Hostname: page-component-586b7cd67f-vdxz6 Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-11-25T13:36:27.812Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

How Do Violent Politicians Govern? The Case of Paramilitary-Tied Mayors in Colombia

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  06 December 2021

Sarah Zukerman Daly*
Affiliation:
Department of Political Science, Columbia University, New York, USA
*
Corresponding author. Email: [email protected]

Abstract

How do politicians with coercive linkages govern? This article relies on original data on militia-linked mayors in Colombia from 1988 to 2015 derived from 42,000 pages of Colombian Supreme Court sentencing documents. Using a regression discontinuity design, it examines the governance records of militia-tied mayors who won the elections by a narrow margin. It finds that being ruled by a militia-linked mayor significantly reduces levels of insecurity and crime, but has pernicious effects on the provision of other public goods, especially education. I theorize that these politicians' (perverse) comparative advantage on security, combined with their crowding out of social spending, engenders these outcomes. I evaluate these mechanisms with data on the nature of paramilitary–mayor alliances, police reinforcements, municipal budgets, politicians' Twitter feeds, and in-depth interviews with paramilitary commanders and politicians. The article has implications for understanding the effects of voting for politicians with coercive ties on the quality of governance and democracy.

Type
Article
Copyright
Copyright © The Author(s), 2021. Published by Cambridge University Press

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

Acemoglu, D, Robinson, JA, and Santos, RJ (2013) The monopoly of violence: evidence from Colombia. Journal of the European Economic Association 11(S1), 544.Google Scholar
Ahnen, RE (2007) The politics of police violence in democratic Brazil. Latin American Politics and Society 49(1), 141164.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Albarracín, J (2018) Criminalized electoral politics in Brazilian urban peripheries. Crime, Law and Social Change 69, 553575.Google Scholar
Arias, ED (2006) The dynamics of criminal governance. Networks and social order in Rio de Janeiro. Journal of Latin American Studies 38(2), 293325.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Arias, ED and Ungar, M (2009) Community policing and Latin America's citizen security crisis. Comparative Politics 41(4), 409429.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Arjona, A (2016) Rebelocracy: Social Order in the Colombian Civil War. New York, NY: Cambridge University Press.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Avellaneda, C (2009) Municipal performance: does mayoral quality matter? Journal of Public Administration Research and Theory: J-PART 19(2), 285312.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Ávila, A and Valencia Agudelo, L (no date) Candidatos Cuestionados. Fundación Paz y Reconciliación.Google Scholar
Bekoe, DA (ed.) (2012) Voting in Fear: Electoral Violence in Sub-Saharan Africa. Washington, DC: United States Institute of Peace.Google Scholar
Boyne, GA (2003) Sources of public service improvement: a critical review and research agenda. Journal of Public Administration Research and Theory 13(3), 367394.Google Scholar
Brennan, J (2016) Against Democracy. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.Google Scholar
Calónico, S, Cattaneo, MD, and Titiunik, R (2014) Robust data-driven inference in the regression-discontinuity design. Stata Journal 14(4), 909946.Google Scholar
Calónico, S et al. (2018) Regression discontinuity designs using covariates. Review of Economics and Statistics 101, 442451.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Calonico, S, Cattaneo, MD, Farrell, MH, and Titiunik, R (2017) rdrobust: Software for regression-discontinuity designs. Stata Journal 17, 372404.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Cattaneo, MD, Frandsen, B, and Titiunik, R (2015) Randomization inference in the regression discontinuity design: an application to party advantages in the U.S. Senate. Journal of Causal Inference 3(1), 124.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Centro Nacional de Memoria Histórica. (2019) Infographics on Violent Events. At http://centrodememoriahistorica.gov.co/observatorio/infografias/, accessed October 21, 2021.Google Scholar
Ch, R et al. (2018) Endogenous taxation in ongoing internal conflict: the case of Colombia. American Political Science Review 112(4), 9961015.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Chemin, M (2012) Welfare effects of criminal politicians: a discontinuity-based approach. The Journal of Law & Economics 55(3), 667690.Google Scholar
Corporación Nuevo Arco Íris (no date) II Informe De La Corporación Nuevo Arco Iris Riesgos Electorales 2011. Bogotá.Google Scholar
Cortés, D et al. (2012) Seguridad democrática, presencia de la policía y conflicto en Colombia. Desarrollo y Sociedad 69, 1132.Google Scholar
Cruz, JM and Durán-Martınez, A (2016) Hiding violence to deal with the state: criminal pacts in El Salvador and Medellin. Journal of Peace Research 1(14), 197210.Google Scholar
Daly, SZ (2014) The dark side of power-sharing: middle managers and civil war recurrence. Comparative Politics 46(3), 333353.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Daly, SZ (2016) Organized Violence after Civil Wars: The Geography of Recruitment in Latin America. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Daly, SZ (2019) Voting for victors: why violent actors win post-war elections. World Politics 71(4), 747805.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Daly, SZ (2021) Political life after civil wars: introducing the civil War successor party dataset. Journal of Peace Research 58(4), 839848.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Daly, SZ (2021) Replication Data for: How Do Violent Politicians Govern? The Case of Paramilitary-Tied Mayors in Colombia, https://doi.org/10.7910/DVN/K1A9U0, Harvard Dataverse, V1, UNF:6:37MCfOW4XV6d+HnVBwuQbQ== [fileUNF]Google Scholar
Eaton, K (2006) The downside of decentralization: armed clientelism in Colombia. Security Studies 15, 533562.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Eggers, AC et al. (2015) On the validity of the regression discontinuity design for estimating electoral effects: new evidence from over 40,000 close races. American Journal of Political Science 59, 259274.Google Scholar
El Pilón (2011) Exalcaldes cesarenses presos por irregularidades durante sus gobiernos. October 24. Available from https://elpilon.com.co/exalcaldes-cesarenses-presos-por-irregularidades-durante-sus-gobiernos/Google Scholar
El Pilón (2012) Alcaldesa de Astrea pide a la Fiscalía investigue para aclarar incriminaciones en su contra. February 6. Available from https://elpilon.com.co/alcaldesa-de-astrea-pide-a-la-fiscalia-investigue-para-aclarar-incriminaciones-en-su-contra/Google Scholar
El Pilón (2017) Fiscalía ordenó libertad del exalcalde de El Copey. November 28. Available from https://elpilon.com.co/fiscalia-ordeno-libertad-del-exalcalde-copey/Google Scholar
El Tiempo (2004) El Mapa de la Influencia Para. September 26.Google Scholar
Erikson, RS and Titiunik, R (2015) Using regression discontinuity to uncover the personal incumbency advantage. Quarterly Journal of Political Science 10, 101119.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Fergusson, L et al. (2021) The Real Winner's Curse. American Journal of Political Science 65(1), 5268.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Galasso, V and Nannicini, T (2011) Competing on good politicians. American Political Science Review 105(1), 7999.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Gambetta, D (1996) The Sicilian Mafia: The Business of Private Protection. Cambridge: Harvard University Press.Google Scholar
Giraldo, JC (2008) Eleonora Pineda y Rocío Arias, Las Comadres de la Parapolítica. Bogotá: Intermedio Editores.Google Scholar
Guillén, G (2008) La Caída del Imperio Maya. Medellín: Hombre Nuevo Editores.Google Scholar
Hafner-Burton, EM, Hyde, SD, and Jablonski, RS (2014) When do governments resort to election violence? British Journal of Political Science 44(1), 149179.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Hagopian, F (1990) Democracy by undemocratic means? Elites, political pacts, and regime transition in Brazil. Comparative Political Studies 23, 147170.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Hartzell, C and Hoddie, M (2007) Crafting Peace: Power-Sharing Institutions and the Negotiated Settlement of Civil Wars. University Park, PA: Pennsylvania State University Press.Google Scholar
Hobbes, T (1996) Leviathan. Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press.Google Scholar
Holland, AC (2013) Right on crime? Conservative Party politics and mano dura policies in El Salvador. Latin American Research Review 48(1), 4467.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Huntington, SP (1993) The Third Wave: Democratization in the Late Twentieth Century. Tulsa: University of Oklahoma Press.Google Scholar
Jiménez, H (2015) El G-8 paramilitar. August 5. Available from https://www.elespectador.com/noticias/judicial/el-g-8-paramilitar-articulo-577385Google Scholar
Karl, TL (1987) Petroleum and political pacts: the transition to democracy in Venezuela. Latin American Research Review 22(1), 6394.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Klasnja, M and Titiunik, R (2017) The incumbency curse: weak parties, term limits, and unfulfilled accountability. American Political Science Review 111(1), 129148.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Lee, DS (2008) Randomized experiments from non-random selection in US House elections. Journal of Econometrics 142(2), 675697.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Lessing, B (2017) Making Peace in Drug Wars: Crackdowns and Cartels in Latin America. New York, NY: Cambridge University Press.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
López, C (2010) Y Refundaron la patria: De Cómo Mafiosos Y Políticos Reconfiguraron el Estado Colombiano. Bogotá: Random House Mondadori.Google Scholar
Loxton, J and Mainwaring, S (2018) Life after Dictatorship: Authoritarian Successor Parties Worldwide. New York, NY: Cambridge University Press.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Mansfield, ED and Snyder, JL (2007) The sequencing “fallacy.” Journal of Democracy 18, 59.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
El País Vallenato (2018) Contrato que tiene en la mira a exalcalde de El Copey fue realizado con entidad denunciada como una red. May 21. Available from https://www.elpaisvallenato.com/2018/05/21/contrato-que-tiene-en-la-mira-a-exalcalde-de-el-copey-fue-realizado-con-entidad-denunciada-como-una-red/Google Scholar
Marten, K (2007) Warlordism in comparative perspective. International Security 31(3), 4173.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Matanock, A (2017) Bullets for ballots: electoral participation provisions and enduring peace after civil conflict. International Security 41(4), 93132.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
McCrary, J (2008) Manipulation of the running variable in the regression discontinuity design: a density test. Journal of Econometrics 142(2), 698714.Google Scholar
McDermott, ML and Panagopoulos, C (2015) Be all that you can be: the electoral impact of military service as an information cue. Political Research Quarterly 68(2), 293305.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Mintz, A (1993) Guns versus butter: a disaggregated analysis. American Political Science Review 83(4), 12851293.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Moncada, E (2013) Business and the politics of urban violence in Colombia. Studies in Comparative International Development 48, 308330.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
O'Donnell, G and Philippe, CS (1986) Transitions from Authoritarian Rule: Tentative Conclusions about Uncertain Democracies. Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins Press.Google Scholar
Paris, R (2004) At War's End: Building Peace after Civil Conflict. New York, NY: Cambridge University Press.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Periódico Portada (2013) Los “Pactos de San Rafael” y de “Puerto Berrío” entre políticos y paramilitares. August 12. Available from http://periodicoportada.com/nacional.htmlGoogle Scholar
Pinotti, P (2015) The economic costs of organised crime: evidence from Southern Italy. The Economic Journal 125, F203F232.Google Scholar
Policía Nacional de Colombia (2021) Documento Metodológico de la Operación Estadística “Conductas y Servicios de Policía en Colombia.” Bogotá: Policía Nacional de Colombia, Dirección de Investigación Criminal e INTERPOL.Google Scholar
Powell, R (1993) Guns, butter, and anarchy. American Political Science Review 87(1), 115132.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Prakash, N, Rockmore, M, and Uppal, Y (2019) Do criminally accused politicians affect economic outcomes? Evidence from India. Journal of Development Economics 141, 102370.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Procuraduría General de la Nación (2006) Pliego de Cargos Formuló la PGN en Contra de ex Alcalde de Chiriguaná. Bogotá: PGN.Google Scholar
Querubin, P (2016) Family and politics: dynastic persistence in the Philippines. Quarterly Journal of Political Science 11, 151181.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Reilly, B (2002) Post-conflict elections: constraints and dangers. International Peacekeeping 9, 118139.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
República de Colombia Corte Suprema de Justicia (2015) Sentencia de Edgar Orlando Barrios Ortega.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Rivera, M and Zarate-Tenorio, B (2016) Beyond sticks and stones: human capital enhancement efforts in response to violent crime in Latin America. European Journal of Political Research 55, 531548.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Romero, M (2007) ParaPolítica: La ruta de la Expansión Paramilitar Y los Acuerdos Políticos. Bogotá: Intermedio.Google Scholar
Sexton, R, Wellhausen, R, and Findley, M (2019) How government reactions to violence worsen social welfare: evidence from Peru. American Journal of Political Science 63, 353367.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Smerling, M and Stuart-Pontier, Z (2018) Crimetown. Brooklyn, NY: Gimlet Media.Google Scholar
Staniland, P (2012) States, insurgents, and wartime political orders. Perspectives on Politics 10(2), 243264.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Stepan, AC (1988) Rethinking Military Politics: Brazil and the Southern Cone. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Teigen, JM (2013) Military experience in elections and perceptions of issue competence: an experimental study with television ads. Armed Forces & Society 39(3), 415433.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Tomz, M, Weeks, J, and Yarhi-Milo, K (2020) Public opinion and decisions about military force in democracies. International Organization 74(1), 119143.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Ungar, M (2007) The privatization of citizen security in Latin America. Social Justice: A Journal of Crime, Conflict & World Order 34(3/4), 2037.Google Scholar
United Nations Development Program, Colombia (2010) Cesar: Análisis de la Conflictividad. Bogotá: UNDP.Google Scholar
Vaishnav, M (2017) When Crime Pays: Money and Muscle in Indian Politics. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press.Google Scholar
Valencia, L and Ávila, M (2014) Herederos del Mal: Clanes, Mafias, y Mermelada: Congreso 2014–2018. Bogotá: Ediciones B.Google Scholar
Verdad Abierta (2015) De cómo los hombres de “Jorge 40” ocuparon el sur del Cesar. August 20.Google Scholar
Walter, BF (1999) Designing transitions from civil war: demobilization, democratization, and commitments to peace. International Security 24(1), 127155.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Supplementary material: Link
Link
Supplementary material: File

Daly supplementary material

Daly supplementary material

Download Daly supplementary material(File)
File 198.9 KB