Hostname: page-component-586b7cd67f-2plfb Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-11-28T07:25:58.588Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

Mass Reaction to Regime Change in Eastern Europe: Polarization or Leaders and Laggards?

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  03 March 2009

Abstract

Regime changes occur at two levels, the macro and the micro. In Eastern Europe there has been holistic change at the regime level, but at the micro level individuals can differ in their reactions, some favouring the new and some preferring the old regime, thus creating aggregates of supporters and opponents of the new regime. Combining reactions to the old and new regimes results in a typology of democrats, reactionaries, sceptics and the compliant. Nationwide surveys in Bulgaria, Czechoslovakia, Hungary, Poland and Romania show that democrats overall are a bare majority of the respondents. If current divisions persist, then East Europeans will be politically polarized. Statistical tests of the influence of social structure and economic attitudes upon individual responses to regime change emphasize the importance of sociotropic economic assessments. But the data also show that most who do not currently support the pluralist regime expect to do so in the foreseeable future; they are laggards rather than anti-democrats. Moreover, the level of future support is so high that it is likely to be proof against fluctuations in the economic conditions of the new regimes.

Type
Articles
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1994

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

1 On the distinction between a regime and the authorities constituting the government of the day, see Easton, David, A Systems Analysis of Political Life (New York: John Wiley, 1965).Google Scholar In this article a regime is defined in constitutional and institutional terms, by contrast with the social psychological emphasis of Easton.

2 The term Eastern Europe is here used in a political sense to refer to all territories in Europe formerly bound together under Soviet leadership. Geographically, the area is extensive, covering significant parts of Central and Southern Europe too. Some cities, such as Prague, are actually geographically west of cities such as Vienna and Venice, which are part of the political west. While the concepts used here can be employed to analyse reactions within the former republics of the Soviet Union, it is an open empirical question whether people in the former imperial power have reacted similarly to those in the countries examined below.

3 Schumpeter, Joseph A., Capitalism, Socialism and Democracy, 4th edn (London: George Allen & Unwin, 1952).Google Scholar

4 The phrase is that of Janos Kis, as quoted in Ekiert, Grzegorz, ‘Democratic Processes in East Central Europe: A Theoretical Reconsideration’, British Journal of Political Science, 21 (1991), 285314, pp. 287f.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

5 See Welch, Stephen, ‘Issues in the Study of Political Culture: The Example of Communist Party States’, British Journal of Political Science, 17 (1987), 479500. p. 491CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Almond, Gabriel A., A Discipline Divided (London: Sage Publications, 1990)Google Scholar, chaps 3, ‘Model Fitting in Communism Studies’ and 6, ‘Communism and Political Culture Theory’, and sources cited therein, particularly Brown, A. H. and Gray, Jack, eds. Political Culture and Political Change in Communist States (London: Macmillan, 1977).Google Scholar More generally, see Almond, Gabriel A. and Verba, Sidney, The Civic Culture (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1963), especially p. 498.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

6 On the importance of past experience in relation to present evaluations, see Rose, Richard, ‘Escaping from Absolute Dissatisfaction: A Trial-and-Error Model of Change in Eastern Europe’, Journal of Theoretical Politics, 4 (1992), 371–93.CrossRefGoogle Scholar For an example of a ‘timeless’ approach, see Gibson, James L., Duch, Raymond M. and Tedin, Kent L., ‘Democratic Values and the Transformation of the Soviet Union’, Journal of Politics, 54 (1992), 329–71.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

7 See, for example, Sartori, Giovanni, ‘European Political Parties: The Case of Polarized Pluralism’, in LaPalombara, Joseph and Weiner, Myron, eds. Political Parties and Political Development (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1966)Google Scholar; and Williams, Philip, Politics in Post-War France, 2nd edn (London: Longman, 1958).Google Scholar

8 See, for example, Linz, Juan J., ‘The Social Bases of West German Politics’ (unpublished doctoral dissertation in sociology, Columbia University, New York, 1959)Google Scholar; Stiefbold, Rodney, Leupold-Loewenthal, R. A., Ress, G., Lichem, W. and Marvick, D., eds, Wahlen und Parteien in Oesterreich (Vienna: Oesterreichischer Bundesverlag, 1966), volume 2, pp. 575667Google Scholar, Baker, K. H., Dalton, R. J., and Hildebrandt, K., Germany Transformed: Political Culture and the New Politics (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1981)Google Scholar; Noelle-Neumann, Elisabeth and Piel, Edgar, eds, Eine Generation Spaeter: Bundesrepublik Deutschland, 1953–1979 (Munich: Saur, 1983)Google Scholar; Weil, Frederick D., 1989, ‘The Sources and Structure of Legitimation in Western Democracies’, American Sociological Review, 54 (1989), 682706.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

9 Gunther, Richard, Sani, Giacomo and Shabad, Goldie, Spain after Franco (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1986).Google Scholar

10 Watson, Hugh N. Seton, Eastern Europe between the Wars, 1918–1941 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1945)Google Scholar; Rupnik, Jacques, The Other Europe (London: Weidenfeld, 1989)Google Scholar; Graubard, Stephen R., ed., Eastern Europe … Central Europe … Europe (Boulder, Colo.: Westview Press, 1991)Google Scholar; Ekiert, , ‘Democratic Processes in East Central Europe’.Google Scholar

11 On the compulsory mobilization of public support through elections, see Pravda, Alex, ‘Elections in Communist Party States’, in Hermet, Guy, Rouquié, Alain and Rose, Richard, eds, Elections without Choice (London: Macmillan, 1978), pp. 169–95.CrossRefGoogle Scholar On private evasion of regimes with a totalitarian vocation, see Shlapentokh, Vladimir, Public and Private life of the Soviet People: Changing Values in Post-Stalin Russia (New York: Oxford University Press, 1989).Google Scholar

12 See, for example, Pryor, Frederic, Public Expenditures in Communist and Capitalist Nations (London: George Allen & Unwin, 1968).Google Scholar

13 Breslauer, George W., ‘On the Adaptability of Soviet Welfare State Authoritarianism’, in Ryavec, K. W., ed., Soviet Society and the Communist Party (Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 1978), pp. 325.Google Scholar

14 Hankiss, Elemer, East European Alternatives (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1990), p. 7.Google Scholar

15 Colton, Timothy, ‘Approaches to the Politics of Systemic Economic Reform in the Soviet Union’, Soviet Economy, 3 (1987), 145–70Google Scholar, argued: ‘Ordinary Soviet citizens today can vote for or against economic renewal with their hands. Unless they in the end produce more and better goods and services, faster and more cheaply, economic restructuring is doomed’.

16 Welch, , ‘Issues in the Study of Political Culture – The Example of Communist Party States’, pp. 481ffGoogle Scholar, and sources cited therein. See also, Connor, Walter D. and Gitelman, Zvi Y., Public Opinion in European Socialist Systems (New York: Praeger, 1977)Google Scholar; Miller, Arthur H., Reisinger, William M. and Hesli, Vicki L., eds. Public Opinion and Regime Change (Boulder, Colo.: Westview Press, 1993)Google Scholar, and the discussion in Camaghan, Ellen, ‘A Revolution in Mind: Russian Political Attitudes and the Origins of Democratization under Gorbachev’ (doctoral dissertation in political science, New York University).Google Scholar

17 See Rose, , ‘Escaping from Absolute Dissatisfaction’, pp. 373ff.Google Scholar

18 Kwiatkowski, Piotr, ‘Opinion Research and the Fall of Communism: Poland 1981–1990’, International Journal of Public Opinion Research, 4 (1992), 358–74, p. 358.CrossRefGoogle Scholar His paper is one of six in a special issue of the journal. Monitoring Revolutionary Change: Opinion Research in the Former Soviet Union and Eastern Europe. See also various contributors to the book edited by Miller, , Reisinger, and Hesli, , Public Opinion and Regime Change.Google Scholar

19 The first-named author of this article served as the scientific adviser to the Paul Lazarsfeld Society in the writing of the questionnaire.

20 For a systematic analysis of NDB evidence, showing a high degree of commonality in the responses of East Europeans, see Rose, Richard and Haerpfer, Christian, New Democracies between State and Market: A Baseline Report of Public Opinion (Glasgow: University of Strathclyde Studies in Public Policy. No. 204. 1992), pp. 5377.Google Scholar

21 A systematic comparison of the populations of the Czech and Slovak parts of the federation, based on a lengthy survey incorporating many NDB questions, found marginal or no statistically significant differences on the great majority of questions between people in the two parts of the Czechoslovak Federation. See AISA, Czechs and Slovaks Compared (Glasgow: University of Strathclyde Studies in Public Policy, No. 198, 1992).Google Scholar

22 For details, see ‘Meinungsprofile: Neue Demokratien Barometer 1991’, SWS-Rundschau, 32 (1992), 5788.Google Scholar

23 For a clear presentation of this approach, see Gibson, James L. and Duch, Raymond M., ‘Emerging Democratic Values in Soviet Political Culture’Google Scholar, in Miller, , Reisinger, and Hesli, , eds. Public Opinion and Regime Change, pp. 83ff.Google Scholar

24 It is also consistent with the practice of American constitutionalism, which assumes that the characteristics of the regime ought to reflect the values and beliefs of the citizenry. But the European tradition is very different, for regimes have historically been based on dynastic inheritance, elite domination or force. The state came centuries before the idea of mobilizing the mass or giving it a voice in the direction of government – and this is particularly the case in Eastern Europe.

25 The mean rating of the Communist regime on the scale was – 23 across the five countries; the standard deviation is very large, 58 points on a scale of 201 points.

26 Przeworski, Adam, Democracy and the Market: Political and Economic Reform in Eastern Europe and Latin America (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991), pp. 30f.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

27 See Bohrnstedt, George W. and Knoke, David, Social Statistics for Social Data Analysis (Itasca, Ill.: F. E. Peacock, 1982), pp. 212–14.Google Scholar

28 See Dalton, Russell J., Citizen Politics in Western Democracies (Chatham, NJ: Chatham House, 1988)Google Scholar; Franklin, Mark N., Mackie, T. T. and Valen, H., eds, Electoral Change: Responses to Evolving Social and Attitudinal Structures in Western Democracies (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992).Google Scholar

29 See, for example, OECD, The Transition to a Market Economy (Paris: OECD, 1991), vol. 1Google Scholar: The Broad Issues; vol. 2: Special Issues; Clague, Christopher and Rausser, Gordon, eds. The Emergence of Market Economies in Eastern Europe (Cambridge, Mass.: Blackwell, 1992).Google Scholar

30 Kinder, D. R. and Kiewiet, D., ‘Sociotropic Politics: The American Case’, British Journal of Political Science, 11 (1981), 129–61CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Lewis-Beck, Michael, Economics and Elections: The Major Western Democracies (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1988).Google Scholar

31 To confirm this interpretation, we ran a discriminant function analysis on the pooled data and for each country; reactions to regimes was the dependent variable and all the social and economic variables in Tables 3 and 4 were included as independent variables. In the two significant functions the most important variables were individual evaluations of past, present and future economic regimes. In the pooled data set they classified 50 per cent of respondents correctly in the fourfold regime reaction typology, double what would be expected by chance.

32 Festinger, Leon, Social Pressures in Informal Groups (New York: Harper, 1950).Google Scholar

33 Rose, and Haerpfer, , New Democracies between State and Market, p. 102.Google Scholar

34 Summers, Lawrence, ‘The Next Decade in Central and Eastern Europe’Google Scholar, in Clague, and Rausser, , eds, The Emergence of Market Economies in Eastern Europe, pp. 2534, especially pp. 25ff.Google Scholar

35 See, for example, Sik, Endre, ‘From the Second to the Informal Economy’, Journal of Public Policy, 12 (1992), 153–75.CrossRefGoogle Scholar