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Campaign Effects on Voter Choice in the German Election of 1990

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  27 January 2009

Extract

Using national survey panel data collected in Germany during the 1990 Bundestag election campaign, we develop a model to assess the effect of the campaign on individual votes and the election outcome. We find that the dominant effects of the campaign on German voters, as in the Lazarsfeld et al. studies from the 1940s and in more recent US research, were the ‘reinforcement’ of earlier preferences and the ‘activation’ of latent vote dispositions based on fundamental individual attitudes such as party affiliation and left-right ideology. At the same time, the analysis shows that the number of campaign ‘converts’ (those who vote against their dispositions and prior preferences) was approximately 14 per cent of the electorate. The vote division among these individuals was overwhelmingly pro-government, suggesting that the 1990 German campaign altered a sufficient number of votes to turn what was an even contest, based on the electorate's initial political dispositions, into a solid government coalition victory.

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Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1995

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References

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25 Strictly speaking, the CDU and CSU are separate parties, but it is customary to treat them as one, since the CDU does not compete in the state of Bavaria and the CSU does not compete in the rest of the country.

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33 This study was conducted by the Forschungsgruppe Wahlen, together with Max Kaase (Mannheim), Hans Dieter Klingemann (Berlin), Manfred Kuechler (New York), Franz Urban Pappi (Mannheim) and Holli Semetko (Michigan). The data were prepared and made publicly available by the Zentralachriv für Empirische Sozialforschung at the Universität zu Köln.

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35 The official vote returns for both West and East Gennany may be found in Forschungsgruppe Wahlen, Bundestagswahl 1990: Eine Analyse der ersten gesamtdeutschen Bundestagswahl am 2. Dezember 1990 (Mannheim: Berichte der Forschungsgruppe Wahlen e.V., No. 61, 1990), p. 8.Google Scholar

36 This result for the Greens meant that, according to the rules of the German electoral system, they did not clear the requisite 5 per cent hurdle to win seats in the Bundestag.

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42 This procedure actually generates a predicted vote probability for each individual, and those with scores greater than 0.5 were predicted to vote for the government coalition, and those with scores less than 0.5 were predicted to vote for the opposition.

43 Finkel, , ‘Reexamining the “Minimal Effects” Model in Recent Presidential Campaigns’, p. 11.Google Scholar

44 A predicted vote probability was calculated for each individual from the full equation of Table 1, including all change-score variables. The correlation between the pre- and post-campaign probability estimates was 0.93.

45 Interestingly, further analyses suggests that there may be interaction effects between the media variables and June levels of party identification, ideology and candidate evaluations, such that the June variables influence attitude change to a greater extent among highly attentive than among inattentive respondents. This pattern would confirm the findings of greater polarization of partisan attitudes among more aware individuals during US campaigns in Zaller, The Nature and Origins of Mass Opinion. Unfortunately, the high multicollinearity between the interaction terms necessary to test these hypotheses leads to difficulties in the estimation of the model and some uninterpretable results.

46 Finkel, , ‘Reexamining the “Minimal Effects” Model’, p. 11Google Scholar; Zaller, , The Nature and Origins of Mass Opinion.Google Scholar

47 The full model's GLS coefficients produce an estimated vote for the government parties of 52.7 per cent, of which 2.2 percentage points are directly attributable to campaign-period attitudinal changes. The actual vote for the government parties was 54.3 per cent, and thus it is possible that the 1.6 percentage point difference between the predicted and actual votes is also the result of unspecified campaign factors, bringing the total ‘campaign effect’ to 3.8 per cent. It is also possible, however, that the difference arises from the weighting process associated with GLS estimation, which may induce some slight mathematical discrepancies in accounting for the mean of the dependent variable from the levels of the independent variable multiplied by their respective unstandardized coefficients, i.e., in the equation .

48 Kaase, , ‘The Election to the German Bundestag of December 1990’Google Scholar; Kuechler, Manfred, ‘Politische Streitfragen und Wahlentscheidung: Veriningung als “neue” Frage?’Google Scholar in Klingemann, and Kaase, (eds), Wahlen und Wähler 1990, pp. 422–51.Google Scholar

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50 Finkel, , ‘Reexamining the “Minimal Effects” Model’, p. 15.Google Scholar

51 The ‘strength of initial dispositions’ variable was created by folding the June predicted probability of voting for the incumbent coalition around 0.5, so that values that were either very large (i.e., pro-government) or very small (i.e., pro-opposition) become large values on the strength variable, and values close to 0.5 on either side become small values on the strength variable.

52 Lazarsfeld, , Berelson, and Gaudet, , The People's ChoiceGoogle Scholar; Berelson, , Lazarsfeld, and McPhee, , VotingGoogle Scholar; Zaller, , The Nature and Origins of Mass Opinion.Google Scholar