Published online by Cambridge University Press: 05 January 2009
The history of the Cavendish Laboratory is a fascinating subject to study, not just because this famous centre of experimental physics produced a large number of Nobel Laureates but also because it gives us an insight into the unique milieu of the Cambridge physics community. The evolution of the Cavendish Laboratory, however, was not as smooth as might be expected, and the prestige and reputation of its first directors – James Clerk Maxwell, Lord Rayleigh, Joseph John Thomson and Ernest Rutherford – did not automatically guarantee a rosy future. Like other British physics laboratories in the late nineteenth century, the Cavendish Laboratory was a new species to meet the pressure and demand from society. Since it propagated new values and modes of doing science, a struggle with old traditions could not be avoided, and the early history of the Cavendish Laboratory illustrates how the ‘old’ and ‘new’ values fought and negotiated each other in late Victorian Cambridge.
1 Thomson, J. J. et al. , A History of the Cavendish Laboratory, 1871–1910, London, 1910Google Scholar, which was issued to celebrate the twenty-fifth anniversary of J. J. Thomson's professorship. For more information about those who worked in the Cavendish Laboratory between 1874 and 1895, see Price, M., Hughes, J. A. and Schaffer, S., The Cavendish Laboratory: Introduction to Prosopography (unpublished typescript, Whipple Museum for the History of Science, Cambridge, 1991)Google Scholar. Other histories are: Wood, A., The Cavendish Laboratory, Cambridge, 1946Google Scholar; Larsen, E., The Cavendish Laboratory: Nursery of Genius, London, 1962Google Scholar; Thomson, G. P., J. J. Thomson and the Cavendish Laboratory, London, 1964Google Scholar; Crowther, J. G., The Cavendish Laboratory, 1874–1974, London, 1974CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Hendry, J. (ed.), Cambridge Physics in the Thirties, Bristol, 1984.Google Scholar
2 Sviedrys, R., ‘The rise of physics laboratories in Britain’, Historical Studies in the Physical Sciences (1976), 7, 405–436CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Phillips, M., ‘Laboratories and the rise of physics profession in the nineteenth century’, American Journal of Physics (1983), 51, 497–503CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Gooday, G., ‘Precision measurement and the genesis of physics teaching laboratories in Victorian Britain’, BJHS (1990), 23, 25–51.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
3 Sviedrys, R., ‘The rise of physical science at Victorian Cambridge’, Historical Studies in the Physical Sciences (1970), 2, 127–54CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Schaffer, S., ‘Late Victorian metrology and its instrumentation: a manufactory of ohms’, in Invisible Connections: Instruments, Institutions, and Science (ed. Bud, R. and Cozzens, S. E.), Bellingham, 1992, 23–56.Google Scholar
4 Gooday, , op. cit. (2), 26.Google Scholar
5 Sviedrys, , op. cit. (3), 133.Google Scholar
6 See Thomson, et al. , op. cit. (1), 38.Google Scholar
7 Schaffer, , op. cit. (3), 31–6.Google Scholar
8 Cambridge University Library Manuscripts (hereafter CUL MSS), O. XIX 52, Elections of Professors from 1826, vol. 1, 196.Google Scholar
9 Strutt, R. J. (the fourth Rayleigh, Baron), Life of Sir J. J. Thomson, O.M., Cambridge, 1942, 20Google Scholar. This remark is in Glazebrook's congratulatory letter to Thomson.
10 Thomson, J. J., Recollections and Reflections, New York, 1937, 98.Google Scholar
11 The subject was announced in 1881. Thomson, 's essay, ‘A general investigation of the action upon each other of two closed vortices in a perfect incompressible fluid’Google Scholar, was purely mathematical and theoretical. It was published as a separate volume with the title A Treatise on the Motion of Vortex Rings in 1883.Google Scholar
12 Tanner, J. R. (ed.), The Historical Register of the University of Cambridge, Being a Supplement to the Calendar with a Record of University Offices Honours and Distinctions to the Year 1910, Cambridge, 1917, 321Google Scholar. Maxwell had won the prize at the age of twenty-six (1857).
13 CUL MSS, Add. 7655, II (d) 5, 41Google Scholar, and Add. 8385.10, 9.
14 For more details, see Kim, Dong-Won, ‘The Emergence of the Cavendish School: An Early History of the Cavendish Laboratory, 1871–1900’, Ph.D. thesis, Harvard University, Dissertation Abstract no. 1991, 52: 1873–AGoogle Scholar; UM order no. 91–31974, section 2–4.
15 Scharfer, , op. cit (3), 33.Google Scholar
16 Thomson, J. J., ‘The life of Lord Rayleigh’, a book review, Nature (1924), 114, 816.Google Scholar
17 Thomson, J. J., Applications of Dynamics to Physics and Chemistry, London, 1888Google Scholar; Notes on Recent Researches in Electricity and Magnetism, Oxford, 1893Google Scholar; Elements of the Mathematical Theory of Electricity and Magnetism, Cambridge, 1895.Google Scholar
18 It is the title of chapter 3, and the subject covered 155 pages of the 570 page book.
19 The numbers appearing in Table 1 are the product of my own researches and differ slightly from those of ‘A list of memoirs containing an account of work done in the Cavendish Laboratory’ in Thomson, et al. , op. cit. (1)Google Scholar. For the analyses of Thomson's papers during the period, see Kim, , op. cit. (14), section 3–2.Google Scholar
20 See Thomson, G. P., J. J. Thomson, Discoverer of the Electron, Garden City, NY, 1966, plate 1.Google Scholar
21 Thomson, J.J. and Searle, G. F. C., ‘A determination of “v”, the ratio of the electromagnetic unit of electricity to the electrostatic unit’, Philosophical Transactions (1890), 181, 583–621.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
22 Thomson, et al. , op. cit. (1), 135.Google Scholar
23 Thomson, et al. , op. cit. (1), 87.Google Scholar
24 Falconer, Isobel, ‘Corpuscles, electrons and cathode rays: J. J. Thomson and the “discovery of the electron”’, BJHS (1987), 20, 241–76, on 252.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
25 Cambridge University had paid £100 for salary and £50 for stipend to Glazebrook and Shaw since 1884.
26 Thomson, , op. cit. (10), 98.Google Scholar
27 CUL MSS, vol. 39.33. The report was slightly amended and published in the Cambridge University Reporter (hereafter CUR) (22 03 1887), 567.Google Scholar
28 CUR (31 05 1887), 784Google Scholar; CUR (14 06 1887), 850.Google Scholar
29 CUR (4 10 1887), 1Google Scholar; CUR (18 10 1887), 65.Google Scholar
30 CUR (9 12 1890), 292.Google Scholar
31 CUR (27 01 1891), 463.Google Scholar
32 CUR (25 11 1890), 247.Google Scholar
33 CUR (10 02 1891), 483 and 503.Google Scholar
34 CUR (3 06 1896), 885Google Scholar. It is noteworthy that Shaw held no office in the Laboratory at that moment.
35 For physics courses at Cambridge during the late nineteenth century, see Wilson, David B., ‘Experimentalists among the mathematicians: physics in the Cambridge Natural Sciences Tripos, 1851–1900’, Historical Studies in the Physical Sciences (1982), 12, 325–71.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
36 Strutt, J. W. (the third Rayleigh, Baron), ‘Address to the Mathematical and Physical Science Section of the British Association’, in Scientific Papers by Lord Rayleigh, New York, 1964, ii, 121.Google Scholar
37 Glazebrook, R. T. and Shaw, W. N., Practical Physics, 2nd edn, London, 1886, pp. vii–viii.Google Scholar
38 Kohlrausch, F., An Introduction to Physical Measurements with Appendices on Absolute Electrical Measurement, etc. (translated from the 2nd edition by Waller, T. H. and Proctor, H. R.), London, 1873Google Scholar; Pickering, Edward C., Elements of Physical Manipulation, 2 vols., New York, 1873, 1876Google Scholar. Glazebrook remembered that these two books were ‘almost all that were available’ (Thomson, et al. , op. cit. (1), 44).Google Scholar
39 See Glazebrook, and Shaw, , op. cit. (37), pp. x–xiGoogle Scholar. These pages offer the vivid descriptions of practical classes directed by them. See also Thomson, et al. , op. cit. (1), 110–14.Google Scholar
40 Shaw, W. N., Practical Works at the Cavendish Laboratory: Heat, Cambridge, 1886Google Scholar; Glazebrook, R. T., Mechanics: An Elementary Text-Book, Theoretical and Practical, Cambridge, 1895Google Scholar. While Shaw's book was a kind of manual for the advanced students, Glazebrook's was the result of the practical class for medical students.
41 The so-called ‘Apparatus Fund’ was implemented by Rayleigh, in 1880.Google Scholar
42 CUR (17 03 1894), 75.Google Scholar
43 CUR (17 03 1893), 93Google Scholar; CUR (17 03 1894), 90Google Scholar; CUR (15 03 1895), 93.Google Scholar
44 CUR (11 01 1887), 332–3.Google Scholar
45 CUR (20 05 1890), 730–2.Google Scholar
46 CUR (17 06 1890), 977Google Scholar; CUR (5 05 1891), 772Google Scholar. The successive beneficiaries were Whetham, W. C. D. (1893–1895)Google Scholar, Wilson, C. T. R. (1895–1898)Google Scholar, Townsend, J. S. E. (1898–1901)Google Scholar, Wilson, H. A. (1901–1904)Google Scholar and Richardson, O. W. (1904–1906).Google Scholar
47 Thomson, et al. , op. cit. (1), 82.Google Scholar
48 Struct, , op. cit. (9), 23.Google Scholar
49 Struct, , op. cit. (9), 24–5Google Scholar. See also Thomson's obituary note on Everett, , ‘Mr. E. Everett’, Nature (1933), 132, 774.Google Scholar
50 Struct, , op. cit. (9), 25.Google Scholar
51 Thomson, G. P., ‘J. J. Thomson’, Nature (1956), 178, 1319.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
52 For the complete list of equipment bought by Thomson, see CUR (7 06 1886), 704Google Scholar; CUR (26 05 1887), 749Google Scholar; CUR (4 06 1888), 759Google Scholar; CUR (29 05 1889), 785Google Scholar; CUR (5 06 1890), 873Google Scholar; CUR (8 06 1893), 971.Google Scholar
53 For the history of the company, see Cattermole, M. J. G. and Wolfe, A.F., Horace Darwin's Shop: A History of the Cambridge Scientific Instrument Company, 1878 to 1968, Bristol, 1987.Google Scholar
54 Thomson, J. J., ‘On the rate of propagation of the luminous discharge of electricity through a rarefied gas’, Proceedings of the Royal Society of London (1890–1891), 49, 86.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
55 The exceptions were Peace and Cassie who produced one research paper each.
56 See Wilson, , op. cit. (35), 349–57.Google Scholar
57 Tanner, , op. cit. (12), 558.Google Scholar
58 Ewing, J. A. and Klassen, H.G., ‘Magnetic qualities of iron’, Philosophical Transactions (1893), 184, 985–1039.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
59 These statistics are based on the ‘List of memoirs’ in Thomson, et al. , op. cit. (1).Google Scholar
60 For more details, see Thomson, et al. , op. cit. (1), 117–58Google Scholar, and Kim, , op. cit. (14), section 3–4.Google Scholar
61 See the collective obituaries in Nature (1940), 146, 351–7.Google Scholar
62 Fleming had resigned his teaching post at Rossall School and at Cheltenham College, and came to Cambridge in order to do research under Maxwell. He was thirty-three when he took the NST in 1880 and had already earned a doctoral degree from the University of London the year before.
63 Maxwell, J. C., ‘Introductory lecture on experimental physics’, in The Scientific Papers of James Clerk Maxwell (ed. Niven, W. D.), New York, 1965, ii, 244.Google Scholar
64 Record of the Science Research Scholars of the Royal Commission for the Exhibition of 1851, 1891–1929, London, 1930Google Scholar, preface. Cavendish beneficiaries of the Scholarship were Rutherford, E. (1895–1898)Google Scholar, Richardson, S. W. (1896–1898)Google Scholar, Shakespear, G. A. (1897–1899)Google Scholar, Barkla, C. G. (1899–1902)Google Scholar and Chadwick, J. (1913–1919)Google Scholar. McClelland, J. A. (1894–1895)Google Scholar and Erskine-Murray, J. R. (1894–1896)Google Scholar came to the Cavendish in 1895 but their first choices were not Cambridge.
65 Falconer, Isobel, ‘J. J. Thomson and “Cavendish Physics”’, in The Development of the Laboratory (ed. James, Frank A. J. L.), London, 1989, 116Google Scholar. Falconer commented that among the ‘FRSs educated under Thomson’, Chree, Threlfall, Callendar, Newall and Searle were ‘little influenced’ while Schott and Whetham were ‘strongly influenced’. I do not know the criteria used for her assessment, but it is another indication of Thomson's more limited ‘authority’ with the researchers of his age group in the Cavendish Laboratory.
66 Thomson, et al. , op. cit. (1), 90.Google Scholar
67 Strutt, , op. cit. (9), 53–4.Google Scholar
68 CUR (6 02 1894), 425–7.Google Scholar
69 CUR (19 03 1895), 666.Google Scholar
70 CUR (19 03 1895), 594–8.Google Scholar
71 CUR (7 05 1895), 770Google Scholar; CUR (26 05 1896), 799–800.Google Scholar
72 CUR (20 02 1894), 494.Google Scholar
73 During the 1890s, Thomson received the following honours: Honorary Doctorate, Dublin University (1892); Royal Medal, Royal Society (1894); President of Cambridge Philosophical Society (1894); Honorary Member of Manchester Literary and Philosophical Society (1895); Rede Lecture (1896); President of Section A of the British Association at Liverpool (1896); Honorary Doctor of Laws, Princeton University (1896); Foreign Correspondent of the Royal Academy of Sciences of Turin (1896). For a complete list of honours Thomson received, see Sttutt, , op. cit. (9), 288–91.Google Scholar
74 CUL MSS, Add. 7634, T36 (Thomson to Threlfall). This quotation is also found in Strutt, , op. cit. (9), 54.Google Scholar
75 Thomson, , op. cit. (10), 138.Google Scholar
76 Strutt, , op. cit. (9), 60.Google Scholar
77 Strutt, , op. cit. (9), 60.Google Scholar
78 Eve, A. S., Rutherford: Being the Life and Letters of the Rt. Hon. Lord Rutherford, O.M., New York, 1939, 14.Google Scholar
79 Strutt, , op. cit. (9), 62–3.Google Scholar
80 Strutt, , op. cit. (9), 61.Google Scholar
81 Eve, , op. cit. (78), 19.Google Scholar
82 Eve, , op. cit. (78), 23.Google Scholar
83 CUL MSS, Add. 7653, 4.Google Scholar
84 Thomson, J. J., ‘On the discharge of electricity produced by the Röntgen rays, and the effects produced by these rays on dielectrics through which they pass’, Proceedings of the Royal Society of London (1896), 59, 274.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
85 Thomson, , op. cit. (84), 276.Google Scholar
86 Thomson, J. J. and McClelland, J. A., ‘On the leakage of electricity through dielectrics traversed by Röntgen rays’, Proceedings of the Cambridge Philosophical Society (1895–1898), 9, 126–40.Google Scholar
87 Thomson, et al. , op. cit. (1), 176–7.Google Scholar
88 Thomson, J. J. and Rutherford, E., ‘On the passage of electricity through gases exposed to Röntgen rays’, Philosophical Magazine (1896), 42, 392–407.Google Scholar
89 For example, a notebook on the Thomson-Rutherford experiment was mostly written by Rutherford. See CUL MSS, Add. 7654 NB 39.
90 CUL MSS, Add. 7654 NB 40.
91 Thomson, J. J., ‘Cathode rays’, Notices of the Proceedings at the Meetings of the Members of the Royal Institution of Great Britain (1896–1898), 15, 419–32.Google Scholar
92 See Thomson, , op. cit. (10), 325–41Google Scholar; Thomson, et al. , op. cit. (1), 161–72Google Scholar; Strutt, , op. cit. (9), 76–96Google Scholar; and Anderson, D., The Discovery of the Electron, Princeton, 1964Google Scholar. See also Falconer, , op. cit. (24)Google Scholar and Feffer, Stuart M., ‘Arthur Schuster, J. J. Thomson, and the discovery of the electron’, Historical Studies of the Physical and Biological Sciences (1989), 20, 33–61.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
93 Falconer, , op. cit. (24), 252.Google Scholar
94 Thomson, J. J., ‘The relation between the atom and the charge of electricity carried by it’, Philosophical Magazine (1895), 20, 512.Google Scholar
95 See Strutt, , op. cit. (9), ch. 4.Google Scholar
96 CUR (16 02 1897), 521.Google Scholar
97 CUR (9 11 1897), 183Google Scholar; CUR (5 06 1899), 986.Google Scholar
98 CUR (5 06 1899), 986.Google Scholar
99 Keller, A., The Infancy of Atomic Physics: Hercules in His Cradle, Oxford, 1983, ch. 6.Google Scholar
100 Thomson, et al. , op. cit. (1), 116.Google Scholar
101 Shakespear, G. A., ‘The application of an interference method to the investigation of Young's modulus for wires, and its relations to changes of temperature and magnetization; and a further application of the same method to study of the change in dimensions of iron and steel wires by magnetization’, Philosophical Magazine (1899), 47, 556.Google Scholar
102 Wilson, C. T. R., ‘On the formation of cloud in the absence of dust’, Proceedings of the Cambridge Philosophical Society (1892–1895), 8, 306.Google Scholar
103 Galison, P. and Assmus, A., ‘Artificial clouds, real particles’, in The Uses of Experiment (ed. Gooding, D., Pinch, T. and Schaffer, S.), Cambridge, 1989, 227.Google Scholar
104 Thomson, , op. cit. (10), 419Google Scholar, and Wilson, 's own recollection, ‘Reminiscences of my early years’, Notes and Records of the Royal Society of London (1960), 14, 163–73.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
105 Warwick, A., ‘Cambridge mathematics and Cavendish physics: Cunningham, Campbell and Einstein' relativity, 1905–1911. Part II: Comparing traditions in Cambridge physics’, Studies in History and Philosophy of Science (1993), 24, 2 and 23.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
106 For the details of researches during the period, see Thomson, et al. , op. cit. (1), chs. 6 and 7Google Scholar, and also Kim, , op. cit. (14), section 4-4.Google Scholar
107 Wilson, , op. cit. (104), 168.Google Scholar
108 Struct, , op. cit. (9), 50Google Scholar. Thomson got continuous help from these confidants: Rutherford, H. A. Wilson, R. Strutt, and later N. R. Campbell and F. Horton.
109 Strutt, , op. cit. (9), 58.Google Scholar
110 Strutt, , op. cit. (9), 58–9.Google Scholar
111 Feather, Norman, Lord Rayleigh, Glasgow, 1940, 32–3Google Scholar. The first choice of the scholarship was a chemist named J. S. Maclaurin. Since he declined the opportunity because of a ‘family problem’, Rutherford, the second choice, was awarded the scholarship which was usually assigned ‘once every two or three years’ to the University of New Zealand.
112 The first photograph which had the caption ‘Physics Research Students’ was taken in 06 1897Google Scholar. All photographs since 1897 are hung on a wall of the new building of the Cavendish Laboratory.
113 Strutt, , op. cit. (9), 64.Google Scholar
114 CUL MSS, Add. 7653 M3, M4, M7, M8.