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Hooke's Cyclic Theory of the Earth in the Context of Seventeenth Century England

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  05 January 2009

Yushi Ito
Affiliation:
Department of Asian Languages, University of Canterbury, Christchurch, New Zealand.

Extract

In his discussion of Robert Hooke's geological ideas, David R. Oldroyd has suggested that ‘Hooke's daring cyclic earth theory may have seemed absurd to his contemporaries’. Following Oldroyd's suggestion, A. J. Turner has claimed that it is entirely understandable that Hooke's geological theories had no followers, ‘for, however plausible in themselves, they were quite implausible in the context of seventeenth century knowledge’. Gordon L. Davies has asserted that Hooke was too advanced for his time and that his geological ‘ideas made no impact on his contemporaries’, and Rhoda Rappaport has said that ‘Hooke's geological work made virtually no impression on the writings of his British contemporaries’.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © British Society for the History of Science 1988

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References

I wish to thank Professor R.W. Home of the University of Melbourne, who was my Ph.D. thesis superivisor,for criticisms and comments on an earlier draft. This reasearch was supported by a special Publication Development Grant from the University of Melbourne.

Dr M. Hunter of Birkbeck College, London, Dr D.M. Knight of Durham University and Dr D.R. Oldroyd of the University of New South Wales read a draft of this paper and gave me valuable suggestions.

Finally, I wish to thank Mrs Colleen Borrie of the University of Canterbury for her splendid typing of successive drafts.

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29 Heylyn, (24), Cosmographie, p. 18.Google Scholar

30 Dugdale, (24), History, p. 173Google Scholar. Dugdale wrote ‘Rye in Suffolk’ instead of ‘Rye in Sussex’.

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39 Cf. Hooke, (33), Works, pp. 371, 378, 388, 395, 412, 415416Google Scholar. Hooke also followed with interest the controversy caused by the first volume of Burnet's Theory of the Earth. On 20 April 1689, he wrote in his diary of Erasmus Warren's argument against Burnet's theory of the Universal Deluge. Gunther, (7), Early Science, X, 1935, p. 115Google Scholar. On 14 and 21 December 1692, he gave lectures on an account of Burnet's Archaeologia, which referred to the ancient doctrines of the creation of the world. Bodleian MS, Eng. Misc. C.144. On 8 July 1696, at a meeting of the Royal Society, he read an account of Whiston, William's New Theory of the Earth. Royal Society MS, Journal Book, 8 07 1696.Google Scholar

40 Hooke, (33), Works, p. 375Google Scholar; Journal Book, 2 November 1687.

41 Gunther, (7), Early Science, VII, 1930, p. 710.Google Scholar

42 Hooke, (33), Works, pp. 374, 376.Google Scholar

43 Rhoda Rappaport disagrees with Theodore M. Brown's suggestion that Hooke's interest in fable may have been a result of his reading of Burnet's Theory of the Earth. Rappaport, (4), ‘Hooke on Earthquakes’, p. 138, 42Google Scholar. But Rappaport underestimates the evidence of Hooke's familiarity with Burnet's ideas in that book, for instance, his theory of the formation of the Earth and his notion of the antidiluvian world, besides his view of the Earth's shape. See 45, 50, 53.

44 Gunther, (7), Early Science, VII, 1930, p. 711.Google Scholar

45 Hooke, (33), Works, p. 378.Google Scholar

46 Hooke, (33), Works, p. 395Google Scholar. ‘Mr Graves' might be John Greaves (1602–1652), Savilian professor of astronomy at Oxford. Hooke was interested in Greaves’ Pyramidographia (1646)Google Scholar. See Gunther, (7), Early Science, VII, 1930, p. 720Google Scholar; Gunther, (7), Early Science, X, 1935, p. 226Google Scholar; Robinson, H.W. and Adams, W. eds, The Diary of Robert Hooke 1672–1680, London, 1935, p. 67.Google Scholar

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48 Journal Book, 29 February 1688.

49 Hooke, (33), Works, p. 410Google Scholar; Aristotle, , Meteorologica, Book 1, chapter 14.Google Scholar

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52 Hooke, (33), Works, p. 412Google Scholar. A similar view of the interchanges of land and sea at the time of the Deluge can be found in a paper of Abraham de la Pryme, who showed an awareness of Hooke's theory. de la Pryme, Abraham, ‘A Letter … concerning Broughton in Lincolnshire with Observations on the Shellfish observed in the Quarries about that Place’. Phil. Trans., (1700), XXII, pp. 677687CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Cf. de la Pryme, Abraham, The Diary of Abraham de la Pryme, Edinburgh, 1870, pp. 236237Google Scholar. See note 100.

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54 Hooke continued to refer to Burnet's theory in his discussion of the Scriptures. Journal Book 12 and 19 December 1688, and 9 January 1689. Rappaport missed these entires in her ‘Chronology of Hooke's Lectures’. See Rappaport, (4), ‘Hooke on Earthquakes’, p. 144Google Scholar. Hooke's interest in Burnet's theory can be found also in his diary: 22 and 23 November, 1688, 8 (?) and 10 (?) December 1688, 16, 20 and 22 April 1689, 9 and 21 December 1692, 2 January 1693, 24 February 1693, 8 March 1693, 10 and 13 April 1693. Gunther, (7), Early Science, X, 1935, pp. 75, 8081, 114115, 195, 199, 202, 217, 220, 229 and 231Google Scholar. See 62.

55 Gunther, (7), Early Science, X, 1935, pp. 70, 79, 88, 105, 125126, 129, 172, 179181, 188, 200, 226, 254, 258Google Scholar; Hooke, (6), Diary, pp. 18, 62, 65, 7071, 257, 318, 418Google Scholar. Cf. Espinasse, (33), Robert HookeGoogle Scholar; Powell, Anthony, John Aubrey and His Friends, London 1963.Google Scholar

56 Aubrey wrote that ‘This Hypothesis is Mr Hookes: I say so: and 'tis the best thing in the Book.’ Hunter, Michael, John Aubrey and the Realm of Learning, London, 1975, p. 223.Google Scholar

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58 It is not correct to assert that John Aubrey was the only follower of Hooke's geological ideas. Levine, Joseph M., Dr Woodward's Shield, Berkeley, 1977, p. 27.Google Scholar

59 The Dictionary of National Biography, s.v. John Beaumont.

60 Philosophical Collections, (1681), 2.Google Scholar

61 Beaumont, John, ‘Two Letters … concerning Rock Plants and their Growth’, Phil. Trans. (1676), XI, pp. 724742CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Beaumont, John, ‘A Further Account of Some Rock Plants growing in the Lead Mines in Mendip Hills’, Phil. Trans., (1683), XIII pp. 276279CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Gunther, (7), Early Science, XIV, 1945, p. 139.Google Scholar

62 Gunther, (7), Early Science, X, 1935, pp. 195, 220Google Scholar; Journal Book, 1 March 1693. On 24 February 1693, Hooke wrote in his diary that ‘Mr Jo. Beaumont presented me his Book (Considerations on Dr. Burnet's Theory, etc): when he was gone I found he had Dedicated it to me’. Gunther, (7), Early Science, X, 1935, p. 217.Google Scholar

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64 Ibid., p. 30. In 1724 Beaumont repeated a similar opinion. See Beaumont, John, Gleanings of Antiquities, London, 1724, pp. 26, 3536.Google Scholar

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66 Ibid., p. 116.

67 Woodward, John, An Essay toward a Natural History of the Earth, London, 1695, p. 29.Google Scholar

68 Cf. Rappaport, (4), ‘Hooke on Earthquakes’, p. 142, note 60Google Scholar; Journal Book, 26 November 1701.

69 Two Essays has been attributed to John Toland by Robert E. Sullivan on the grounds that Anthony á Wood mentioned that Toland ‘hath two letters published but never tells me of them’. Sullivan, Robert E., John Toland and the Deist Controversy, Cambridge, Mass., 1982, p. 281Google Scholar. Sullivan also regards Two Essays as a defence of Thomas Burnet's Sacred Theory of the Earth against the attacks of John Woodward, but, as Sullivan himself noted, the author of this work rejected the account of Noah's Flood. Ibid., pp. 175, 128.

70 L.P., Two Essays sent in a Letter from Oxford to a Nobleman in London, 1695Google Scholar, in Somers, John (ed.), A Collection of Scarce and Valuable Tracts, XII, London, 1814, p. 23.Google Scholar

71 Porter has asserted that Two Essays cast aspersions upon the character and scholarship of Woodward rather than examining physical and methodological problems. Porter, (10), The Making of Geology, p. 86Google Scholar. Confusing personal attack with scientific criticism, however, Porter has missed the point that the author's argument was based on the observation on the strata.

72 Arbuthnot, John, An Examination of Dr. Woodward's Account of the Deluge, & c., London, 1697, pp. 24, 62.Google Scholar

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76 Ibid., p. 169.

78 Plot presented his theory of fossils in his Natural History of Oxfordshire, Oxford, 1677Google Scholar and Natural History of Staffordshire, Oxford, 1686Google Scholar. In his correspondence with John Ray, Lhwyd expressed the inorganic theory of fossils although he abandoned this theory under the influence of Ray, Cf. Ito, Yushi, Earth Science in the Scientific Revolution 1600–1728, University of Melbourne Ph.D. Thesis, 1985, pp. 256267.Google Scholar

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83 Hooke, Robert, Micrographia, London, 1665, p. 154.Google Scholar

84 Ibid., Preface.

85 Cf. Porter, (10), The Making of Geology, p. 49.Google Scholar

86 James Yonge wrote that ‘Such Philosophers who call those extraordinary Appearances Lusus Naturae, seem like those of old, who wearied in their Natural Searches by some puzzling Difficulty, take Refuge in the Words, ascribing the Cause of Things which they can't discover or discern, to Occult Qualities, and so on’. Yonge, James, ‘An Account of Balls of Hair taken from the Uterus and Ovaria of Several Women’, Phil. Trans., (1707), 309, p. 2291Google Scholar. On Yonge's contact with Hooke, see Gunther, (7), Early Science X, 1935, p. 116Google Scholar; Hooke, (46), Diary, pp. 337, 340, 345, 346, 362, 381.Google Scholar

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94 Journal Book, 25 May 1709.

95 Woodward wrote to Newton that ‘I send you, with this Letter, a Tract relating to the Method of Fossils; which, if not your own, is wholly owing to you; it being begun, carried on, and finished at your Request’. Woodward, John, Fossils of All Kinds digested into a Method, London, 1728Google Scholar, Letter to Sir Isaac Newton.

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99 In the eighteenth century, several papers on the rising and falling of islands were published in the Philosophical Transactions. For example, Sherard, W., ‘An Account of a New Island raised near Santerini, in the Archipelago’, Phil. Trans., (1708), XXVI, pp. 6768CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Bourguignon, , ‘A Relation of a New Island thrown up near the Island of Santerini’, Phil. Trans. (1708), XXVI, pp. 200208CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Goree, Father, ‘A Relation of a New Island which was raised up from the Bottom of the Sea … in the Archipelago’, Phil Trans., (1711), XXVII, pp. 354375Google Scholar; Chamberlane, John, ‘An Account of the sunk Island in Humber, lately recovered from the Sea’, Phil. Trans., (1719), XXX, pp. 10141016Google Scholar; Foster, Thomas, ‘Part of a Letter Concerning a New Island lately raised out of the Sea near Tercera’, Phil. Trans., (1722), XXXII, pp. 100101CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Borlase, William, ‘An Account of the Great Alterations which the Islands of Sylley have undergone since the Time of the Ancients’, Phil. Trans., (1753), XLVIII, pp. 5569CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Dalrymple, Alexander, ‘On the Formation of Islands’, Phil. Trans., (1767), LVII, pp. 394397.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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102 Davies, (3), The Earth in Decay, p. 90.Google Scholar

103 Porter, (10), The Making of Geology, p. 3Google Scholar. I believe that Porter's misinterpretations of seventeenth-century geological works which I criticize in this paper originate in his treatment of geological activities of the seventeenth century mainly as precursors of the nineteenth-century geology. Cf. Rudwick, (9), The Meaning of FossilsGoogle Scholar, Preface to the Second Edition.

104 As Porter himself has suggested, the systematic study of minerals and crystals which was important for the rise of geology came from Continental Europe. Porter, (10), The Making of Geology, pp. 170, 172.Google Scholar