¹ Hill, Christopher, ‘Full-employment Utopias’Google Scholar (a review of Davis, J. C., Utopia and the ideal society: a study of English Utopian writing, 1516–1700 (Cambridge, 1981)Google Scholar, and Hunter, Michael, Science and society in Restoration England (Cambridge, 1981)Google Scholar, in London Review of Books, 07/08 1981).Google Scholar

² British Library, Add. Ms. 4295, ff. 18–19.Google Scholar

³ Some indication of the riches of this collection may be gathered from Berkvens-Stevelinck, Christiane Marie Georgette, Prosper Marchand et l'histoire du livre: quelques aspects de l'érudition bibliographique dans la première moitié du XVIIIe siecle, particulièrement Hollande (Bruges, 1978)Google Scholar, and Couperus, Marianne C., Un périodique français en Hollande. Le Glaneur historique (1731–1733)Google Scholar (Publications de l'Institut d'Etudes françaises et occitanes de l'université d'Utrecht, VI (The Hague/Paris, 1971). The latter contains valuable information on some of Rousset de Missy's early journalistic activities.

⁴ Dictionnaire universel d'Antoine Furetière (The Hague, Rotterdam 1701)Google Scholar, under ‘chandelle’. The error in translation has been noticed by Berkvens-Stevelinck, C. in her review of The Radical Enlightenment in Lias, IX (1982) i, 134.Google Scholar

⁵ Dictionnaire de l'Académic française (2e. edition, Paris, 1695), i, 298.Google Scholar

⁶ Ibid., i, 324; ii, 9.

⁷ van Loo, P. J., Geschiedenis van de Ordre van Vrijmelselaren onder het Grootoosten der Nederlanden. Maconniche Stichting Ritus en Tempelbouw, 1967, pp. 6–7.Google Scholar

⁸ For the use of ‘crocodile’ in belles lettres to signify a sort of captious and sophistical argument, see under ‘crocodile’ in Encyclopédie ou dictionnaire raisonńe des sciences etc (Geneva, 1757) x, p. 31Google Scholar; for definitions of échanson, enlumineur, and barbouilleur, see Dictionnaire de l'Académic française (2e. ed., Paris, 1695).Google Scholar

⁹ No information is provided on M. de Bey, who becomes identified with a M. de Beyer, mentioned in letters to Marchand in the 1740's and 1750's (The Radical Enlightenment, pp. 199, 212Google Scholar, f. 50), other than to suggest that he may have been an editor and a Mason.

¹⁰ Lambeth Palace Library: Ms. 933, f. 55, dated 1 06 1697.Google Scholar There are also copies in Lambeth Palace Library: Ms. 933, f. 74, and in British Library, Add, Ms. 4292 (Birch collection), f. 28 (not Add. Ms. 4295, as cited in The Newtonians, p. 221Google Scholar, f. 66). The letter is signed Apistodemon.

¹¹ Jacob, M. C., The Newtonians and the English Revolution 1689–1720 (1976), p. 222Google Scholar; Lambeth Palace Library: Ms. 933, f. 74Google Scholar (a copy in Add. Ms. 4292, f. 27), London, 20 April, 1697, a letter signed Will Simpson.

¹² Luttrell, Narcissus, A brief historical relation of state affairs from September 1678 to April 1714. 6 vols. (Oxford, 1857), iv, 221.Google Scholar Apistodemon, in the letter cited in footnote 10, refers to his attempt to make an interest for Toland with one of the Lords Justices, and subsequently to the fact that ‘they were all treated at Sir R. Clayton's house’.

¹³ In The Newtonians, pp. 221–2Google Scholar, all of the persons mentioned in Simpson's letter of 20 April 1697 are stated to be prominent Whigs, despite the fact that at that stage Professor Jacob was uncertain about the identity of two of those mentioned; at that stage too, William Simpson was identified as possibly a member of the York Lodge. In The Radical Enlightenment, p. 118Google Scholar, the membership of Clayton's lodge, it is said, may have included some very prominent post–1689 Whigs. William Simpson is now identified, surely correctly, as William Simpson, Baron of the Exchequer. ‘Mr. Rawlins’ continues to be identified as ‘Thomas Rawlins, whig pamphleteer’. But was he Thomas Rawlins, member of the Middle Temple, the Thomas Rawlins who put up money for Toland sometime before 1698, and who was a member of the Commissioners for the Irish forfeitures appointed on 29 March 1700? And, if he was, was he the same person as Thomas Rawlins, the Whig pamphleteer? [See, Add. Ms. 4295, f. 6; Luttrell, , op. cit., iv, 628–9Google Scholar; The Middle Temple Bench Book. By Arthur Robert Ingpen K. C. (London, 1912), p. 211Google Scholar; Register of admissions to the Honourable Society of the Middle Temple from the Fifteenth Century to the year 1944. Compiled under the direction of the Deputy Treasurer Sir Henry F. Macgeagh, K.C.B., K.B.E., K.C., and the Masters of the Bench by Sturgess, H. A. C., Librarian and Keeper of the Records. Vol. I (London, 1949), p. 198].Google Scholar

¹⁴ The reference is to Worden, A. B. (ed.), Ludlow, Edmund. A Voyce from the Watch Tower. Part Five: 1660–62 (Camden Fourth Series, vol. 21: The Royal Historical Society, London, 1978), pp. 44–5.Google Scholar

¹⁵ Panlheisticon (London, 1751), p. 58.Google Scholar This is the first edition in English of the work.

¹⁶ British Library, Add. Ms. 4286, ff. 108–114 (letters from de la Motte).

¹⁷ University of Leiden, Marchand Ms. 2Google Scholar, Collins to Ch. Levier, 1 October, 1713, Londres.

¹⁸ Letires choisies de Mr. Bayle, avec des remarques (3 vols., Rotterdam 1714), i, 251Google Scholar, f.i. That the footnoter was Marchand is made clear in Add. Ms. 4286, f. 196, de la Motte to Desmaizeaux? 5–7 mai, 1714.

¹⁹ Marchand Ms. 2Google Scholar, Collins, to Levier, , 1 10 1713.Google Scholar Collins's correction to Marchand's correction appeared in Lettres choisies de Mr. Bayle … p. XXGoogle Scholar (Additions and corrections), with the comment ‘Je suis redevable de cette remarque à un fort habile homme qui a bien voulu me la communiquer. M.’

²⁰ Peeters, P., S. J., L'oeuvre des Bollandistes (Bruxelles, 1942Google Scholar: Académic Royale de Belgique. Classe des Lettres. Mémoires, t. XXXIX), pp. 40–1.

²¹ Meijer, Th.J., Kritiek als herwaardering. Het levenswerk van Jacob Perizonius (1651–1715) (Universitaire Pers Leiden, 1971), p. 171.Google Scholar The question of the supposed part played in Kuster's conversion by du Sollier was raised by Collins in the letter from which Professor Jacob quotes.

²² British Library, Add. Ms., 4282, f. 242Google Scholar. It begins, ‘All the particulars (I can at present remember) concerning our dear friend are as follows’, and is unsigned.

²³ Porée, Charles Gabriel (1685–1770)Google Scholar and Quesnel, Pierre (1699–1774).Google Scholar See, Quérard, J. M., Les supercheries littéraires dévoilées (2e. ed.Paris, 1870), iii, cols. 323–5Google Scholar; Nouvelle Biographic Générale (Paris, 1862) p. 323.Google Scholar

²⁴ Berkvens-Stevelinck, , Prosper Marchand… Addenda et corrigendaGoogle Scholar

²⁵ University Library, Leiden; Leiden Ms. 43Google Scholar

²⁶ Ibid., Avertissement.

²⁷ ‘Le petit livre histoire de l'admirable Inigo de Guipuscoa m'a bien la mine d'estre une production de Levier: il avoit beaucoup de lecture et son esprit comique luy faisoit enfanter beaucoup de concetti simili. Je suppose que sur la fin de sa vie, étant las de courir et d'aller en visiles, il en a realisé celui cy, et que c'est Vous qui y avés mis la dernière main … Ce morceau a un grand mérite en ce qu'il expose parfaitement le ridicule et les vices de sa heros et ceux de son très saint confrère l'Indien par des antitheses tirés de leurs panegyristes solipses mêmes. Mais l'ironie aurait pu estre assaisonée de beaucoup plus de badinage qu'on n'y en a mis pour flatter les gouts communs. Les gens d'esprits cependant en sont contents’, Marchand Ms. 2Google Scholar, Fritsch to Marchand, no date because the first page of the letter is missing.

²⁸ For the bare bones of Levier's life, and all we have, see Kossmann, E. F., De boekhandel le 's-Gravenhage tot het eind van de 18e eeuw (The Hague, 1937), pp. 239–41.Google Scholar

²⁹ Scaduto, Mario, L'epoca di Giacomo Lainez il governo 1556–1565 (Storia compagnia di Gesù in Italia, iii (Rome, 1964) pp. 290–2.Google Scholar I should like to thank Professor John Lynch for putting me on the track of this work.

³⁰ de Selva, Raseli, Histoire de l'admirable don Inigo de Guiposcoa … (The Hague, 1736), ii, 59.Google Scholar

³¹ Marchand Ms. 2Google Scholar, Fritsch to Marchand, the letter quoted in footnote 27.

³² Lias, IX, 131, 133–4.

³³ Kossmann, , op. cit., 252–3.Google Scholar

³⁴ McManners, John, Death and the enlightenment (Oxford, 1981), pp. 293–5, 299–300.Google Scholar

³⁵ Mémoires du régne de Cathérine impératrice et souveraine de toute la Russie (The Hague, 1728).Google Scholar

³⁶ The Radical Enlightenment, p. 252. f. 45.Google Scholar

³⁷ Conlon, Pierre C., Prélude au siècle des lumiéres en France. Repertoire chronologique de 1685 à 1715. (6 vols., Geneva, 1970–1975), iv, 442, item 17478.Google Scholar

³⁸ Marchand Ms. 2, f. 99Google Scholar (Mes ouvrages, dont je me souviens), which may be compared with the list of the journalistic enterprises with which Rousset was connected, and may have been connected, as set out by Marianne Couperus in Dictionnaire des journalistes 1600–1789, sous la direction de Jean Sgard avec la collaboration de Michel Gilot et Françoise Weil (Presses universitaires de Grenoble, 1976), p. 325. Rousset's list does not include Histoire du Cardinal Alberoni depuis sa naissance jusqu'au commencement de l'année 1719 par Mr. J. R**. Traduit de l'espanol. (The Hague, 1719).Google Scholar This has usually been ascribed to Rousset, and has been so ascribed by Professor Jacob, who refers to Rousset's one-man propaganda campaign against Alberoni. The basis for the attribution presumably is the initials. But it is not clear to me that Rousset wrote it, though I cannot suggest an alternative author at the moment. According to a prefatory letter in the French edition, introduced as from ‘Monsieur le Comte de B*** à Monsieur ***’, it came from an original manuscript in Spanish, received by ‘Monsieur le Comte …’ who sought further information on Alberoni from knowledgeable friends: these included Mr. R. Another friend, not Mr. R., provided a character of Cardinal Alberoni. The English edition of this work, to which Professor Jacob refers, omits this prefatory letter. It is a matter of some moment for Professor Jacob to be certain that Rousset wrote ‘Histoire du Cardinal Alberoni’, because, so far as I can judge, his so-called ‘one-man propaganda campaign against Alberoni’ was a one-piece propaganda campaign, the ‘Histoire du Cardinal Alberoni’.

³⁹ La Sardaigne paranymphe … p. 35.Google Scholar

⁴⁰ Louis, XIV to Torcy, , 22 05, 1709Google Scholar, Mémoires de M. de (Torcy) pour servir à l'histoire des negotiations depuis le traité de Riswick jusqu'a la Paix d'Utrecht (3 vols., The Hague, 1756), ii, 247Google Scholar; Gachard, M., Histoire de la Belgique au commencement du XVIIIe siècle (Bruxelles, 1880), p. 320Google Scholar; for French efforts to reconcile the Emperor and the Elector, see Braubach, Max, Versailles und Wien von Ludwig XIV bis Kaunitz (Bonn, 1952) (Bonner Historische Forschungen. Band 2), pp. 69, 75.Google Scholar

⁴¹ La Sardaigne paranymphe:… pp. 124–5.Google Scholar

⁴² Mémoires pour l'histoire des sciences et des beaux arts (265 vols., 1701–1767)Google ScholarSeptembre 1717, p. 1426.

⁴³ ‘Rousset had long been an opponent of oligarchic rule; his Mercure historique begun in 1724, was notorious for its widely read critique of the existing order’, The Radical Enlightenment, p. 237.Google Scholar

⁴⁴ Knuttel, W. P. C., Verboden boeken in de Republiek der Vereenigde Nederlanden (The Hague, 1914), p. 78Google Scholar, item 261; Nederlandsche Jaerboeken, July 1749, pp. 625–7.Google Scholar

⁴⁵ However, there remain some puzzling features about this episode. The ban also forbade the import, sale, or handling of any other writings of Rousset in which passages offensive to any persons occurred, unless permission had been previously secured from the magistracy. Whether this was enforced I do not know. It has been suggested recently that behind the events of 1749, which involved also Rousset's dismissal as Court Historiographer, lay resentment and revenge, inspired by the Bentincks, for something Rousset had done or said during the troubles of 1747–8. [Porta, A., Joan en Gerrit Carver. De politieke macht van Amsterdam 1702–1748 (Assen/Amsterdam, 1975), p. 266Google Scholar, footnote f.] It is another indication of the work that still needs to be done on Rousset.