 376 note 3} loc. cit., p. 274.

^{page 376 note 4} A similar discussion is found in Hamilton, J.R., Les Ouϊghours, Paris, 1955, p. 106Google Scholar

^{page 376 note 5} EI, 4, pp. 971–2; ZDMG, 101, 1951, p. 294, note; Pritsak shows that the mountain retained its symbolic value until 840.

^{page 376 note 6} J. R. Hamilton, loc. cit., p. 135; he proposes Çigil. See also Hsin Wu-tai-shih, 25, 4398c

^{page 376 note 7} 25, 4230ab.

^{page 376 note 8} 218, 4144aa.

^{page 376 note 9} Identification with saqal has already been attempted earlier (Studio, Serica, vol. 1, p. 60). Sa-ko as the name of a Turgesh leader (708–717) occurs in a series of perfect Turkish names and titles (see Shuo-wen yueh-lc'an, 3, 1943, no. 10, p. 182). But saqal means ‘beard’ and never ‘hair’. And an identification of So-ko, Sa-ko, or Hsiieh-ko with Sogd seems to be doubtful even to Professor Pulleyblank himself (p. 595).

^{page 376 note 10} Chiu-Wu-tai-shih, 25, 4230bb and Hsin-T'ang-shu 218, 4144ca

^{page 377 note 1} Professor PuUeyblank admits this, regarding the name as Chinese (T'oung Poo, 41, 1952, p. 345). He mentions a person of the same name around 721 (pp. 336–7). It might not be impossible to regard An-ch'ing as contraction of An-hua and Ch–ing-chou tu-tu-fu. An-hua tu-tu-fu belonged once to Ch'ing-chou (Hsin-T'ang-shu, 43b, 3733c–d). The whole question of the nine tribes and six districts (T'oung Pao, 41, 1952, pp. 326 and 338, note) may have to be taken up again (cf. E. Balázs, Traité, p. 268).

^{page 377 note 2} cf. Pacific Affairs, vol. 27, 1954, p. 266 note.