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The Biology of Stupidity: Genetics, Eugenics and Mental Deficiency in the Inter-War Years

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  05 January 2009

David Barker
Affiliation:
Department of Social Policy and Social Work, University of Manchester, Manchester M13 9PL.

Extract

It may be thought that the title of this paper betrays a regrettable lack of sensitivity and good taste; it is as well, therefore, to explain its origin. Lewis Dexter was, I think, the first sociologist to apply a deviance perspective to the high-grade mentally retarded. ‘On the Politics and Sociology of Stupidity in Our Society’ argues that our discriminatory attitudes to the retarded have deep ideological roots; our social institutions tend ‘automatically’ to penalize stupidity; and repugnance often characterizes our face-to-face interactions with the stupid. The pejorative label ‘stupid’ was justified precisely because identifying the stupid is a ‘commonsense’ rather than a scientific process, although commonsense does not have long to wait before it is bolstered by science.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © British Society for the History of Science 1989

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References

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48 Crew, , Eugenics Review (19311932), op. cit. (39)Google Scholar. Fisher was a member of the Brock Committee on Sterilization, in fact the only geneticist on a committee dominated by doctors. When the committee peremptorily dismissed Goddard's work as ‘unscientific’ and argued that his instructions to his field workers were ‘so tendentious that it is not surprising that they succeeded in finding what they were told to seek’, I think we can safely infer that Fisher had become more critical of Goddard than he had been at various times during the previous ten years. (Ministry of Health, Report on Sterilisation, 1934 (op. cit. 39, p. 13). In Fisher's case, acceptance of the Mendelian recessive theory had always been qualified: for example, ‘there is a considerable body of pedigree evidence indicating the existence of a single Mendelian factor which, in its recessive phase, is capable alone of producing feebleness of mind. There is an even more substantial body of evidence that normal people, as well as the feeble in mind, differ very greatly in degree in just the same mental characteristics as distinguish the feeble-mindedness from the normal. Consequently, while we may speak of feeble-mindedness as due to a Mendelian recessive, no responsible authority would claim that all feeble-minded cases are genetically alike.’ Eugenics Review, 1924 (op. cit. 39), p. 115.Google Scholar

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74 Ibid. A neglected aspect of Goddard's Kallikak study is the implication that heterozygosity was quite possibly rampant among the East Coast ‘elite’ during the inter-war years. The argument proceeds as follows. We ‘know’ that the girl with whom Martin Kallikak senior had a night of passion in the 1770s was feebleminded, nn genotype (interestingly this is the one and only thing we do seem to know about her). But in that case Martin senior must have been a heterozygote. This is because Martin K junior was F (nn genotype) and we know from Goddard that where a N × F mating produces F offspring, the N partner must be Nn. But in that case there is only a chance of one in 128 that none of Martin senior's seven legitimate children inherited his n gene; and so on to the fifth and sixth generations. And this alarming discovery takes no account of the possibility that the ‘good’ side of the family might have intermarried with yet more heterozygotes.

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76 Jones, Caradog, Social Survey, 1934 (op. cit. 39), vol. iii, p. 394Google Scholar; for an analysis of the concept of the ‘Social Problem Group’ and the part played by Caradog Jones in developing it, see Macnicol, J., ‘In pursuit of the underclass’, Journal of Social Policy (1987), 16, pp. 293318.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

77 Ibid., p. 395.

78 Fisher, , Eugenics Rev., 1924 (op. cit. 39), pp. 114115Google Scholar. He spoke here of leaving ‘our children a substantial eugenic legacy’.

79 Ibid., pp. 115–116.

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81 See note 17 above.

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