¹ Dalton, Russell J., Citizen Politics in Western Democracies (Chatham, NJ: Chatham House, 1988)Google Scholar; Inglehart, Ronald, Silent Revolution: Changing Values and Political Styles Among Western Publics (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1977)Google Scholar; Inglehart, Ronald, Culture Shift in Advanced Industrial Society (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. 1990).Google Scholar

² Ware, Alan, ed., Political Parties: Electoral Change and Structural Response (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1987).Google Scholar

³ Australians use the American spelling of the word ‘Labor’, and New Zealanders the British form ‘Labour’.

⁴ Inglehart, Ronald, ‘Values, Ideology, and Cognitive Mobilization in New Social Movements’, in Dalton, Russell J. and Kuechler, Manfred, eds, Challenging the Political Order (New York: Oxford University Press, 1990), pp. 43–68.Google Scholar

⁵ More recently, Inglehart has subsumed postmaterialism into a broader framework of cultural change, rather than viewing it as an independent dimension of political conflict. Clark, T. N. and Inglehart, Ronald, ‘The New Political Culture’ (paper presented to the World Congress, International Sociological Conference, Madrid, 1990)Google Scholar. See also Inglehart, , Silent Revolution and Culture Shift.Google Scholar

⁶ See, for example, Flanagan, Scott, ‘Value Change in Industrial Society’, American Political Science Review, 81 (1987), 1303–19.Google Scholar

⁷ Marsh, Alan, Protest and Political Consciousness (Beverley Hills, Calif.: Sage, 1977)Google Scholar; Cottgrove, S., Catastrophe and Cornucopia (New York: St Martin's Press, 1982)Google Scholar; Van Deth, J. W., ‘Ranking the Ratings: The Case of Materialist and Postmaterialist Value Orientations’, Political Methodology, 9 (1983), 407–432Google Scholar; Milbrath, Lester W., Environmentalists: Vanguard for a New Society (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1984)Google Scholar; Papadakis, Elim and Bean, Clive, ‘Dimensionality in Inglehart's Materialism-Postmaterialism Scale’ (paper presented to the Australasian Political Studies Association Conference, Australian National University, Canberra, 1992).Google Scholar

⁸ Ophuls, W., Ecology and the Politics of Scarcity (San Francisco: W. H. Freeman, 1977), p. 227.Google Scholar

⁹ There is also strong empirical evidence that New Politics supporters place themselves in a centre-left position on the Old Politics continuum (Müller-Rommel, Ferdinand, ‘New Social Movements and Smaller Parties: A Comparative Perspective’, West European Studies, 8 (1985), 41–54CrossRefGoogle Scholar; ‘New Political Movements and “New Politics” Parties in Western Europe’, in Dalton, Russell J. and Kuechler, Manfred, eds, Challenging the Political Order (New York: Oxford University Press, 1990), pp. 209–31Google Scholar; Inglehart, , ‘Values, Ideology, and Cognitive Mobilization’Google Scholar; Leiss, W., The Domination of Nature (Boston, Mass.: Beacon, 1972)Google Scholar; Stretton, H., Capitalism, Socialism, and the Environment (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1976)Google Scholar; Ryle, Martin, Ecology and Socialism (London: Rodins, 1988)Google Scholar; Dobson, Andrew, Green Political Thought (London: Harper-Collins, 1990), pp. 171–204).Google Scholar

¹⁰ Of course social democrats are divided between those who define their goals as universalistic and thus more consistent with postmaterialism, and those whose priorities are ‘labourist’ and thus more closely linked to the particularistic and materialist goals of organized labour. See Andersen, J. G., ‘Environmentalism, New Politics, and Industrialism: Some Theoretical Perspectives’, Scandinavian Political Studies, 13 (1990), 101–18, p. 114.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

¹¹ Andersen, , ‘Environmentalism, New Politics, and Industrialism’, p. 114.Google Scholar

¹² O'Riordan, T., Environmentalism (London: Pion, 1981), p. 307Google Scholar; Dobson, , Green Political Thought, p. 84.Google Scholar

¹³ Hay, Peter R. and Hayward, Marcus D., ‘Comparative Green Politics: Beyond the European Context’. Political Studies, 36 (1988), 433–48CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Rainbow, Stephen, ‘New Zealand's Values Party: The Rise and Fall of the First National Green Party’, in Hay, Peter, Eckersley, Robyn and Holloway, George, eds. Environmental Politics in Australia and New Zealand (Hobart: University of Tasmania Press, 1989), pp. 175–88Google Scholar; and Hay, Peter R. ‘New Zealand's Values Party – Challenging the Poverty of Progress 1972–1990’, in Rudig, Wolfgang, ed., Green Politics Two (Glasgow: University of Sirathclyde, 1992), pp. 73–83.Google Scholar

¹⁴ Papadakis, Elim, ‘New Aspirations, Changing Patterns of Representation and Electoral Behavior’, in Marsh, Ian, ed., Governing in the 90s (Melbourne: Longman-Cheshire, 1992), pp. 150–65Google Scholar; Wilson, R., From Manapouri to Aramoana: The Battle For New Zealand's Environment (Auckland: Earthworks, 1982).Google Scholar

¹⁵ Bean, Clive, McAllister, Ian and Warhust, John, eds, The Greening of Australian Politics: The 1990 Federal Election (Melbourne: Longman-Cheshire, 1990).Google Scholar

¹⁶ Vowles, Jack and Aimer, Peter, Voters' Vengeance: The 1990 Election in New Zealand and the Fate of the Fourth Labour Government (Auckland: Auckland University Press, 1993).Google Scholar

¹⁷ Inglehart, , Silent Revolution, p. 40.Google Scholar

¹⁸ While the four-item battery has been criticized because of correlations between the ranking of one of the postmaterialist items with concern about unemployment, no such relationship was found in either Australasian dataset (see Clarke, Harold D. and Dutt, N., ‘Measuring Value Change in Western Industrialized Societies: The Impact of Unemployment’, American Political Science Review, 85 (1991), 905–20.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

¹⁹ Dalton, , Citizen Politics, p. 84–5.Google Scholar

²⁰ Rather than being associated with New Zealand's poor economic performance compared with Australia's during the 1980s, this appears to reflect a relative lack of concern for the protection of civil liberties in New Zealand, also indicated by the failure of the 1980s Labour government to gain sufficient support to enact a constitutionally entrenched Bill of Rights.

²¹ The Liberal and National (formerly Country) parties have been in permanent coalition since 1923, except for two short periods, and for that reason are treated as one category. Similarly, in the 1990 election there was an informal arrangement between many Democrat and Green candidates to exchange vote preferences, and for that reason they are also treated as one category here. This latter arrangement also means that the 1990 survey significantly under-estimated votes for Green candidates.

²² Key, V. O., ‘A Theory of Critical Elections’, Journal of Politics, 17 (1955), 3–18.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

²³ Castles, Francis G., Australian Public Policy and Economic Vulnerability (Sydney: Allen & Unwin, 1988).Google Scholar

²⁴ Castles, Francis G., The Working Class and Welfare (Sydney: Allen & Unwin, 1985).Google Scholar

²⁵ Inglehart, Ronald, ‘Post-Materialism in an Environment of Insecurity’, American Political Science Review, 75 (1981), 880–900.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

²⁶ Gow, David, ‘Economic Voting and Postmaterialist Values’, in Bean, Clive, McAllister, Ian and Warhurst, John, eds. The Greening of Australian Politics: The 1990 Federal Election (Melbourne: Longman-Cheshire, 1990)Google Scholar; Vowles, Jack, ‘Materialism, Postmaterialism, and New Zealand Political Culture’, in Gold, Hyam, ed., Political Culture in New Zealand (Auckland: Oxford, forthcoming).Google Scholar

²⁷ Boston, Jonathan and Holland, Martin, The Fourth Labour Government: Radical Politics in New Zealand (Auckland: Oxford University Press, 1987)Google Scholar; Holland, Martin and Boston, Jonathan, The Fourth Labour Government: Politics and Public Policy in New Zealand (Auckland: Oxford University Press, 1990)Google Scholar; Boston, Jonathan, Martin, J., Pallot, J. and Walsh, P., Reshaping the State: New Zealand's Bureaucratic Revolution (Auckland: Oxford University Press, 1991).Google Scholar

²⁸ Pusey, Michael, Economic Rationalism in Canberra (Melbourne: Cambridge University Press, 1991)Google Scholar; Sandlant, R., ‘The Political Economy of Wage Restraint: The Australian Accord and Trade Union Strategy in New Zealand’ (unpublished dissertation, University of Auckland, 1989).Google Scholar

²⁹ The factor analysis reported in the Appendix indicates that while collectivist attitudes form the dominant factor in Australia, social liberalism is the dominant factor in New Zealand.

³⁰ The environmental questions used in the two countries are not fully comparable, making the means compared across countries misleading (see Appendix).

³¹ Vowles, Jack, ‘Nuclear-Free New Zealand and Rogernomics: The Survival of a Labour Government’, Politics, 15 (1990), 81–92.Google Scholar

³² Kitschelt, Herbert, ‘New Social Movements and the Decline of Party Organization’Google Scholar, in Dalton, and Kuechler, , eds. Challenging the Political Order, pp. 179–208, at p. 183.Google Scholar

³³ Initially, many established social democratic parties were unable to respond to the overtures of New Politics groups, either because of their dependence on materialist economic interest groups such as trade unions, or because of their bureaucratic organization (Kitschelt, , ‘New Social Movements’; Müller-Rommel, ‘New Political Movements’)Google Scholar. More recently, however, parties like the German Social Democratic party and the Danish Socialist People's party have adopted a New Politics orientation, particularly on environmental issues (Dalton, , Citizen Politics, pp. 262–3Google Scholar; Knutsen, Oddbjorn, ‘Materialist and Postmaterialist Values and Social Structure in the Nordic Countries: A Comparative Study’, Comparative Politics, 23 (1990), 85–104CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Andersen, , ‘Environmentalism’).Google Scholar

³⁴ Rainbow, , ‘New Zealand's Values Party’.Google Scholar

³⁵ Wilson, M., ‘Women and the Labour Party’, in Clark, Margaret, ed., The New Zealand Labour Party After Seventy Five Years (Wellington: Victoria University Department of Politics, 1992).Google Scholar

³⁶ Strong opposition to nuclear weapons and nuclear power has been one of the key foundations for the development of postmaterialist parties in Western Europe (Müller-Rommel, , ‘New Political Movements’, pp. 209–11)Google Scholar; Vowles, , ‘Nuclear-Free New Zealand’.Google Scholar

³⁷ Crepaz, M., ‘The Impact of Party Polarisation and Postmaterialism on Voter Turnout’, European Journal of Political Research, 18 (1990), 183–206 at p. 203.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

³⁸ The name of the party runs ‘NewLabour’ together as one word.

³⁹ We can only speculate as to how Australians would have behaved in the 1990 federal election in the absence of preferential voting and under conditions of simple plurality as in New Zealand. It is possible that more postmaterialists would have voted strategically for Labor, as the lesser of two evils. Similarly, under conditions of preferential voting it is possible that more New Zealand voters, postmaterialists as well as others, would have given their first preferences to minor parties, secure in the knowledge that their second preferences would count for the major party they ranked above the other. Many of the differences in the political alignments of Australia and New Zealand voters may therefore be explained by a combination of different electoral systems and the different policies of the two governments during the late 1980s. See McAllister, Ian and Bean, Clive, ‘Explaining Labor's Victory’Google Scholar, in Bean, , McAllister, and Warhurst, , The Greening of Australian Politics, pp. 155–80.Google Scholar

⁴⁰ Vowles, and Aimer, , Voters' Vengeance.Google Scholar

⁴¹ McAllister, Ian, ‘Party Adaptation and Factionalism within the Australian Party System’, American Journal of Political Science, 35 (1991), 206–27.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁴² Dalton, , Citizen Politics, p. 175.Google Scholar

⁴³ The study of political ideology and voting in New Zealand is severely limited by the relative absence of trend data, making it difficult empirically to infer change over time. Nevertheless, it is obvious from the historical record of political discourse in New Zealand before the 1970s, and particularly from debates between the two parties and what is known of the political values of their representatives, that social liberalism could not then have formed the basis of an ideological cleavage between the two major parties in the way that it can be shown to do in 1990.

⁴⁴ This is best illustrated by an example. In the case of the 11.3 percent change in the value of L² when collectivism is regressed on the Labor vote for postmaterialists, this is estimated as follows. The L² value for the constant alone is 299.3, with 223 degrees of freedom. Once collectivism is entered into the equation, along with the control variables (age, gender and education) the L² becomes 265.5, with 218 degrees of freedom. The resulting change to the L² of 33.76 is 11.3 percent ((33.76/299.27)* 100); together with the change in the degrees of freedom of 5, this represents a change that is statistically significant at p < 0.01. The other figures are calculated in Table 4 in the same way.

⁴⁵ While higher for postmaterialists, the figure is not statistically significant.

⁴⁶ This is in line with other research which has concluded that any realignment of the party system would tend towards a Labor—Democrat—Green versus Liberal—National conflict. See McAllister, Ian, Political Behaviour: Citizens, Parties and Elites in Australia (Melbourne: Longman-Cheshire, 1992), p. 250ff.Google Scholar

⁴⁷ The postmaterialist vote is more effective in Australia because of second preference voting, a factor which we cannot assess here.

⁴⁸ In fact, all the signs for the attitude variables that are statistically significant in Table 4 are the same across the value groups and as reported in Table 3. While intervention augmented by controls has the expected effect on coalition voting in Australia, the variable itself is not statistically significant in the equation.

⁴⁹ McAllister, , Political Behaviour, p. 263Google Scholar; Vowles, Jack, ‘Who Joins the Labour Party and What Do They Think?’ in Clark, Margaret, ed., The Labour Party After 75 Years (Wellington: Victoria University Department of Politics, 1992), pp. 86–8Google Scholar; Vowles, , ‘Materialism, Postmaterialism, and New Zealand Political Culture’.Google Scholar

⁵⁰ Vowles, and Aimer, , Voters Vengeance.Google Scholar

⁵¹ Inglehart, , Silent Revolution.Google Scholar

⁵² King, Gary N., Unifying Political Methodology (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1989), pp. 105–7.Google Scholar