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⁶ For example, Wallace, Sedgwick, Hooker, Spencer, and Darwin himself. See notes 63–5.

⁷ Gillispie, 1959, op. cit. (5), p. 131.Google Scholar Cf. Huxley, , in LLD, ii. 190.Google Scholar

⁸ Hodge, , op. cit. (5)Google Scholar. McKinney, 1966 and 1972, op. cit. (5).Google Scholar

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¹⁰ Eiseley, , Darwin's century, pp. 108–15Google Scholar; ‘Charles Lyell’, op. cit. (5), 101–2.Google ScholarGillispie, , op. cit. (5), 131.Google Scholar

¹¹ As Cannon, Hooykaas, and Rudwick have made plain, we should be wary of accepting Lyell's own estimate of his scientific opponents. Lyell tended to make his ‘paroxysmalist’, ‘convulsionist’, or ‘cosmogonist’ opponents, as he scathingly called them, into straw men in order to score easy victories. But Cannon, Hooykaas, and Rudwick have demonstrated that Lyell's predecessors and contemporaries were substantial geologists in their own right, with a coherent and fruitful methodology at their service. They rarely deserved Lyell's scorn. See Cannon 1960, op. cit. (2); Hooykaas, R., Catastrophism in geology (Amsterdam, 1970)Google Scholar; Rudwick, 1971, op. cit. (2).Google Scholar

¹² Eiseley, , Darwin's century, p. 105.Google ScholarColeman, W., ‘Lyell and the reality of species’, Isis, liii (1962), 325–38 (326)Google Scholar. Irvine, , op. cit. (5), 139, 142–8, 210–11.Google ScholarWilson, , Species journals, op. cit. (2), pp. xxviGoogle Scholar, I. M. J. S. Hodge, review of Wilson, , Species journals, in Isis, lxii (1971), 119–20.Google ScholarMcKinney, 1966, op. cit. (5), 351Google Scholar; McKinney, 1972, op. cit. (5), pp. 97–116.Google Scholar

¹³ PG (1st edn., 1832), ii. 21.

¹⁴ Lyell, to Mantell, G., 2 03 1827Google Scholar, in Lyell, K. (ed.), Life, letters and journals of Sir Charles Lyell (2 vols., London, 1881), 168–9.Google Scholar Hereafter cited as LLJ. Dr Hodge has recently argued that Lamarck was not proposing a theory of ‘common descent’ at all. But for the purposes of my argument here, what Lyell thought Lamarck said is more important than what Lamarck actually said. It is clear that Lyell understood Lamarck to have been formulating a theory of species origination, and Lyell was not wrong in seeing that Lamarck's account allowed no special place for man. See Hodge, M. J. S., ‘Lamarck's science of living bodies’, British journal for the history of science, v (1971), 323–52.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

¹⁵ It is significant that it was Wallace's 1855 paper ‘On the law which has regulated the introduction of new species’, Annals and magazine of natural history, 2nd ser., xvi (1855), 184–97Google Scholar, that prompted Lyell to open a notebook on the species question. Wallace's conclusion, which assumed the general truth of organic progression, was that ‘Every species has come into existence coincident both in time and space with a pre-existing closely allied species’ (p. 196; Wallace's italics). Wallace's paper assumes that evolution has happened, although it does not provide a mechanism. In 1868 Lyell wrote to Wallace, outlining his own version of the history of evolutionary thought during the preceding thirty years. In this letter Lyell wrote: ‘When I first read your paper declaring that each new species had come into the world co-incident in time & space with closely, allied species, it struck me as true though not capable of geological demonstration, and it shook my confidence together with other arguments in the same paper in the independent creation theory more than anything I have read before’; copy of a letter dated 19 November 1868, in Lyell papers, University of Edinburgh Library; my italics. See Species journals, p. 3Google Scholar, and McKinney, 1972, op. cit. (5).Google Scholar

¹⁶ PG (1st edn., 1832), ii. 22.Google Scholar

¹⁷ Cf. Cannon, , ‘The bases of Darwin's achievement …’, op. cit. (2), 110.Google Scholar Cannon argues that the progressionist natural theologians were discomfited in 1859 because Darwin had ‘stolen’ their universe and fitted it out with a revolutionary mechanism. In one sense this may be true: the superficial similarity, yet underlying deep antagonism, between the Christian progressionists' account of the history of life and Darwin's goes a long way towards explaining the progressionists' wrath. But for reasons that this article aims to make clear, I believe that Darwin did not derive his ‘framework’ from the progressionist natural theologians, as against the framework of Principles. Lyell's anti-progressionism, for all his ingenuity, turned out to be a negligible obstruction to evolutionary thought; the line from Principles to the Origin is unimpeded.

¹⁸ Cannon, 1960, op. cit. (2), 39.Google Scholar

¹⁹ Young, R. M., ‘Darwin's metaphor: does Nature select?’, The monist, lv (1971), 442–503 (444).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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²¹ PG (1st edn., 1833), iii. 384.Google Scholar This statement comes from the ‘Concluding remarks’ in the last volume of Principles, and Lyell retained it throughout all of the eleven editions that he personally supervised. See PG (11th edn., 1872), ii. 620.Google Scholar

²² Lyell, , ‘Address to the Geological Society … 17 February, 1837’, Proceedings of the Geological Society of London, ii (1837), 479–523 (517–21).Google Scholar

²³ LLJ, i. 268.Google Scholar

²⁴ LLJ, i. 271.Google Scholar

²⁵ LLJ, i. 310.Google Scholar

²⁶ PG (1st edn., 1833), iii. 271–4.Google Scholar

²⁷ Lyell, to the Bishop of Llandaff, , 28 03 1831Google Scholar, quoted in Wilson, 1972, op. cit. (2), p. 310.Google Scholar In this letter Lyell also affirms that he believes that species originated by ‘the direct intervention of the First Cause’. Professor Wilson comments: ‘one could wish that Lyell had not written this letter’ (p. 310), but the letter only corroborates what we can ascertain from Principles, the Species journals, and other sources. See, for example, the letter to Wallace quoted in note 15.

²⁸ Lyell, to DrFleming, , 1 05 1833Google Scholar, in LLJ, i. 397.Google Scholar

²⁹ See Wilson, 1972, op. cit. (2), pp. 308–23, 353–60, 376Google Scholar; Hearnshaw, F. J. C., The centenary history of King's College, London (London, 1929), pp. 91, 107–9.Google Scholar

³⁰ LLJ, i. 382.Google Scholar

³¹ Copy of a letter from Lyell, to Carpenter, , 22 01 1866Google Scholar, enclosed in a letter to T. H. Huxley, same date; Huxley papers, 6, 120, Imperial College of Science and Technology, London. See also Carpenter, W. B., Nature and man. Essays scientific and philosophical (London, 1888), pp. 86–8.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

³² The suggestion is Dr Hodge's.

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³⁵ Ibid., 518.

³⁶ Lyell, to Murchison, R. I., 15 01 1829Google Scholar, in LLJ, i. 234.Google Scholar Lyell's emphasis.

³⁷ See, for example, Rudwick, 1970, op. cit. (2), 8Google Scholar; Hooykaas, 1966, op. cit. (2), 7Google Scholar; Cannon, 1960, op. cit. (2), 55.Google Scholar

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³⁹ Unpublished letter from Lyell to C. Prévost, 20 April 1828; copy in Lyell papers, Edinburgh University Library.

⁴⁰ LLJ, i. 234.Google Scholar Lyell's emphasis.

⁴¹ Rudwick, 1970, op. cit. (2), 8.Google Scholar

⁴² Ibid.

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⁴⁴ Ibid., 538–9. Lyell's italics.

⁴⁵ Butler, J., The analogy of religion (1736)Google Scholar, part one, chapters VII and VIII. In the Oxford University Press ‘World's Classics’ edn. (London, 1907), this section is on pp. 144–65.

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⁴⁷ Cf. PG (1st edn., 1830), i. 1.Google Scholar The first sentence runs: ‘Geology is the science which investigates the successive changes that have taken place in the organic and inorganic kingdoms of nature …’

⁴⁸ Lyell, to Mantell, G., 2 03 1827Google Scholar, in LLJ, i. 168–9.Google Scholar

⁴⁹ Ibid., 168.

⁵⁰ Ibid., 169. In 1827 little was known of the strata below the carboniferous series.

⁵¹ Ibid.

⁵² Lyell, to Darwin, , 15 03 1863Google Scholar, in LLJ, ii. 365.Google Scholar

⁵³ E.g. LLD, iii. 14, 15.Google Scholar See also: Huxley, T. H. to Lyell, , 17 08 1862Google Scholar, in Huxley, L. (ed.), Life and letters of Thomas Henry Huxley (2 vols., London, 1900), i. 200Google Scholar; McKinney, 1972, op. cit. (5), pp. 115–16.Google Scholar

⁵⁴ In 1814 jaws of what Cuvier identified as marsupial mammals were found in the Secondary Oolite at Stonesfield, near Oxford. See Wilson's introduction to Species journals, pp. xxv–xxvi.Google Scholar

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⁵⁸ Species journals, op. cit. (2), p. 337.Google Scholar Cf. PG (10th edn., 2 vols., 1867–1868)Google Scholar; Lyell there speaks of ‘a theoretical question of surpassing interest with which the palaeontologist has been busily engaged since the time of Lamarck, namely, whether it is conceivable that each fossil fauna and flora brought to light by the geologist may have been connected, by way of descent or generation, with that which immediately preceded it.’ (i. 167). In 1827 Lyell had resolved to show that there was no such connexion.

⁵⁹ Dr Rudwick has rightly criticized historians who, in searching for Darwin's ‘forerunners’, have misleadingly isolated the section of Lyell's work that deals with the organic world from its context within the overall strategy of the Principles; see Rudwick, 1970, op. cit. (2), 5.Google Scholar Nonetheless, having established the sense in which I think Lyell's attitudes towards species were integrated into his overall project, I believe I am justified in concentrating on just one or two aspects of Principles.

⁶⁰ E.g. [Scrope, G. P.], ‘Principles of geology … vol. i. (1830)’Google Scholar, Quarterly review, xliii (1830), 411–69 (467)Google Scholar. Sedgwick, A., ‘Presidential address to the Geological Society of London …’, Proceedings of the Geological Society of London, i (1831), 281–316 (305–6)Google Scholar. Conybeare, W. D. to Lyell, , 02 1841Google Scholar, in Rudwick, 1967, op. cit. (2), 281–2.Google Scholar

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⁶⁵ Sedgwick, to DrLivingstone, , 16 03 1865Google Scholar, in Clarke, J. W. and Hughes, T. McK. (eds.), The life and letters of the Reverend Adam Sedgwick (2 vols., Cambridge, 1890), ii. 411–12.Google Scholar

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⁶⁷ E.g. Rudwick, 1970, op. cit. (2), 28–9.Google ScholarHooykaas, 1963, op. cit. (2), pp. 28–9, 36–7.Google Scholar

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⁶⁹ PG (1st edn., 1830), i. 105.Google Scholar Dr Rudwick has pointed out that Lyell often misunderstood his opponents' arguments, choosing to see them as far more crude, miracle-laden, and unscientific than they truly were. This tendency is at work here: Lyell attempts to discredit, as ‘cosmogonists’, all those who employed cooling-earth theories in their explanation of geological or climatic change; see Rudwick, 1971, op. cit. (2).Google Scholar

⁷⁰ Lyell, , Geological evidences of the antiquity of man (London, 1863), p. 470.Google Scholar Hereafter cited as Antiquity of man.

⁷¹ PG (1st edn., 1830), i. 104.Google Scholar

⁷² Ibid., i. chapters VII–VIII.

⁷³ Ibid., i. 141–3. Lyell's italics.

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⁷⁹ Rudwick, 1967, op. cit. (2), 281–2.Google Scholar

⁸⁰ Quoted in McKinney, 1972, op. cit. (5), p. 41.Google Scholar Wallace's italics. Wallace changes Lyell's wording slightly. McKinney's whole discussion of Wallace's commentary on Lyell is of great interest.

⁸¹ Rudwick, 1967, op. cit. (2), 282.Google Scholar

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⁸⁴ PG (1st edn., 1830), i. 155–65.Google Scholar

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⁸⁶ PG (1st edn., 1832), ii. 18.Google Scholar

⁸⁷ Ibid., ii. 1–21.

⁸⁸ Ibid., ii. 19.

⁸⁹ Ibid., ii. 8–9.

⁹⁰ Ibid., ii. 173–4. Cf. Coleman, , op. cit. (85), 335.Google Scholar

⁹¹ See McKinney, 1966, op. cit. (5), 346–7Google Scholar; McKinney, 1972, op. cit. (5), pp. 37–8.Google Scholar

⁹² PG (1st edn., 1832), ii. 22–3.Google Scholar

⁹³ Ibid., ii. 131.

⁹⁴ See Coleman, , op. cit. (85), 333–4Google Scholar; Greene, 1959, op. cit. (5), pp. 252–3, 313–14.Google Scholar

⁹⁵ PG (1st edn., 1832), ii. 159.Google Scholar

⁹⁶ Ibid., ii. 42.

⁹⁷ Ibid., ii. 125.

⁹⁸ Ibid., ii. 136.

⁹⁹ Ibid., ii. 41.

¹⁰⁰ de Beer, G. ‘Darwin's notebooks on transmutation of species’, Bulletin of the British Museum (Natural History). Historical series, ii (1959–1963), 3–200 (67).Google Scholar

¹⁰¹ Quoted in McKinney, 1972, op. cit. (5), p. 38.Google Scholar See also p. 45, where Wallace makes similarly short work of demolishing the notion that small adaptive features in plants and animals prove God's wonderful design.

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¹⁰⁴ Ibid., i. 467.

¹⁰⁵ Lyell occasionally admitted that non-evolutionary species creations must be miraculous. See, for example, Species journals, p. 57Google Scholar; Antiquity of man, p. 421Google Scholar; letter to Wallace, , op. cit. (15).Google Scholar

¹⁰⁶ LLD, ii. 194.Google Scholar For a discussion of Whewell and species origination, see: Cannon, W. F., ‘The problem of miracles in the 1830s’, Victorian studies, vi (1960–1961), 5–32Google Scholar; Ellegård, , op. cit. (5), pp. 12–17.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁷ Whewell, 1832, op. cit. (61), 117.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁸ LLJ, ii. 468–9.Google Scholar The grammar of the passage indicates the presence of an agent who plans the details of species' structure, who ‘foresees’, ‘makes’, and ‘confers’ adaptive variations.

¹⁰⁹ Ibid., ii. 467. I have not identified the German critics.

¹¹⁰ Lyell's own experience of the peculiarities of island floras and faunas, gained during a trip to the Canary Islands in 1853–4, seems to have shaken his confidence in this view. There, he found islands which had existed at least since Miocene times yet which had no indigenous land mammals. See Wilson, , in Species journals, pp. xxxvii–xli.Google Scholar

¹¹¹ PG (1st edn., 1832), ii. 60.Google Scholar

¹¹² Lyell, 1826, op. cit. (33), 513.Google Scholar

¹¹³ Lyell, 1851, op. cit. (57).Google Scholar

¹¹⁴ Ibid., p. lii.

¹¹⁵ Ibid., p. xlii.

¹¹⁶ Ibid., p. lxvii.

¹¹⁷ Ibid., p. xxxix; my italics.

¹¹⁸ Ibid., pp. xxviii, lxx, lxxii, lxxiii.

¹¹⁹ Ibid., p. lxiii.

¹²⁰ Lyell's address called forth a sarcastic and highly critical review from Richard Owen. See [Owen, ], ‘Lyell on life and its successive development’, Quarterly review, lxxxix (1851), 412–51.Google Scholar

¹²¹ McKinney, 1972, op. cit. (5)Google Scholar, gives an excellent discussion of aspects of Lyell's journals; see pp. 97–116.

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¹²³ Ibid., pp. 292–3. Cf. pp. 222–3.

¹²⁴ Ibid., p. 280.

¹²⁵ Ibid., p. 57.

¹²⁶ Ibid., p. 196.

¹²⁷ de Beer, , op. cit. (100), 106.Google Scholar See also p. 69 for another Statement of Darwin's ready acceptance of an evolutionary ancestry for himself.

¹²⁸ Species journals, pp. 427, 449, 445.Google Scholar

¹²⁹ Ibid., p. 168.

¹³⁰ Ibid., pp. 458–9.

¹³¹ See, for example, ibid., pp. 88, 355, 358, 427–9.

¹³² Ibid., p. 348. This admission came as a response to a passage in Greg, W. R.'s The creed of Christendom: its foundation and superstructure (London, 1851)Google Scholar. In the passage that Lyell cites, Greg is not discussing the natural world at all; he is discussing the hypothetical case of a man who is trying to justify a particular belief. Greg writes: ‘erroneously conceiving that it [i.e. the belief] must be a product of reason, he diligently looks about to discover the logical processes which have generated it; and clings to the shallowest crudities rather than surrender (as he conceives) the title-deeds of his faith’ (pp. 300–1). Did Lyell recognize himself here?

¹³³ Species journals, p. 233.Google Scholar

¹³⁴ See Young, , op. cit. (19), 442–503Google Scholar, where Young gives an account of Darwin's response to various attempts, including Lyell's, to reconcile evolution with the tenets of natural theology.

¹³⁵ Lyell, to Darwin, , 3 10 1859Google Scholar, in LLJ, ii. 325.Google Scholar

¹³⁶ Darwin, to Lyell, , 11 10 1859Google Scholar, in LLD, ii. 210–11Google Scholar; cf. ii. 174, 176–7.

¹³⁷ Darwin, to Lyell, , 15 04 1860Google Scholar, in LLD, iii. 303.Google Scholar

¹³⁸ Darwin, to Lyell, , 10 01 1860Google Scholar, in LLD, ii. 266Google Scholar; cf. MLD, i. 191–4.Google Scholar

¹³⁹ Darwin, to Lyell, , 4 05 1860Google Scholar, in LLD, ii. 262.Google Scholar Francis Darwin dates this letter 4 January 1860, but the American Philosophical Society Library dates it 4 May 1860. The latter date seems more likely.

¹⁴⁰ Species journals, pp. 378–83.Google Scholar

¹⁴¹ Irvine, , op. cit. (5), p. 142.Google Scholar Irvine's book contains a sensitive account of the relationship between Darwin and Lyell after 1859.

¹⁴² Huxley seems to have responded to Lyell's criticism by modifying the passage concerned; see Huxley, to Lyell, , 17 08 1862Google Scholar, in Life and letters of Thomas Henry Huxley, op. cit. (53), i. 200.Google Scholar The passage in question closes Huxley's essay ‘On the relations of man to the lower animals’. See Huxley, 's Man's place in nature and other anthropological essays (London, 1894), pp. 151–6.Google Scholar

¹⁴³ Lyell, to Huxley, , 9 08 1862Google Scholar, Huxley papers, 6.66, Imperial College of Science and Technology, London. The line from Pope, which Lyell only slightly misquotes, is from Pope, Essay on man (1 733–4), epistle II, line 34.

¹⁴⁴ Antiquity of man, op cit. (70), p. 395.Google Scholar

¹⁴⁵ Ibid., pp. 405–6.

¹⁴⁶ Ibid., pp. 412.

¹⁴⁷ Ibid., p. 421.

¹⁴⁸ Ibid., pp. 472–3.

¹⁴⁹ Ibid., pp. 491–3.

¹⁵⁰ Ibid., pp. 500–1, quoted from Hallam, H., An introduction to the literature of Europe (4 vols., London, 1837–1839), iv. 162–3.Google Scholar What Lyell called Hallam's ‘profound reflections on “the thoughts of Pascal”’ (Antiquity of man, p. 500)Google Scholar are worth looking at, especially as they are the source of the phrase ‘the archangel ruined’ which Lyell uses to denote his old beliefs about man's place in creation (LLJ, ii. 362, 376Google Scholar; PG [10th edn., 1868], ii. 493)Google Scholar. Hallam says, of Pascal's conception of fallen man: ‘it is not the sordid grovelling, degraded Caliban of [the vulgar Calvinist] school, but the ruined archangel that he delights to paint’ (Hallam, , op. cit., iv. 158).Google Scholar

¹⁵¹ Sumner, J. B., A treatise on the records of creation and on the moral attributes of the Creator (2 vols., London, 1816)Google Scholar. Sumner's book was second prize-winner in a competition that had invited treatises on ‘the Evidence that there is a Being all-powerful, wise, and good, by whom every Thing exists; and particularly to obviate Difficulties regarding the Wisdom and the Goodness of the Deity; and this, in the first place, from Considerations independent of written Revelation; and in the second place, from the Revelation of the Lord Jesus: and from the whole, to point out the inferences most necessary for, and useful to Mankind’ (op. cit., i. p.v.). Sumner follows this specification exactly, emphasizing, in his section on natural theology, the reliability of the ‘Mosaic History’ and its lack of conflict with geological discovery, but going on to declare that ‘where Reason … leaves us, Revelation takes us up’ (volume i, p. xii).

¹⁵² Ibid., ii. 10.

¹⁵³ Ibid., ii. 19.

¹⁵⁴ See, for example, Lyell, , ‘Memoir on the geology of Central France … by G. P. Scrope’, Quarterly review, xxxvi (1827), 437–83 (475)Google Scholar, where Lyell speaks of man's ‘Capability of progressive improvement’. See also PG (1st edn., 1830), i. 156Google Scholar, where Lyell says that what especially marked the creation of man was ‘the union, for the first time, of moral and intellectual faculties capable of indefinite improvement, with the animal nature’. Perhaps the concept of ‘improvable reason’ was a commonplace, but the similarity between Lyell's and Sumner's presentation, and Lyell's decision to quote Sumner extensively, over thirty years later, in Antiquity of man, indicates a close connexion. Lyell knew Sumner personally; see LLJ, ii. 154–5.Google Scholar

¹⁵⁵ For example: ‘if the ant has peculiar sagacity, it is but a compensation for its weakness; if the bee is remarkable for its foresight, that foresight is rendered necessary by the short duration of its harvest’ (Sumner, , op. cit. [151], ii. 17).Google Scholar

¹⁵⁶ Quoted in Antiquity of man, p. 497.Google Scholar

¹⁵⁷ Lyell, to Hooker, J. D., 9 03 1863Google Scholar, in LLJ, ii. 362.Google Scholar See also note 150.

¹⁵¹ Antiquity of man, p. 505.Google Scholar

¹⁵⁹ Darwin, to Lyell, , 6 03 1863Google Scholar, in LLD, iii. 12.Google Scholar

¹⁶⁰ Herschel, to Lyell, , 13–14 04 1863Google Scholar; Herschel's emphasis. Copy in Herschel papers, Royal Society of London, whose permission to quote extracts is acknowledged.

¹⁶¹ Darwin, to Lyell, , 12 12 1859Google Scholar, in LLD, ii. 241.Google Scholar

¹⁶² Lyell, to Darwin, , 11 03 1863Google Scholar, in LLJ, ii. 363.Google Scholar

¹⁶³ Darwin, to Lyell, , 6 03 1863Google Scholar, in LLD, iii. 11.Google Scholar

¹⁶⁴ Darwin, to Hooker, , 24 02 1863Google Scholar, in LLD, iii. 9Google Scholar; Darwin, to Gray, , 23 02 1863Google Scholar, in LLD, iii. 10.Google Scholar

¹⁶⁵ See McKinney, 1972, op. cit. (5), pp. 95–6, 150.Google Scholar

¹⁶⁶ Darwin, to Hooker, , 24 02 1863Google Scholar, in LLD, iii. 9.Google Scholar

¹⁶⁷ Darwin, to Lyell, , 9 10 1866Google Scholar, in MLD, i. 272.Google Scholar

¹⁶⁸ Wallace's response to Lyell's tenth edition was important. In his review for the Quarterly review Wallace first announced his new conviction that unaided natural selection could not exhaustively account for the emergence of man, though Wallace's reservations were different from Lyell's. See [Wallace, ], ‘Sir Charles Lyell on geological climates …’, Quarterly review, cxxvi (1869), 359–94.Google Scholar Wallace explained his new views to Lyell in a letter dated 28 April 1869. The original letter is in the American Philosophical Society's Darwin-Lyell papers, but Lyell quotes extensively from it in a letter of his own to Darwin dated 5 May 1869, in LLJ, ii. 442–3.Google Scholar For a discussion of Wallace's change of opinion concerning the evolution of man, see Smith, R., ‘Alfred Russel Wallace: philosophy of nature and man’, The British journal for the history of science, vi (1972–1973), 177–99.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

¹⁶⁹ Darwin, to Lyell, , 18 07 1867Google Scholar, in LLD, iii. 72.Google Scholar

¹⁷⁰ Darwin, to Lyell, , 4 05 1868Google Scholar, in LLD, iii. 117.Google Scholar

¹⁷¹ PG (10th edn., 1867–1868), i. 167–73.Google Scholar

¹⁷² Ibid, ii. 491–4. Lyell's position here is much the same as Asa Gray's. See Dupree, , op. cit. (64), especially pp. 48, 106.Google Scholar

¹⁷³ Lyell, to Speeding, T. S., 19 05 1863Google Scholar, in LLJ, ii. 376.Google Scholar