¹ Barry, B., Sociologists, Economists, and Democracy (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1978), p. 51.Google Scholar

² de Tocqueville, A., Democracy in America, Volume II (New York: Knopf, 1945), p. 8Google Scholar. It is a view whose origins are most frequently ascribed to Herder, J. G., see Reflections on the Philosophy of the History of Mankind (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1968; originally published in 1791).Google Scholar

³ Wildavsky, A., ‘Choosing Preferences by Constructing Institutions: A Cultural Theory of Preference Formation’, American Political Science Review, 81 (1987), 4–21.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁴ Almond, G. A. and Verba, S., The Civic Culture: Political Attitudes and Democracy in Five Nations (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1963).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁵ Negrine, R., Politics and the Mass Media in Britain (London: Routledge, 1989), chap. 1CrossRefGoogle Scholar; also Miller, W., Media and Voters: The Audience, Content and Influence of Press and Television at the 1987 General Election (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1991).Google Scholar

⁶ See, for example, Rorty, R., Contingency, Irony, and Solidarity (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁷ The books which relate more or less directly to The Civic Culture are: Almond, G. A. and Verba, S., The Civic Culture Revisited (London: Sage, 1989)Google Scholar; Gibbins, J. R., ed., Contemporary Political Culture (London: Sage, 1989)Google Scholar; and Welch, S., The Concept of Political Culture (Basingstoke, Hants: Macmillan, 1993)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. These last two also suggest alternative approaches, as do: Thompson, J. B., Ideology and Modern Culture (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1990)Google Scholar; Bell, D., Acts of Union: Youth Culture and Sectarianism in Northern Ireland (Basingstoke, Hants: Macmillan, 1990)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Hughes, E., ed., Culture and Politics in Northern Ireland 1960–1990 (Milton Keynes, Bucks: Open University Press, 1991)Google Scholar; Waters, C., British Socialists and the Politics of Popular Culture, 1884–1914 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1990)Google Scholar; and Merelman, R. M., Partial Visions: Culture and Politics in Britain, Canada, and the United States (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1991).Google Scholar

⁸ See Welch, , The Concept of Political Culture, for insightful discussions of particular case studies.Google Scholar

⁹ Inglehart, R., The Silent Revolution (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1977)Google Scholar. Challenges to the Inglehart thesis appear in, among other places, Gibbins, , ed., Contemporary Political Culture–especially the chapter by B. Reimer, pp. 110–26.Google Scholar

¹⁰ See, for example, Parry, G., Moyser, G. and Day, N., Political Participation and Democracy in Britain (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992), pp. 179–88CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and Topf, R. ‘Political Change and Political Culture in Britain, 1959–87’Google Scholar, in Gibbins, ed., Contemporary Political Culture, pp. 52–80.Google Scholar

¹¹ Almond, and Verba, , Civic Culture, p. 13.Google Scholar

¹² Almond, and Verba, , Civic Culture, p. 15.Google Scholar

¹³ Almond, and Verba, , Civic Culture, p. 74.Google Scholar

¹⁴ Almond, and Verba, , Civic Culture, p. 8.Google Scholar

¹⁵ Almond, and Verba, , Civic Culture, p. 21.Google Scholar

¹⁶ Barry, , Sociologists, Economists, and Democracy, pp. 49–50.Google Scholar

¹⁷ Almond, and Verba, , Civic Culture, p. 31.Google Scholar

¹⁸ Almond, and Verba, , Civic Culture, p. 50.Google Scholar

¹⁹ Almond, and Verba, , Civic Culture, p. 32.Google Scholar

²⁰ Almond, and Verba, , Civic Culture, p. 300.Google Scholar

²¹ Almond, and Verba, , Civic Culture, p. 33.Google Scholar

²² Lijphart, A., ‘The Structure of Inference’Google Scholar, in Almond, and Verba, , eds, The Civic Culture Revisited, pp. 37–56, especially p. 41.Google Scholar

²³ Pateman, C., ‘The Civic Culture: A Philosophic Critique’Google Scholar, in Almond, and Verba, , eds, The Civic Culture Revisited, pp. 57–102, especially pp. 67–8.Google Scholar

²⁴ Barry, , Sociologists, Economists, and Democracy, p. 48.Google Scholar

²⁵ Welch, , The Concept of Political Culture, p. 71Google Scholar; see chap. 1 for his critique of The Civic Culture.

²⁶ Lipjhart, , ‘The Structure of Inference’, p. 38.Google Scholar

²⁷ Phillips, A., Engendering Democracy (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1991).Google Scholar

²⁸ Pateman, , ‘The Civic Culture: A Philosophic Critique’, pp. 66–7.Google Scholar

²⁹ Barry, , Sociologists, Economists, and Democracy, pp. 51–2.Google Scholar

³⁰ Wiatr, J. J., ‘The Civic Culture from a Marxist-Sociological Perspective’Google Scholar, in Almond, and Verba, , eds, The Civic Culture Revisited, pp. 103–23, especially p. 114.Google Scholar

³¹ Pateman, , ‘The Civic Culture: A Philosophic Critique’, p. 84.Google Scholar

³² Lijphart, , ‘The Structure of Inference’, p. 49.Google Scholar

³³ Welch, , The Concept of Political Culture, chap. 6.Google Scholar

³⁴ Almond, and Verba, , The Civic Culture, pp. 380–1, 386, 395, 399.Google Scholar

³⁵ Pateman, , ‘The Civic Culture: A Philosophic Critique’, pp. 69–70.Google Scholar

³⁶ Exceptions include Marsh, A., Protest and Political Consciousness (London: Sage, 1977)Google Scholar and Inglehart, , The Silent Revolution.Google Scholar

³⁷ Brown, A., ‘Introduction’, in Brown, A. and Gray, J., eds, Political Culture and Political Change in Communist States (Basingstoke, Hants: Macmillan, 1979), pp. 3–7.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

³⁸ See, for example, Elster, Jon's fleeting reference to culture in The Cement of Society (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989), pp. 248–9.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

³⁹ Robertson, D., The Penguin Dictionary of Politics (Harmondsworth, Midx: Penguin, 1985), p. 263.Google Scholar

⁴⁰ Rose, R., Politics in England: An Interpretation for the 1980s (London: Faber, 1980), pp. 116–17.Google Scholar

⁴¹ Kavanagh, D., British Politics: Continuities and Change (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1985), p. 46, emphasis added.Google Scholar

⁴² Topf, , ‘Political Change and Political Culture in Britain, 1959–87’, p. 53.Google Scholar

⁴¹ Topf, , ‘Political Change and Political Culture’, p. 67.Google Scholar

⁴⁴ Girvin, B., ‘Change and Continuity in Liberal Democratic Political Culture’Google Scholar, in Gibbins, , ed., Contemporary Political Culture, pp. 31–51.Google Scholar

⁴⁵ Merelman, , Partial Visions, pp. 45–56.Google Scholar

⁴⁶ Merelman, , Partial Visions, p. 55.Google Scholar

⁴⁷ See, for example, Kavanagh's claim that if ‘symbols arouse emotions and have a meaning for people they have political consequences’, British Politics, p. 51.Google Scholar

⁴⁸ Thompson, , Ideology and Modern Culture, p. 58.Google Scholar

⁴⁹ Williams, R., ‘Culture is Ordinary’, in Resources of Hope (London: Verso, 1989), p. 4Google Scholar; see also, Williams, R., Culture (London: Fontana, 1981).Google ScholarPubMed

⁵⁰ Welch, , The Concept of Political CultureGoogle Scholar, reaches a similar position by a different route, drawing on the anthropological insights of Clifford Geertz.

⁵¹ Willis, Paul, Common Culture (Milton Keynes, Bucks: Open University Press, 1990), p. 6.Google Scholar

⁵² Kavanagh, D., ‘Political Culture in Britain’Google Scholar, in Almond, and Verba, , eds, The Civic Culture Revisited, pp. 124–76, especially p. 133.Google Scholar

⁵³ Wildavsky, , ‘Choosing Preferences by Constructing Institutions’Google Scholar; it is worth noting that Wildavsky is himself drawing on the work of Mary Douglas; see, for example, Risk and Blame: Essays in Cultural Theory (London: Routledge, 1992).Google Scholar

⁵⁴ Smith, A. D., National Identity (Harmondsworth, Midx: Penguin, 1991), pp. 91–2, his emphasis.Google Scholar

⁵⁵ Anderson, B., Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism (London: Verso, 1983), p. 15, his emphasis.Google Scholar

⁵⁶ Boyle, K., ‘Northern Ireland: Allegiances and Identities’, in Crick, B., ed., National Identities: The Constitution of the United Kingdom (Oxford: Blackwell, 1991), pp. 68–78, especially at p. 68.Google Scholar

⁵⁷ Quoted in McAuley, J., ‘Cuchullain and an RPG-7: The Ideology and Politics of the Ulster Defence Association’Google Scholar, in Hughes, , ed., Culture and Politics in Northern Ireland, pp. 45–68, especially p. 60.Google Scholar

⁵⁸ Bell, , Acts of Union, p. 11.Google Scholar

⁵⁹ Bell, , Acts of Union, p. 20.Google Scholar

⁶⁰ Bell, , Acts of Union, p. 23, emphasis added.Google Scholar

⁶¹ Ruane, J. and Todd, J., ‘“Why Can't You Get Along with Each Other?” Culture, Structure and the Northern Ireland Conflict’Google Scholar, in Hughes, , ed., Culture and Politics in Northern Ireland, pp. 27–44.Google Scholar

⁶² Ruane, and Todd, , ‘“Why Can't You Get Along…?”’, p. 28.Google Scholar

⁶³ Ruane, and Todd, , ‘“Why Can't You Get Along…?”’, p. 34.Google Scholar

⁶⁴ Beetham, D., The Legitimation of Power (Basingstoke, Hants: Macmillan, 1991), p. 106.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁶⁵ Welch, , The Concept of Political Culture, pp. 131 and 135Google Scholar; also Thompson, , Ideology and Modern Culture, p. 268.Google Scholar

⁶⁶ See, for example, Giddens, A., Centra! Problems in Social Theory (London: Macmillan, 1979).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁶⁷ See Hollis, M. and Smith, S., Explaining and Understanding International Relations (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1991)Google Scholar and Alexander, J. C., ‘Analytic Debates: Understanding the Relative Autonomy of Culture’, in Alexander, Jeffrey C. and Seidman, Steven, eds, Culture and Society: Contemporary Debates (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990), pp. 1–27.Google Scholar

⁶⁸ Wiener, M., English Culture and the Decline of the Industrial Spirit 1850–1980 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981), p. 158Google Scholar. Welch considers historical approaches to political culture and draws more positive conclusions: The Concept of Political Culture, pp. 147–58.Google Scholar

⁶⁹ Currie, R., Industrial Politics (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1979).Google Scholar

⁷⁰ Boyce, G., ‘Northern Ireland: A Place Apart?’Google Scholar, in Hughes, , ed., Culture and Politics in Northern Ireland, pp. 13–26, especially p. 16.Google Scholar

⁷¹ Grossberg, L., We Gotta Get Out of This Place: Popular Conservatism and Postmodern Culture (London: Routledge, 1992), pp. 82–3.Google Scholar

⁷² This sort of claim is most boldly stated by two other cultural analysts, Simon Frith and Howard Horne, who write: ‘People's sense of themselves has always come from the use of images and symbols (signs of nation, class and sexuality)’, Art into Pop (London: Methuen, 1987), p. 16.Google Scholar

⁷³ Grossberg, , We Gotta Get Out of This Place, pp. 48–52.Google Scholar

⁷⁴ Merelman, , Partial Visions, p. 193; see also p. 213.Google Scholar

⁷⁵ Merelman, , Partial Visions, pp. 36–7.Google Scholar

⁷⁶ Merelman, , Partial Visions, pp. 8–10.Google Scholar

⁷⁷ Merelman, , Partial Visions, p. 8.Google Scholar

⁷⁸ Waters, , British Socialists and the Politics of Popular Culture, p. 3.Google Scholar

⁷⁹ All quotations are from Waters, , British Socialists and the Politics of Popular Culture, pp. 135–7.Google Scholar

⁸⁰ Waters, , British Socialists and the Politics of Popular Culture, p. 163.Google Scholar

⁸¹ Smith, , National Identity, p. 93.Google Scholar

⁸² O'Dowd, L., ‘Intellectuals and Political Culture: A Unionist Nationalist Comparison’Google Scholar, in Hughes, , ed., Culture and Politics in Northern Ireland, pp. 151–73, especially p. 156.Google Scholar

⁸³ Pekonen, K., ‘Symbols and Politics as Culture in the Modern Situation: The Problem and Prospects of the “New”Google Scholar, in Gibbins, , ed., Contemporary Political Culture, pp. 127–43, especially pp. 137–40.Google Scholar

⁸⁴ Thompson, , Ideology and Modern Culture, pp. 219.Google Scholar

⁸⁵ Thompson, , Ideology and Modern Culture, pp. 3–4 and 216.Google Scholar

⁸⁶ Pekonen, , ‘Symbols and Politics as Culture’, p. 140.Google Scholar

⁸⁷ Thompson, , Ideology and Modern Culture, p. 238.Google Scholar

⁸⁸ Thompson, , Ideology and Modern Culture, p. 265.Google Scholar

⁸⁹ Welch's excellent The Concept of Political Culture is the best representative.