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Communist Systems and the ‘Iron Law of Pluralism’

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  27 January 2009

Extract

It is now nearly twenty years since Daniel Bell despatched ten theories ‘in search of Soviet reality’. Each of these theories represented, ‘despite some shading or overlap,… a coherent judgement of Soviet behavior’. Considering them side by side, Bell thought, would make it easier to identify their respective merits and shortcomings; and it should also make clear which had ‘“stood up” in explaining events’, and which had not. Bell himself refrained from judgement on this point. In retrospect, however, it seems difficult to avoid the conclusion that none of the theories that Bell identified – nor indeed any of those that have joined them in more recent years – has yet come close to success. Rather, as the scholarly literature groans under the weight of a steadily-accumulating load of models and paradigms, each one more abstruse and more removed from reality than its predecessor, there must be many who would be inclined to agree with Alfred Hirschman that the continued search for conceptual innovation may well have become a positive ‘hindrance to understanding’.

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Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1978

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References

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16 Authoritarian Politics, pp. 40–1 and 513.Google Scholar See also Barghoorn, Frederick C., ‘Factional, Sectional and Subversive Opposition in Soviet Politics’, in Dahl, R. A., ed., Regimes and Oppositions (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1973), pp. 51 and 55Google Scholar; Johnson, , Change in Communist Systems, p. 26Google Scholar; Wesson, Robert G., The Soviet Russian State (New York: Wiley, 1972), p. 186Google Scholar; Godwin, P., ‘Communist Systems and Modernization’, Studies in Comparative Communism, vi (1973), 123–4Google Scholar; and Azrael, Jeremy, ‘The Managers’, in Farrell, R. B., ed., Political Leadership in Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union (London: Butterworth, 1970)Google Scholar, who argues that the ‘future course of Soviet political development is likely to see a curtailment of the political primacy of the apparat and the emergence of an increasingly rigorous [sic] and increasingly legitimate pluralistic politics’ (p. 246).

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24 It should be noted that the representation of the group or individuals concerned need not necessarily be direct. In the British Parliament in the 1830s and 1840s, as Almond and Powell note, the interests of working people, who were not themselves directly represented in that assembly, were articulated by ‘certain aristocratic and middle-class members of Parliament’ (Almond, Gabriel A. and Powell, G. Bingham Jr, Comparative Politics: A Development Approach (Boston, Mass.: Little, Brown, 1966), p. 84).Google Scholar

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27 Golan, Galia, The Czechoslovak Reform Movement (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1971), pp. 64–6 and 182Google Scholar; Skilling, H. G., The Governments of Communist East Europe (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell, 1966), pp. 117–18Google Scholar; Leonhard, W., The Kremlin since Stalin (London: Oxford University Press, 1962), p. 203Google Scholar; Pravda, Alex, Reform and Change in the Czechoslovak Political System: January-August 1968, Research Paper 90–020 (Beverly Hills and London: Sage Publications, 1975), pp. 42–4.Google Scholar See also Wiatr, J., ‘Elements of Pluralism in the Polish Political System’, Polish Sociological Bulletin, xiii (1966), 1926Google Scholar; Brown, A. H., ‘Pluralistic Trends in Czechoslovakia’, Soviet Studies, xvii (1966), 5372Google Scholar; Paul, David W., ‘The Repluralization of Czechoslovak Politics in the 1960s’, Slavic Review, xxxiii (1974), 721–40;CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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32 See Lodge, , Soviet Elite Attitudes since StalinGoogle Scholar, for perhaps the fullest statement of this view.

33 Zasedaniya Verkhovnogo Soveta SSSR Chetvertogo Sozyva. Pervaya Sessiya (20–27 Aprelya 1954g.). Stenograficheskii Otchet (Moscow: Izdatel'stvo Verkhovnogo Soveta SSSR, 1954)Google ScholarDevyataya Sessiya (19–21 Dekabrya 1957). Stenograficheskii Otchet (Moscow: Izdatel'stvo Verkhovnogo Soveta SSSR, 1958)Google Scholar; Zasedaniya Verkhovnogo Soveta SSSR Pyatogo Sozyva. Pervaya Sessiya (27–31 Marta 1958). Stenograficheskii Otchet (Moscow: Izdatel‘stvo Verkhovnogo Soveta SSSR, 1958)Google ScholarSed'maya Sessiya (6–8 Dekabrya 1961). Stenograficheskii Otchet (Moscow: Izdatel'stvo Verkhovnogo Soveta SSSR, 1962)Google Scholar; Zasedaniya Verkhovnogo Soveta SSSR Shestogo Sozyva. Pervaya Sessiya (23–25 Aprelya 1962). Stenograficheskii Otchet (Moscow: Izdatel'stvo Verkhovnogo Soveta SSSR, 1962)Google ScholarSed'maya Sessiya (7–9 Dekabrya 1965). Stenograficheskii Otchet (Moscow: Izdatel'stvo Verkhovnogo Soveta SSSR, 1966)Google Scholar; Zasedaniya Verkhovnogo Soveta SSSR Sed'mogo Sozyva. Pervaya Sessiya (2–3 Avgusta 1966). Stenograficheskii Otchet (Moscow: Izdatel'stvo Verkhovnogo Soveta SSSR, 1966)Google ScholarSed'maya Sessiya (16–19 Dekabrya 1969). Stenograficheskii Otchet (Moscow: Izdatel';stvo Verkhovnogo Soveta SSSR, 1970)Google Scholar; Zasedaniya Verkhovnogo Soveta SSSR Vos'mogo Sozyva. Pervaya Sessiya (14–15 lyulya 1970). Stenograficheskii Otchet (Moscow: Izdatel'stvo Verkhovnogo Soveta SSSR, 1970)Google ScholarSed'maya Sessiya (12–14 Dekabrya 1973). Stenograficheskii Otchet (Moscow: Izdatel'stvo Verkhovnogo Soveta SSSR, 1974)Google Scholar; Zasedaniya Verkhovnogo Soveta SSSR Devyatogo Sozyva. Pervaya Sessiya (25–26 lyulya 1974).Google ScholarStenograficheskii Otchet (Moscow: Izdatel'stvo Verkhovnogo Soveta SSSR, 1974)Google ScholarChetvertaya Sessiya (21–24 Dekabrya 1975). Stenograficheskii Otchet (Moscow: Izdatel'stvo Verkhovnogo Soveta SSSR, 1976).Google Scholar

34 Blondel, , Comparative Legislatures, p. 124.Google Scholar

35 Plenum Tsentral'nogo Komiteta KPSS 15–19 Dekabrya 1958g. Stenograficheskii Otchet (Moscow: Gos. Izdatel'stvo Politicheskoi Literatury, 1958)Google Scholar; Plenum Tsentral'nogo Komiteta KPSS 24–29 lyunya 1959g. Stenograficheskii Otchet (Moscow: Gos. Izdatel'stvo Politicheskoi Literatury, 1959)Google Scholar; Plenum Tsentral'nogo Komiteta KPSS 22–25 Dekabrya 1959g Stenograficheskii Otchet (Moscow: Gos. Izdatel'stvo Politicheskoi Literatury, 1960)Google Scholar; Plenum Tsentral'nogo Komiteta KPSS 13–16 lyulya 1960g. Stenograficheskii Otchet (Moscow: Gos. Izdatel'stvo Politicheskoi Literatury, 1960)Google Scholar; Plenum Tsentral'nogo Komiteta KPSS 10–18 Yanvarya 1961g. Stenograficheskii Otchet (Moscow: Cos. Izdatel'stvo Politicheskoi Literatury, 1961)Google Scholar; Plenum Tsentral'nogo Komiteta KPSS 5–9 Marta 1962g. Stenograficheskii Otchet (Moscow: Gos. Izdatel'stvo Politicheskoi Literatury, 1962)Google Scholar; Plenum Tsentral'nogo Komiteta KPSS 19–23 Noyabrya 1962g. Stenograficheskii Otchet (Moscow: Gos. Izdatel'stvo Politicheskoi Literatury, 1963)Google Scholar; Plenum Tsentral'nogo Komiteta KPSS 18–21 lyunya 1962g. Stenograficheskii Otchet (Moscow: Izdatel'stvo Politicheskoi Literatury, 1964)Google Scholar; Plenum Tsentral'nogo Komiteta KPSS 9–13 Dekabrya 1963g. Stenograficheskii Otchet (Moscow. Izdatel'stvo Politicheskoi Literatury, 1964)Google Scholar; Plenum Tsentral'nogo Komiteta KPSS 10–15 Fevralya 1964g. Stenograficheskii Otchet (Moscow: Izdatel'stvo Politicheskoi Literatury, 1964)Google Scholar; Plenum Tsentral'nogo Komiteta KPSS 24–26 Marta 1965. Stenograficheskii Otchet (Moscow: Izdatel'stvo Politicheskoi Literatury, 1965).Google Scholar

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37 These accounts include Schapiro, , The Communist Party of the Soviet UnionGoogle Scholar; Tatu, , Power in the KremlinGoogle Scholar; Leonhard, , The Kremlin since StalinGoogle Scholar; and Conquest, R., Power and Policy in the USSR (London: Macmillan, 1961).Google Scholar The possibility exists that resolutions may have been adopted by the Central Committee which have remained secret. These, however, are probably ‘not very numerous’, in the view of the editor of the English edition of the standard collection of party documents (McNeal, R. H., in Resolutions and Decisions of the CPSU, vol. i (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1974), p. ix)Google Scholar, and for our purposes they may safely be ignored.

38 As Fainsod has noted, the increased number of Central Committee meetings since Stalin, is ‘one index of its enhanced importance’ (How Russia is Ruled, 2nd edn. (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1963), p. 219).Google Scholar

39 It would ideally have been desirable to have included a further set of indicators relating to the content (as distinct from those other indicators selected) of members' and deputies' contributions to debate. It would have been possible to do so for the Central Committee, however, only in respect of those meetings for which stenographic records were published; and a further series of difficulties would have arisen in attempting to distinguish for coding purposes between genuine claims upon the allocation of scarce resources, and those – undoubtedly a large, but variable, majority – which were based upon the prior approval or even proposal of the party-state authorities. It seemed safest in the circumstances to concentrate upon those variables which were more susceptible of unambiguous measurement, but which nevertheless appeared to provide a sufficient basis for testing for the longer-term systemic changes with which the pluralists are essentially concerned.

40 Gregg, Philip M. and Banks, Arthur S., ‘Dimensions of Political Systems: Factor Analysis of a Cross-Polity Survey’, American Political Science Review, LIX (1965), 602–14.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

41 See, for an extended statement of this thesis, Gitelman, Z., ‘Beyond Leninism: Political Development in Eastern Europe’, Newsletter on Comparative Studies of Communism, v (1972), 1843Google Scholar; Gilison, , British and Soviet Politics, p. 176Google Scholar; Lowenthal, R., ‘On “Established” Communist Party Regimes’, Studies in Comparative Communism, vii (1974), 335–58CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and, for what is perhaps the locus classicus on this theme, Parsons, T., ‘Evolutionary Universals in Society’, American Sociological Review, XXIX (1964), 338–57.Google Scholar