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The Impact of the Campaign on the Results of Local Government Elections

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  27 January 2009

Extract

In a recent article in this journal1 we reported the results of an experiment designed to investigate, amongst other things, the effect of canvassing and polling-day activity upon the results of local government elections. On the basis of our data we argued that thorough canvassing before polling day and ‘knocking up’ on the day produced an appreciable increase in turnout. We also showed that, in a situation in which only one party organized the election thoroughly, this party would benefit disproportionately from the higher turnout; that is, it would receive an increased share of the vote.

Type
Notes and Comments
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1972

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References

1 Bochel, J. M. and Denver, D. T., ‘Canvassing, Turnout and Party Support; An Experiment’, British Journal of Political Science, I (1971), 257–69.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

2 Bochel, , ‘Canvassing’, p. 262Google Scholar

3 Bochel, , ‘Canvassing’, p. 263.Google Scholar

4 The Progressive Party is the electoral wing of the Dundee Ratepayers’ and Electors’ Association, a right-wing anti-Labour group.

5 In this election, the SNP obtained 18.2 per cent of the vote. Most of these SNP votes came from people who normally voted Labour. See Bochel, J. M. and Denver, D. T., ‘Election warning for SNP’, Scotsman (Edinburgh), 8 07 1968.Google Scholar

6 Data collected by us in a survey of the Dundee electorate in 1968 showed that only 3 per cent of the electors claimed to have attended an election campaign meeting in the municipal elections of that year. There has been no obvious revival of interest in meetings since then.

7 Thus the swing to Labour between the elections of 1970 and 1971, in the individual wards in Lancaster, ranged from +22.2 per cent to +6.7 per cent. In Dundee the range was +7.1 per cent to -6.3 per cent.

8 In most local authority areas, polling cards are not officially issued for local elections. There has long been a suspicion that many electors, especially working-class electors, believe that they are not entitled to vote unless they receive a card. Poll cards are always issued at general elections.

9 It is worth noting that little or no resentment was expressed by people subjected to this imposition. As we showed in our previous article, people do not, on the whole, mind being the objects of parties’ attentions, Bochel, , ‘Canvassing’, p. 268.Google Scholar

10 Bochel, , ‘Canvassing’, p. 266.Google Scholar

11 For example, in Scotforth an additional polling station was provided in a situation which was more convenient for the residents of a Council housing estate. But it should be noted that these electors were not officially informed of the change and that during the campaign literature was distributed by party workers drawing attention to the new location of the polling station.

12 The greatly increased number of votes for the Conservative in Scotforth (an increase of 622) suggests that the Conservative campaign in the ward was rather more thorough than had been suspected. In only one other Lancaster ward did the Conservative vote increase, and in that case the increase was a mere 52 votes.

13 For example, very many more students resident at Lancaster University were registered to vote in Scotforth ward than had been the case in 1970. The number registered rose by about 1,240. In addition, a polling station was provided on the University campus (partly in response to pressure from the Labour Party). We estimate that about 700 electors resident at the University voted, dividing their votes roughly five to two for Labour. While this clearly was an important contribution to Labour's victory, it also helps to account for the greatly increased Conservative vote. Whether Labour would have won without these additional voters is a moot point. Certainly the Labour candidate would not have won had not these electors (with the rest of the ward) been thoroughly canvassed and knocked up.