¹ The text of the McGovern-Fraser Commission report, ‘Mandate for Reform’, is reprinted in the Congressional Record, 117 (22 09 1971), 32908–21Google Scholar. Ranney, Austin, Curing the Mischiefs of Faction (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1975)Google Scholar puts it in historical perspective.

² Cavala, William, ‘Changing the Rules of the Game: Party Reform and the 1972 California Delegation to the Democratic National Convention’, American Political Science Review, LXVIII (1974), 27–42CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Pressman, Jeffrey L. and Sullivan, Denis G., ‘Convention Reform and Conventional Wisdom: An Empirical Assessment of Democratic Party Reforms’, Political Science Quarterly, LXXXIX (1974), 539–62CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Sullivan, Denis G., Pressman, Jeffrey L., Page, Benjamin I. and Lyons, John J., The Politics of Representation: The Democratic Convention of 1972 (New York: St Martin's Press, 1974), esp. Chap. 2.Google Scholar

³ Kirkpatrick, Jeane, ‘Representation in the American National Conventions: The Case of 1972’ British Journal of Political Science, v (1975), esp. pp. 307–16.Google Scholar

⁴ Schaar, John H., ‘Equality of Opportunity, and Beyond’, Nomos IX: Equality, ed. Pennock, J. R. and Chapman, J. W. (New York: Atherton, 1967), 228–49Google Scholar; Nagel, Thomas, ‘Equal Treatment and Compensatory Discrimination’, Philosophy and Public Affairs, II (1973), 348–63Google Scholar; Thompson, Judith Jarvis, ‘Preferential Hiring’, Philosophy and Public Affairs, II (1973), 364–84Google Scholar; Simon, Robert, ‘Preferential Hiring’, Philosophy and Public Affairs, III (1974), 312–20Google Scholar; Sher, George, ‘Justifying Reverse Discrimination in Employment’, Philosophy and Public Affairs, IV (1975), 159–70Google Scholar. See also Glazer, Nathan's apology for the reaction, Affirmative Discrimination (New York: Basic Books, 1975).Google Scholar

⁵ The larger theme of Kirkpatrick's essay is that the 1972 Democratic National Convention was far less representative of Democratic opinion nationally than the 1972 Republican National Convention was of Republican opinion nationally or, for that matter, of rank-and-file Democrats. While this demonstrates that an unreformed (Republican) convention might be more representative than a reformed (Democratic) one, Kirkpatrick is careful to disclaim any implication that this is a necessary link. As she writes, ‘It is impossible to separate out the effects of the new rules on the convention's composition from the effects of the successful McGovern insurgency’ (p. 314). All that can be said with confidence is that ‘quotas did not substantially increase the representation of the political views of women, blacks or youth’ (p. 314).

⁶ Quoted in White, Theodore H., The Making of the President 1972 (New York: Atheneum, 1973). 29–31.Google Scholar

⁷ Significantly, the rules must be neutral between individuals, not principles as supposed by Mansfield, Harvey C. Jr., in ‘Impartial Representation’, Representation and Misrepresentation, ed. Goldwin, R. A. (Chicago: Rand McNally, 1966), 91–113Google Scholar. ‘Neutrality’ is itself a frightfully complex notion, as is apparent in Montefiore, Alan, ed., Neutrality and Impartiality (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1975).Google Scholar

⁸ ‘A multitude of men are made one person when they are by one man or person represented …For it is the unity of the representer, not the unity of the represented, that makes the person one… Unity cannot otherwise be understood in multitude.’ Hobbes, Thomas, The Leviathan, Chap. 16.Google Scholar

⁹ Kirkpatrick v. Priester, 394 US 526, 533 (1969)Google Scholar; internal quotation from Reynolds v. Sims, 377 US 533, 579–80 (1964)Google Scholar; Wells v. Rockefeller, 394 US 542 (1969)Google Scholar. See also Dixon, Robert G. Jr., Democratic Representation (New York: Oxford University Press, 1968)Google Scholar and Polsby, Nelson W., ed., Reapportionment in the 1970s (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1971).Google Scholar

¹⁰ Mahan v. Howell, 410 US 315 (1973)Google Scholar approves a Virginia plan apportioning the House of Delegates along political subdivision borders although it departs rather more than necessary from the ‘one man one vote’ principle; but perhaps this just reflects the greater tolerance the Court traditionally displays toward apportionment of state legislatures. For objections to Kirkpatrick and Wells, see the dissents of Justices White and Harlan and essays by Jewell, Malcolm E. and Bickel, Alexander M. in Polsby, , ed., Reapportionment in the 1970s.Google Scholar

¹¹ House of Commons Debates, 13 11 1946, vol. 430, cols. 77–80 at 79, and 13 December 1946, vol. 431, cols. 1557–68 at 1559Google Scholar. For assessments see Butler, D. E., ‘The Redistribution of Seats’, Public Administration, XXXII (1955), 125–47CrossRefGoogle Scholar and The Electoral System in Britain Since 1918, 2nd edn. (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1963), pp. 96–8, 103–4, 213–15Google Scholar; Starzinger, Vincent, ‘The British Pattern of Apportionment’, Virginia Quarterly Review, XLI (1965), 321–41Google Scholar; Williams, Philip M., ‘The Politics of Redistribution’, Political Quarterly, XXXIX (1968), 239–54CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Vale, Vivian, ‘Reynolds v. Sims Abroad: A Briton Compares Apportionment Criteria’, Western Political Quarterly, XXII (1969), 85–93Google Scholar. McKay, David H. and Patterson, Samuel C., ‘Population Equality and the Distribution of Seats in the British House of Commons’, Comparative Politics, IV (1971), 59–76CrossRefGoogle Scholar find that 13·6 per cent of seats would deviate from the mean by over 25 per cent under the 1969 Boundary Commission recommendations.

¹² Pollard, A. F. discusses ‘The Growth of Representation’ in The Evolution of Parliament (London: Longmans Green, 1920), Chap. 8.Google Scholar

¹³ Notice, for example, how solutions to Wollheim, Richard's ‘Paradox in the Theory of Democracy’, Philosophy, Politics and Society, 2nd series, ed. Laslett, P. and Runciman, W. G. (Oxford: Blackwell, 1962), pp. 71–87Google Scholar, tend to point to commitments to the decision process which override commitments to particular policy preferences; see esp. Barry, Brian, Political Argument (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1965), IV, 3.BGoogle Scholar. For supportive social psychological evidence, see Budge, Ian, Agreement and the Stability of Democracy (Chicago: Markham, 1970).Google Scholar

¹⁴ Mill, James, Essay on Government (London: J. Innes, 1828)Google Scholar; Rae, Douglas W., ‘Decision Rules and Individual Values in Constitutional Choice’, American Political Science Review, LXIII (1969), 40–56CrossRefGoogle Scholar; proved by Taylor, Michael, ‘Proof of a Theorem on Majority Rule’, Behavioral Science, XIV (1969), 228–31CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Calhoun, John C., A Disquisition on Government in Works, ed. Crallé, R. K. (New York: D. Appleton, 1853)Google Scholar; Rogowski, Ronald, Rational Legitimacy (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1974)Google Scholar. Much the same argument motivates G. D. H. Cole's guild socialism: while it is impossible to represent individuals, it is feasible to represent ‘certain purposes common to groups of individuals’, specifically, ‘to find an association and method of representation for each function’ in society. Cole, G. D. H., Social Theory (London: Methuen, 1920), p. 108.Google Scholar

¹⁵ This is the theme of Eckstein, Harry's study of Norway, Division and Cohesion in Democracy (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1966).Google Scholar

¹⁶ See Glazer, Nathan and Moynihan, Daniel P., eds., Ethnicity (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1975).Google Scholar

¹⁷ Geertz, Clifford, ‘The Integrative Revolution: Primordial Sentiments and Civil Politics in the New States’, in Geertz, , ed., Old Societies and New Nations (New York: Free Press, 1963), pp. 105–57Google Scholar insists that in ‘plural’ societies national identity must be constructed on the foundations of ‘primordial sentiments’. In more practical and less mystical terms, legal injunctions will be ‘internalized’ only if they are seen to express the will of one's ethnic group; so law-making must be organized on a group basis if it is to be efficacious.

¹⁸ ‘Theories of Group Representation’ are surveyed by Birch, A. H. in Representative and Responsible Government (London: Allen and Unwin, 1964)Google Scholar, Chap. 8. Pitkin, Hanna F. offers a rather lame argument against symbolic representation in The Concept of Representation (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1967), Chap. 5Google Scholar: demands for symbolic gratifications are susceptible to demagogic manipulation. So too are demands for material benefits subject to alteration by bribery. It would be as ludicrous for the devout liberal to ignore categorically symbolic demands because they might occasionally have been manipulated as it would for him to ignore all votes because they may have been bought.

¹⁹ Lijphart, Arend, The Politics of Accommodation, 2nd edn. (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1975)Google Scholar; Steiner, Jürg, Amicable Agreement versus Majority Rule, trans. , A. and Braendgaard, B. (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1974)Google Scholar; Lehmbruch, Gerhard, ‘A Non-Competitive Pattern of Conflict Management in Liberal Democracies: The Case of Switzerland, Austria and Lebanon’, in McRae, Kenneth, ed., Consociational Democracy (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1974), pp. 90–7CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Hechter, Michael, ‘The Political Economy of Ethnic Change’, American Journal of Sociology, LXXIX (1974), 1151–78CrossRefGoogle Scholar; but see Ragin, Charles's refutation, forthcoming in the American Sociological ReviewGoogle Scholar. Patterson, Orlando, ‘Context and Conflict in Ethnic Allegiance: A Theoretical Framework and Caribbean Case Study’Google Scholar, in Glazer, and Moynihan, , eds., Ethnicity, 305–49.Google Scholar

²⁰ HOC Deb., 13 November 1946, vol. 430, col. 80 and 13 December 1946, vol. 431. cols. 1558–60.

²¹ Kirkpatrick, , ‘Representation in the American National Conventions’, Table 16, p. 315Google Scholar. On twenty-one major issues, sex never accounts for more than 0·01 per cent of variation in opinion, race never for more than 2·89 per cent and age never for more than 6·76 per cent.

²² Wilson, James Q., Negro Politics (London: Collier-Macmillan, 1960), Chap. 8.Google Scholar

²³ White, Theodore, The Making of the President 1972 (New York: Atheneum, 1973), 29–31Google Scholar: Ranney, , Curing the Mischiefs of Faction, p. 190.Google Scholar

²⁴ For salutary examples of how these matters can be studied with survey research see Rose, Richard, Governing Without Consensus (London: Faber, 1971)Google Scholar, esp. the ‘Loyalty Questionaire’ reprinted in the appendix, and, more modestly, Brand, Jack and McCrone, Donald, ‘The SNP: From Protest to Nationalism’, New Society, XXXIV (20 11 1975), 416–18.Google Scholar