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Avoiding Blame: An Experimental Investigation of Political Excuses and Justifications
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 27 January 2009
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Success and even survival in politics frequently depends on the ability of politicians and public officials to extricate themselves from various types of predicaments. Indeed, politicians are particularly adept at extricating themselves, with a wide range of explanations at their disposal to avoid blame for unpopular actions and decisions. However, there has been little systematic research on the effectiveness of various political blame-avoidance strategies. This Note has two purposes. First, a typology of blame-avoidance strategies, or accounts, is developed. Second, the results of an experiment examine the effectiveness of these various accounts in enhancing evaluations of a hypothetical public official are reported.
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References
1 For example, Feldman, Stanley, ‘Economic Self-interest and the Vote: Evidence and Meaning’Google Scholar, and Peffley, Mark, ‘The Voter as Juror: Attributing Responsibility for Economic Outcomes’, both in Eulau, Heinz and Lewis-Beck, Michael, eds, Economic Conditions and Electoral Outcomes: The United States and Western Europe (New York: Agathon Press, 1985), pp. 144–66 and 187–206Google Scholar respectively; and Peffley, Mark and Williams, J. T., ‘Attributing Responsibility for National Economic Problems’, American Politics Quarterly, 13 (1985), 393–425.CrossRefGoogle Scholar In particular, see Tyler, Tom R., ‘Personalization in Attributing Responsibility for National Problems to the President’, Political behavior, 4 (1982), 379–99CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Iyengar, Shanto, ‘Television News and Citizens' Explanations of National Affairs’, American Political Science Review, 81 (1987), 815–32CrossRefGoogle Scholar, for evidence relating attributions of responsibility to political evaluations.
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7 This political account typology bears some similarity to one provided by Bies, Robert J., ‘The Predicament of Injustice: The Management of Moral Outrage’Google Scholar, in Staws, Barry M. and Cummings, L. L., eds, Research in Organizational behavior, 9 (1987), 289–319.Google Scholar I do not claim that Table 1 represents the entire universe of political accounts. Rather, they were chose because they seem to be fairly representative of the responses officials make in political predicaments and because they are clearly distinguishable along the excuse/justification dimension.
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11 Among the materials included in the questionnaire packet for purposes other than the study reported here were the ten-item economic individualism scale (Feldman, ‘Economic Self-interest and the Vote: Evidence and Meaning’) and six questions assessing causal attributions for racial inequality. It is noteworthy that exploratory analyses did not reveal any significant variation in reactions to the twelve accounts due to differences on these scales or due to the mainstay demographic variables of sex, ideology or partisanship.
12 Although the assemblyman received more negative ratings than those given to ‘average’ politicians, which are consistently positive (greater than the midpoint of 50), the data do reflect the existence of the ‘person-positivity bias’, Sears, David O., ‘The Person-Positivity Bias’, Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 44 (1983), 233–50.CrossRefGoogle Scholar Although no information other than his vote for the budget bill was provided, feelings towards the assemblyman were still substantially more positive than feelings towards the policy itself.
13 Having each subject react to more than one account ‘as if they were independent’ is admittedly a less than ideal research design option. This strategy was used in order to maximize the number of subjects responding to each account. In order to minimize systematic order biases the order in which the three accounts were encountered was varied within each subset. More important, the basic results reported below have been replicated and extended within the context of a more appropriate between-subjects design, where each subject reacted to only one account, and are available from the author.
14 See generally Hodges, Bertram H., ‘Effects of Valence on Relative Weighting in Impression Formation’, Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 30 (1974), 378–81CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Kanouse, David E. and Hanson, L. R. Jr, ‘Negativity in Evaluations’, in Jones, Edward E. et al. , eds, Attribution: Perceiving the Causes of behavior (Morristown, NJ: General Learning Press, 1971), pp. 132–47Google Scholar; and Lau, Richard R., ‘Two Explanations for Negativity Effects in Political behavior’, American Journal of Political Science, 29 (1985), 119–38.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
15 Note that the effectiveness of both past and future outcome accounts parallels Morris Fiorina's conclusion (in Retrospective Voting in American National Elections (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1981)Google Scholar) that both retrospective assessments of past economic policies and prospective expectations about future performance play an important role in voting.
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18 Weaver, , ‘The Politics of Blame Avoidance’.Google Scholar
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20 See Thompson, , ‘Moral Responsibility of Public Officials’Google Scholar, and Weaver, , ‘The Politics of Blame Avoidance’Google Scholar, for insightful discussion of some of these issues.
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