Hostname: page-component-586b7cd67f-tf8b9 Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-11-28T18:35:18.186Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

Was Keynes Kuhnian? Keynes and the Idea of Theoretical Revolutions

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  27 January 2009

Extract

Notwithstanding the shortcomings of his argument, T. S. Kuhn's Structure of Scientific Revolutions continues to have a significant impact on the way in which economics and other social sciences view themselves. Indeed, it could be said that Kuhn's influence has been much the greater on the more methodologically disposed social sciences than upon the natural sciences to which his original thesis was addressed. However, since the first flush of enthusiasm for Kuhn amongst the social sciences there has emerged, as Keith Tribe has noted, a growing unease with the thesis on the grounds that it is ‘not capable of doing the work that it is called upon to perform’. Nevertheless, despite these new found doubts Kuhn's ideas still provide – to use a ‘Kuhnian’ expression – a powerful ‘framework’ through which changes in economic theory, such as the ‘Keynesian Revolution’, may be understood. Because consideration of such matters has been primarily the preserve of economists preoccupied with the development of techniques of economic analysis, rather than of students of politics concerned with the history of ideas, other issues, such as Keynes's notion of theoretical change and revolution, have in the analysis of the ‘Keynesian Revolution’ been neglected. Indeed, as Axel Leijonhufvud has observed, the absence from the debate on the structure of scientific revolutions of philosophically disposed case studies from economics and other social sciences has itself left social science ‘unsure about what exactly we can learn from it’.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1985

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

1 Tribe, K., Land, Labour and Economic Discourse (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1978), p. 15.Google Scholar

2 Interpretations of the revolution have been examined from the Kuhnian point of view, cf., for example, Stanfield, R., ‘Kuhnian Scientific Revolutions and the Keynesian Revolution’, Journal of Economic Issues, VIII (1974), 97109CrossRefGoogle Scholar, but not, as the author is aware, from the perspective of Keynes's general concept of theoretical change.

3 ‘“Schools”;, “Revolutions” and Research Programmes Economic Theory’, in Latsis, S. J., ed., Method and Appraisal in Economics (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1976), p. 65.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

4 Cf. T. S. Kuhn's paper in Lakatos, I. and Musgrave, A., eds, Criticism and the Growth of Knowledge (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1970), pp. 123.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

5 Keynes, J. M., The Collected Writings of J. M. Keynes (hereafter The Collected Writings), vol. VIII, Treatise on Probability (London: Macmillan, 19711983)Google Scholar. (This volume hereafter referred to as The Treatise.)

6 Minsky, H. P., John Maynard Keynes (New York: Columbia University Press, 1975), p. 65.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

7 Cf. Minsky, , John Maynard KeynesGoogle Scholar, and Harrod, R. F., The Life and Times of John Maynard Keynes (London: Macmillan, 1951), pp. 164, 304, 339, 356–7Google Scholar; Skidelsky, R., John Maynard Keynes: Hopes Betrayed 1883–1920 (London: Macmillan, 1983), pp. 222–3, 255–6, 273–4 and passim.Google Scholar

8 Keynes, J. M, The Collected Writings, VII: The General Theory of Employment, Interest and Money, p. 384. (Hereafter General Theory.)Google Scholar

9 Hutchison, T. W., The Politics and Philosophy of Economics: Marxians, Keynesians and Austrians (Oxford: Blackwell, 1981), p. 142.Google Scholar

10 Keynes, J. M., The Collected Writings, X. Essays in Biography, p. 95. (Hereafter Essays.)Google Scholar

11 Keynes, J. M., The Collected Writings, XIII, The General Theory and After, Part 1, Preparation, p. 243.Google Scholar

12 Keynes, , The General Theory and After, Part 1, p. 243.Google Scholar

13 Popper, Karl, ‘Normal Science and Its Dangers’Google Scholar, in Lakatos, and Musgrave, , eds, Criticism and the Growth of Knowledge, p. 57.Google Scholar

14 Popper, ‘Normal Science and Its Dangers’, p. 56.Google Scholar

15 Cf. Charles Wilson's observations that: ‘“Keynes”, Fay once exploded to me, “didn't believe in history. He only wanted to use bits of it for his own purposes”.’ ‘Keynes and Economic History’, in Keynes, Milo, ed., Essays on John Maynard Keynes (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1975), p. 230.Google Scholar

16 Perhaps the most interesting example of how – like in the nineteenth century according to Keynes – the other point of view was not taught is to be found in Samuelson, P. A., Economics: an Introduction, 6th ed. (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1964)Google Scholar. Although, he argues, not everyone is a Keynesian, those who would not accept the theories of income derived from his ideas are all but ‘a few extreme left-wing and right-wing writers’ (p. 206). In the more recent editions of the 1970s this line is omitted.

17 1 January 1935, cited in Harrod, , The Life and Times of John Maynard Keynes, p. 462.Google Scholar

18 Schumpeter, J. A., History of Economic Analysis (London: George Allen & Unwin, 1963), p. 473.Google Scholar

19 See Skidelsky, 's ‘The Political Meaning of the Keynesian Revolution’, Skidelsky, R., ed., The End of the Keynesian Era (London: Macmillan, 1977), pp. 3340CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and Keynes, Milo, ed., Essays on John Maynard Keynes, ‘The Reception of the Keynesian Revolution’, pp. 89107Google Scholar. And, as Ian Bradley notes: ‘The economic and political ideas of Keynes and Beveridge took root so quickly within the legislative and administrative establishment … because they fitted in with preconceptions and attitudes that were already deeply held.’ (‘Intellectual influences in Britain: Past and Present’, in Seldon, A., ed., The Emerging Consensus? (London: The Institute of Economic Affairs, 1981), p. 186.)Google Scholar

20 ‘We must face the fact that paradigm-switches are never as complete as the full fledged definition implies: that rival paradigms never really amount to entire alternative world views; and that the intellectual discontinuities on the theoretical level of science conceal underlying continuities at a deeper methodological level. This done, we must ask ourselves whether the use of the term ‘revolution’ for such conceptual changes is not itself a theoretical exaggeration’ (Toulmin, S. E., Human Understanding (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1972), pp. 105–6).Google Scholar

21 Harrod, , The Life of John Maynard Keynes, p. 462.Google Scholar

22 Keynes, , The collected Writings, xivGoogle Scholar, The General Theory and After, Part II, Defence and Development, p. 23.Google Scholar

23 Keynes, , The General Theory and After, Part II, p. 28.Google Scholar

24 Keynes supported the election of Wittgenstein to the membership of the Apostles in 1912. Skidelsky has doubted whether there existed any intellectual rapport between the two. But on this matter they seem to have been very close indeed. See Skidelsky, , John Maynard Keynes: Hopes Betrayed, 1883–1920, p. 266.Google Scholar

25 Keynes, , The General Theory and After, Part II: pp. 295300.Google Scholar

26 Spark, M., The Abbess of Crewe (London: Macmillan, 1974), p. 31.Google Scholar

27 What Hayek particularly criticized was the fact that Keynes did not more clearly distinguish his ‘tract for the times’ – the General Theory – from the notion of a general, overarching theory of economic explanation. See Hayek, A., New Studies in Philosophy, Politics and Economics (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1978), p. 287.Google Scholar

28 Keynes, , The General Theory and After, Part II, pp. 285–95Google Scholar

29 Fouraker, L. E., ‘The Cambridge Didactic Style’, Journal of Political Economy, LVI (1958), 6573, p. 66.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

30 Fouraker, , ‘The Cambridge Didactic Style’, p. 66.Google Scholar

31 Harrod, , The Life of John Maynard Keynes, pp. 436–7.Google Scholar

32 Harrod, , The Life of John Maynard Keynes, pp. 436–7.Google Scholar

33 Harrod himself acknowledges that Keynes did not give his ‘full consideration’, to the political dimensions of his ideas (The Life of John Maynard Keynes, p. 193Google Scholar). As to the comments on Hayek's Road to Serfdom, Harrod admits (p. 437)Google Scholar that it was incumbent upon Keynes to redraft some of his ideas to make his points clearer; Keynes was, however, in pursuit of ‘simplification’ and ‘generalization’ rather than theoretical coherence.

34 See, for example, his argument in Chapter 16 of the General Theory, that it is not ‘reasonable … that a sensible community should be content to remain dependent on …. fortuitous and often wasteful mitigators when once we understand the influences upon which effective demand depends’ (General Theory, p. 220, my emphasis).Google Scholar

35 Cf. his comments in ‘The Great Villiers Connection’, Essays in Biography; pp. 60–1Google Scholar, where he notes the importance of blood relations in the ruling classes of England. Small ‘connections’ have produced, he argues, ‘eminent characters out of all proportion to their size’.

36 Keynes, , The Collected Writings, IXGoogle Scholar, Essays in Persuasion, ‘Economic Possibilities for our Grandchildren’ (1928), p. 332.Google Scholar