Hostname: page-component-586b7cd67f-tf8b9 Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-11-22T18:54:07.189Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false
  • English
  • Français

Labor Union Strength and the Equality of Political Representation

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  05 December 2016

Patrick Flavin
Get access Rights & Permissions [Opens in a new window]

Abstract

Amid growing evidence of ‘unequal democracy’ in the United States, labor unions can play a potentially important role by ensuring that low-income citizens’ opinions receive more equal consideration when elected officials make policy decisions. To investigate this possibility, this article evaluates the relationship between labor union strength and representational equality across states and finds evidence that states with higher levels of union membership weigh citizens’ opinions more equally in the policy-making process. In contrast, there is no relationship between the volume of labor union contributions to political campaigns in a state and the equality of its political representation. These findings suggest that labor unions promote greater political equality primarily by mobilizing their working-class members to political action and, more broadly, underscore the important role that organized labor continues to play in shaping the distribution of political power across American society.

Keywords

political inequalitypolitical representationlabor unionspublic opinionUS states
Type
Articles
Information
British Journal of Political Science , Volume 48 , Issue 4 , October 2018 , pp. 1075 - 1091
Copyright
© Cambridge University Press 2016 

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

Footnotes

*

Department of Political Science, Baylor University (email: [email protected]). A previous version of this article was presented at the 2016 meeting of the Southern Political Science Association in San Juan, Puerto Rico. I thank Nicholas Carnes, Michael Hartney and Christopher Witko for helpful comments. Data replication sets are available at https//dataverse.harvard.edu/dataverse/BJPolS, and online appendices are available at http://dx.doi.org/doi:10.1017/S0007123416000302.

References

Achen, Christopher. 1978. Measuring Representation. American Journal of Political Science 22:475–510.Google Scholar
Achen, Christopher. 2005. Two-Step Hierarchical Estimation: Beyond Regression Analysis. Political Analysis 13:447–456.Google Scholar
Ahlquist, John S., and Levi, Margaret. 2013. In the Interest of Others: Organizations and Social Activism. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.Google Scholar
Ansolabehere, Stephen, de Figueiredo, John M., and Snyder, James M.,. 2003. Why is There so Little Money in U.S. Politics? Journal of Economic Perspectives 17:105–130.Google Scholar
Asher, Herbert B., Heberlig, Eric, Ripley, Randall, and Snyder, Karen. 2001. American Labor Unions in the Electoral Arena. Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield.Google Scholar
Bartels, Larry M. 2008. Unequal Democracy: The Political Economy of the New Gilded Age. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.Google Scholar
Baumgartner, R. Frank, Berry, Jeffrey M., Hojnacki, Marie, Kimball, David C., and Leech, Beth L.. 2009. Lobbying and Policy Change: Who Wins, Who Loses, and Why. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press.Google Scholar
Blais, Andre, and Bodet, Marc Andre. 2006. Does Proportional Representation Foster Closer Congruence Between Citizens and Policymakers? Comparative Political Studies 39:1243–1262.Google Scholar
Brady, David, Baker, Regina S., and Finnigan, Ryan. 2013. When Unionization Disappears State-Level Unionization and Working Poverty in the United States. American Sociological Review 78:872–896.Google Scholar
Burden, Barry C. 2004. A Technique for Estimating Candidate and Voter Locations. Electoral Studies 23:623–639.Google Scholar
Carnes, Nicholas. 2013. White-Collar Government: The Hidden Role of Class in Economic Policy Making. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press.Google Scholar
Carsey, Thomas M., and Harden, Jeffrey J.. 2010. New Measures of Partisanship, Ideology, and Policy Mood in the American States. State Politics & Policy Quarterly 10:136–156.Google Scholar
Dahl, Robert A. 1961. Who Governs? Democracy and Power in an American City. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press.Google Scholar
Ellis, Christopher. 2012. Understanding Economic Biases in Representation: Income, Resources, and Policy Representation in the 110th House. Political Research Quarterly 65:938–951.Google Scholar
Erikson, Robert S., Wright, Gerald C., and McIver, John P.. 1993. Statehouse Democracy: Public Opinion and Policy in the American States. New York: Cambridge University Press.Google Scholar
Facchini, Giovanni, Mayda, Anna Maria, and Mishra, Prachi. 2011. Do Interest Groups Affect U.S. Immigration Policy? Journal of International Economics 85:114–128.Google Scholar
Fellowes, Matthew C., and Rowe, Gretchen. 2004. Politics and the New American Welfare States. American Journal of Political Science 48:362–373.Google Scholar
Flavin, Patrick. 2012. Income Inequality and Policy Representation in the American States. American Politics Research 40:29–59.Google Scholar
Flavin, Patrick. 2015. Lobbying Regulations and Political Equality in the American States. American Politics Research 43:304–326.Google Scholar
Flavin, Patrick, and Hartney, Michael T.. 2015. When Government Subsidizes Its Own: Collective Bargaining Laws as Agents of Political Mobilization. American Journal of Political Science 59:896–911.Google Scholar
Flavin, Patrick, and Radcliff, Benjamin. 2011. Labor Union Membership and Voting Across Nations. Electoral Studies 30:633–641.Google Scholar
Fowler, Anthony. 2013. Electoral and Policy Consequences of Voter Turnout: Evidence from Compulsory Voting in Australia. Quarterly Journal of Political Science 8:159–182.Google Scholar
Francia, Peter L. 2006. The Future of Organized Labor in American Politics. New York: Columbia University Press.Google Scholar
Franko, William W., Tolbert, Caroline, and Witko, Christopher. 2013. Inequality, Self-Interest and Public Support for ‘Robin Hood’ Tax Policies. Political Research Quarterly 66:923–937.Google Scholar
Gershtenson, Joseph, and Plane, Dennis L.. 2007. Ideology and Representation in the US Senate: Roll Calls v. Constituent Assessments. Journal of Legislative Studies 13:558–576.Google Scholar
Giger, Nathalie, Rosset, Jan, and Bernauer, Julian. 2012. The Poor Political Representation of the Poor in a Comparative Perspective. Representation 48:47–61.Google Scholar
Gilens, Martin. 2005. Inequality and Democratic Responsiveness. Public Opinion Quarterly 69:778–796.Google Scholar
Gilens, Martin. 2009. Preference Gaps and Inequality in Representation. PS: Political Science & Politics 42:335–341.Google Scholar
Gilens, Martin. 2012. Affluence and Influence: Economic Inequality and Political Power in America. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.Google Scholar
Gilens, Martin, and Page, Benjamin I.. 2014. Testing Theories of American Politics: Elites, Interest Groups, and Average Citizens. Perspectives on Politics 12:564–581.Google Scholar
Golder, Matt, and Stramski, Jacek. 2010. Ideological Congruence and Electoral Institutions. American Journal of Political Science 54:90–106.Google Scholar
Goldfield, Michael. 1987. The Decline of Organized Labor in the United States. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press.Google Scholar
Gray, Virginia, and Lowery, David. 1996. The Population Ecology of Interest Representation: Lobbying Communities in the American States. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press.Google Scholar
Gray, Virginia, Lowery, David, Fellowes, Matthew, and McAtee, Andrea. 2004. Public Opinion, Public Policy, and Organized Interests in the American States. Political Research Quarterly 57:411–420.Google Scholar
Griffin, John D., and Flavin, Patrick. 2007. Racial Differences in Information, Expectations, and Accountability. Journal of Politics 69:220–236.Google Scholar
Griffin, John D., and Newman, Brian. 2005. Are Voters Better Represented? Journal of Politics 67:1206–1227.Google Scholar
Griffin, John D., and Newman, Brian. 2008. Minority Report: Evaluating Political Equality in America. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press.Google Scholar
Hacker, Jacob S., and Pierson, Paul. 2010. Winner Take All Politics: How Washington Made the Rich Richer – and Turned Its Back on the Middle Class. New York: Simon & Schuster.Google Scholar
Hall, Richard L., and Wayman, Frank W.. 1990. Buying Time: Moneyed Interests and the Mobilization of Bias in Congressional Committees. American Political Science Review 84:797–820.Google Scholar
Hicks, Alexander M. 1999. Social Democracy and Welfare Capitalism. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press.Google Scholar
Hill, Kim Quaile, and Leighley, Jan E.. 1992. The Policy Consequences of Class Bias in State Electorates. American Journal of Political Science 36:351–365.Google Scholar
Hirsch, Barry T., Macpherson, David A., and Vroman, Wayne G.. 2001. Estimates of Union Density by State. Monthly Labor Review 124:51–55.Google Scholar
Huber, Evelyne, and Stephens, John D.. 2001. Development and Crisis of the Welfare State. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press.Google Scholar
Jacobs, Lawrence R., and Skocpol, Theda, eds. 2005. Inequality and American Democracy: What We Know and What We Need to Learn. New York: Russell Sage Foundation.Google Scholar
Jessee, Stephen A. 2009. Spatial Voting in the 2004 Presidential Election. American Political Science Review 103:59–81.Google Scholar
Kelly, Nathan J. 2009. The Politics of Income Inequality in the United States. New York: Cambridge University Press.Google Scholar
Kelly, Nathan J., and Witko, Christopher. 2012. Federalism and American Inequality. Journal of Politics 74:414–426.Google Scholar
Klingman, David, and Lammers, William W.. 1984. The ‘General Policy Liberalism’ Factor in American State Politics. American Journal of Political Science 28:598–610.Google Scholar
Langbein, Laura I. 1986. Money and Access: Some Empirical Evidence. Journal of Politics 48:1052–1062.Google Scholar
Leighley, Jan E., and Nagler, Jonathan. 1992. Socioeconomic Class Bias in Turnout, 1964–1988: The Voters Remain the Same. American Political Science Review 86:725–736.Google Scholar
Leighley, Jan E., and Nagler, Jonathan. 2007. Unions, Voter Turnout, and Class Bias in the U.S. Electorate, 1964–2004. Journal of Politics 69:430–441.Google Scholar
Lewis, Jeffrey B., and Linzer, Drew A.. 2005. Estimating Regression Models in Which the Dependent Variable is Based on Estimates. Political Analysis 13:345–364.Google Scholar
Makinson, Larry. 2003. Speaking Freely: Washington Insiders Talk About Money in Politics. Washington, DC: Center for Responsive Politics.Google Scholar
Masters, Marick F., and Delaney, John T.. 2005. Organized Labor’s Political Scorecard. Journal of Labor Research 26:365–392.Google Scholar
Miller, Warren E. 1964. Majority Rule and the Representative System of Government. In Cleavages, Ideologies, and Party Systems, edited by Erik Allardt and Yrjo Littunen, 343–376. Helsinki: Academic Bookstore.Google Scholar
Powell, G. Bingham. 2009. The Ideological Congruence Controversy: The Impact of Alternative Measures, Data, and Time Periods on the Effects of Election Rules. Comparative Political Studies 42:1475–1497.Google Scholar
Powell, Lynda W. 1982. Issue Representation in Congress. Journal of Politics 44:658–678.Google Scholar
Powell, Lynda W. 1989. Analyzing Misinformation: Perceptions of Congressional Candidates’ Ideologies. American Journal of Political Science 33:272–293.Google Scholar
Powell, Lynda W. 2012. The Influence of Campaign Contributions in State Legislatures: The Effects of Institutions and Politics. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press.Google Scholar
Radcliff, Benjamin. 2001. Organized Labor and Electoral Participation in American National Elections. Journal of Labor Research 22:405–414.Google Scholar
Radcliff, Benjamin, and Saiz, Martin. 1998. Labor Organization and Public Policy in the American States. Journal of Politics 60:113–125.Google Scholar
Rigby, Elizabeth, and Wright, Gerald C.. 2011. Whose Statehouse Democracy: Policy Responsiveness to Poor Versus Rich Constituents in Poor Versus Rich States. In Who Gets Represented? edited by Peter Enns and Christopher Wlezian, 189–222. New York: Russell Sage.Google Scholar
Rigby, Elizabeth, and Wright, Gerald C.. 2013. Political Parties and Representation of the Poor in the American States. American Journal of Political Science 57:552–565.Google Scholar
Rosenfeld, Jake. 2014. What Unions No Longer Do. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.Google Scholar
Rosenstone, Steven J., and Hansen, John Mark. 1993. Mobilization, Participation, and Democracy in America. New York: Macmillan.Google Scholar
Schattschneider, Elmer Eric. 1960. The Semisovereign People. New York: Holt, Rinehart, and Winston.Google Scholar
Schlozman, Kay Lehman, and Tierney, John T.. 1986. Organized Interests and American Democracy. New York: Harper & Row.Google Scholar
Schlozman, Kay Lehman, Verba, Sidney, and Brady, Henry E.. 2012. The Unheavenly Chorus: Unequal Political Voice and the Broken Promise of American Democracy. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.Google Scholar
Schram, Martin. 1995. Speaking Freely: Former Members of Congress Talk About Money in Politics. Washington, DC: Center for Responsive Politics.Google Scholar
Smith, Mark A. 2000. American Business and Political Power: Public Opinion, Elections, and Democracy. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press.Google Scholar
Sorauf, Frank. 1988. Money in American Elections. Glenview: Scott, Foresman.Google Scholar
Sorens, Jason, Muedini, Fait, and Ruger, William P.. 2008. U.S. State and Local Public Policies in 2006: A New Database. State Politics & Policy Quarterly 8:309–326.Google Scholar
Stephens, John D. 1979. The Transition from Capitalism to Socialism. London: Macmillan.Google Scholar
Valletta, Robert G., and Freeman, Richard B.. 1988. Appendix B: The NBER Public Sector Collective Bargaining Law Data Set. In When Public Sector Workers Unionize, edited by Richard B. Freeman and Casey Ichniowski, 399–419. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press.Google Scholar
Verba, Sidney. 2003. Would the Dream of Political Equality Turn Out to Be a Nightmare? Perspectives on Politics 1:663–680.Google Scholar
Verba, Sidney, Schlozman, Kay Lehman, and Brady, Henry. 1995. Voice and Equality: Civic Voluntarism in American Politics. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.Google Scholar
Volscho, Thomas W., and Kelly, Nathan J.. 2012. The Rise of the Super-Rich: Power Resources, Taxes, Financial Markets, and the Dynamics of the Top 1 Percent, 1949 to 2008. American Sociological Review 77:679–699.Google Scholar
Witko, Christopher. 2006. PACs, Issue Context, and Congressional Decisionmaking. Political Research Quarterly 59:283–295.Google Scholar
Witko, Christopher, and Newmark, Adam J.. 2005. Business Mobilization and Public Policy in the U.S. States. Social Science Quarterly 86:356–367.Google Scholar
Wright, Gerald C. 1978. Candidates’ Policy Positions and Voting in U.S. Congressional Elections. Legislative Studies Quarterly 3:445–464.Google Scholar
Supplementary material: PDF

Flavin supplementary material

Online Appendix

Download Flavin supplementary material(PDF)
PDF 94.5 KB
Supplementary material: Link

Flavin Dataset

Dataset

https://doi.org/10.7910/DVN/WI3S84
Link