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When and Whom to Join: The Expansion of Ongoing Violent Interstate Conflicts

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  12 February 2013

Abstract

The opportunity and willingness framework has received much attention in research on interstate conflict expansion. This framework is extended here by examining when and what side third parties join during ongoing conflicts. It is maintained that without examining both timing and side selection, understanding of conflict expansion is limited. The timing and side joined in interstate disputes between 1816 and 2001 are analysed using a competing risks duration model. The findings contribute novel insights into many key debates in conflict research such as balancing versus bandwagoning, as well as alliance reliability and the democratic peace. The results also indicate that relying on statistical models that do not distinguish between which side a third party can join may produce misleading results.

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Articles
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 2013 

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Footnotes

*

University of California, Davis Department of Political Science; University of Arizona School of Government and Public Policy; and Koç University Department of International Relations (email: [email protected]), respectively. Authors’ names are in reverse alphabetical order, implying equal authorship. The authors wish to thank D. Scott Bennett, Janet M. Box-Steffensmeier, Amber Boydstun, Vesna Danilovic, Errol Henderson, Jan Leighley, Doug Lemke, Glenn Palmer, Dan Reiter and the anonymous referees and the editor for their comments and suggestions. Cansu Güner, Shaina Western and Sheryl Zaks provided research assistance. Special thanks are offered in memoriam to Stuart A. Bremer. The data used in this article, along with a web appendix containing coding decisions and additional results, are available at http://psfaculty.ucdavis.edu/kjoyce/. There is an online appendix available at http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0007123412000506, and data replication may be requested from Bayer.

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90 Reiter and Stam, Democracies at War. We focus on politically relevant triads to avoid inflating our sample by including third parties for which there is only a small probability of joining. Politically relevant triads account for about 40 per cent of all triads. In the web appendix we report the results from the full sample of potential joiners. Our findings are similar regardless of whether our sample includes all triads or only politically relevant triads.

91 If there were multiple initial belligerents (that is, more than one initiator and/or more than one target), then we created a set of initiator-target dyads. For each initiator-target dyad we included all potential joiners that met the two conditions that define a politically relevant triad.

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112 We also estimated these models on three additional samples: (1) all triads, (2) all triads without World Wars I and II and 3) politically relevant triads without World Wars I and II. We note the differences in the results for our risk specific models in the politically relevant triads sample and the three other samples.

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115 In the Join Initiator model, the initial effect of capability is positive in all four samples but is only statistically significant in the politically relevant triads sample with World Wars I and II. The effect of capability does not significantly decrease over time in any of the samples except the all triads sample without the world wars, in which the effect increases over time but not significantly. In the Join Target model, the effect of capability is initially positive and statistically significant, and significantly decreases over time in all four samples.

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119 In both the Join Initiator and Join Target models, the initial effect of geographic proximity is positive and statistically significant, and significantly decreases over time in all four samples except the politically relevant triads samples without the world wars. In the politically relevant triads sample without the world wars, the effect of geographic proximity is positive and statistically significant but does not change over time in either the Join Initiator or the Join Target model.

120 The formula for the percentage change in the hazard ratio is the same as for continuous variables (see fn. 114), where Xi = 1 and Xj = 0.

121 Siverson and Starr, The Diffusion of War; see also Melin and Koch, ‘Jumping into the Fray’.

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124 Mousseau, Peace in Anarchy; Reiter and Stam, Democracies at War; Lake, ‘Powerful Pacifists’; Choi, ‘Democratic Synergy’.

125 In the Join Initiator model, the initial effect of autocracy is positive and statistically significant, and significantly decreases over time in all four samples. In the Join Target model, the initial effect of autocracy is negative and not statistically significant in both samples with the world wars, but positive in both samples without the world wars. However, the effect of autocracy is not statistically significant in any of the samples. The initial effect of autocracy increases over time but is not significant in any of the samples except the politically relevant triads sample without the world wars, in which the effect is negative but not significant.

126 Raknerud and Hegre, ‘The Hazard of War’; Corbetta, ‘Determinants of Third Parties’ Intervention and Alignment Choices’; Werner and Lemke, ‘Opposites Do Not Attract’.

127 Leeds et al., ‘Alliance Treaty Obligations and Provisions’, p. 240.

128 Siverson and Starr, The Diffusion of War; Melin and Koch, ‘Jumping into the Fray’.

129 Leeds et al., ‘Alliance Treaty Obligations and Provisions’.

130 Corbetta, ‘Determinants of Third Parties’ Intervention and Alignment Choices’; Leeds, ‘Alliance Reliability in Times of War’; Leeds, ‘Do Alliances Deter Aggression?’; Smith, ‘To Intervene or Not to Intervene’.

131 Siverson and Starr, The Diffusion of War.

132 Diehl and Goertz, War and Peace in International Rivalry.

133 Haldi, Why Wars Widen. In the Join Initiator model, the initial effect of rivalry is positive and statistically significant in all four samples. However, the effect of rivalry significantly decreases over time in all of the samples except the politically relevant triads sample that includes World Wars I and II. Since rivalry did not violate the proportional hazards assumption in that sample, we did not include an interaction with the natural log of time. In the Join Target model, the effect of rivalry is positive and statistically significant in both politically relevant triads samples, but is positive and not statistically significant in both ‘all triads’ samples. In addition, the effect of rivalry changes inconsistently over time across the four samples; it is positive in the all triads sample, positive and significant in the all triads sample without the world wars, was not included in the politically relevant triads sample without the world wars (because it did not violate the proportional hazards assumption), and is negative and not significant in the politically relevant triads sample without the world wars.

134 In the Join Initiator model, the initial effect of previous major power joining is positive but not statistically significant in any of the samples except the politically relevant triads sample without World Wars I and II, in which the effect is negative but not statistically significant. The effect of previous major power joining increases over time in all of the samples, but is not statistically significant. In the Join Target model, the initial effect of previous major power joining is positive and statistically significant and significantly decreases over time in all four samples.

135 Yamamoto and Bremer, ‘Wider Wars and Restless Nights’.

136 Corbetta, ‘Determinants of Third Parties’ Intervention and Alignment Choices’; Corbetta and Dixon, ‘Danger Beyond Dyads’.

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