I should like to thank Professor H. F. Kearney and Professor P. M. Rattansi for their kindness in having read and commented upon an early draft of this study.

¹ Jones, R. F., Ancients and moderns. A study of the rise of the scientific movement in seventeenth century England (2nd edn., Berkeley, 1965), pp. 183–4.Google Scholar

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¹⁰ A lorig list is reprinted in Gunther, R. T., Early science in Orford (14 vols., Oxford, 1923–1945), ii 391–2Google Scholar, from Wren, C., Parentalia (London, 1750), pp. 198–9Google Scholar. A concern for mechanical inventions was one of the central preoccupations of the philosophical society meeting at Oxford in the 1650s; see Frank, R. G.. ‘John Aubrey F.R.S., John Lydall, and science at Common-wealth Oxford’, Notes and records, xxvii (1973), 208.Google Scholar

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¹⁵ Turnbull, G. H., ‘Samuel Hartlib's influence on the early history of the Royal Society’, Notes and records, x (1953), 113–14Google Scholar. In 1655 Hartlib noted in his Ephemerides: ‘At Oxford Dr. Wallis with divers others began to collect Catalogos Materiar[um]’ and subsequently that in 1658 Robert Wood (later F.R.S.) ‘was appointed by the Club to make a Catalogue of matters for all Trades, Artificers, etc. in Oxf[ord] Library’.

¹⁶ Birch, T., The history of the Royal Society (4 vols., London, 1756–1757), i. 407Google Scholar. This included Ashmole, Beale, Charleton, Glisson, Henshaw, Hooke, Merret, Pell, Sprat, Wallis, and Wren. Birch's work prints with reasonable accuracy the society's minutes from its foundation to the end of 1687.

¹⁷ Birch, , Royal Society, op. cit. (16), i. 367Google Scholar. One might also note the society's interest in drawing up lists of queries to be sent to persons in remote parts of the world. Good examples are those sent to Sir Philberto Vernatti in Batavia, which included ‘What grounds there may be for the relation, concerning Horns taking Root, and growing about Goa?’, which were printed in Sprat, T., The history of the Royal Society (London, 1667), pp. 158–72Google Scholar, and those drawn up to be sent to Hungary, which, among other things, asked ‘Whether the iron that is said to be turned into copper by the vitriolate springs at Chemnitz … do after that transmutation or precipitation contain a pretty deal of gold?’, printed in Philosophical transactions, ii (1667), 467–9.Google Scholar

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²² Novum organum, Book One, Sections LXI and CXXII (Works, iv. 62–3 and 108–9Google Scholar). In 1649 Petty argued for the importance of establishing principles which could explain phenomena ‘soe easily, as that a meane capacity may be able to foretell the effects of nature before they happen’. Quoted in Webster, , ‘Henry More and Descartes’, op. cit. (3), pp. 367–8.Google Scholar

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²⁶ Beale, to Boyle, , 7 05 1666Google Scholar, in The works of the Honourable Robert Boyle, ed. Birch, T. (5 vols., London, 1744), v. 478Google Scholar. Petty even boasted to Aubrey that he had read little since the age of twenty-five, for ‘had he read much, as some men have, he had not known so much as he does, nor should he have made such discoveries and improvements’; quoted in Houghton, W. E., ‘The history of trades: its relation to seventeenth-century thought’, Journal of the history of ideas, ii (1941), 58–9.Google Scholar

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³¹ I recognize that the early Transactions were the responsibility of the society's secretary not of the society as a whole, but, as the preface to volume xiv (1684) puts it, ‘Although the writing of these Transactions, is not to be looked upon as the Business of the Royal Society: Yet, in regard they are a Specimen of many things which lie before them; contain a great variety of useful matter … the said society may not seem now to condemn a work, they have formerly encouraged’.

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