Hostname: page-component-cd9895bd7-jkksz Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-12-22T13:06:50.991Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

German academic science and the mandarin ethos, 1850–1880

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  05 January 2009

Robert Paul
Affiliation:
Department of Mathematical Sciences, Dickinson College, Carlisle, Pennsylvania 17013, U.S.A.

Extract

During the nineteenth century an intellectual elite formed in Germany which owed its status primarily to educational qualifications rather than to hereditary rights or wealth. With the ascendency of this elite, which Fritz Ringer has called the German ‘mandarins’, came their acceptance as the spiritual bearers of culture in German life. Politically they controlled the life of the Reichstag and hence were the spokesmen of the nation. As an intellectual elite they fed a diet of German idealistic philosophy to the educational class. The university professors, as the most influential members of this class, spoke for the mandarin elite as a whole; and most cultivated Germans looked to the academicians for their understanding of political and cultural issues. Hence, German academic opinion became a sort of ‘mandarin ideology’.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © British Society for the History of Science 1984

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

Appreciation is expressed to Douglas D. Alder, David M. Knight, and Jane Maienschein for having read various drafts of this essay, and to Dickinson College for a faculty grant that enabled me to complete my research.

1 For an exposition of the mandarin thesis, see Ringer, Fritz K., The Decline of the German Mandarins: The German Academic Community, 1890–1933, Cambridge, Mass., 1969Google Scholar. Russell McCormmach has considered the relationship of the natural scientists in Germany to the mandarin ideology in the period after 1890. See his ‘On Academic Scientists in Wilhelmian Germany’, in Science and Its Public: The Changing Relationship (ed. Holton, Gerald and Blanpied, W. A.), Boston, 1976, pp. 157171.Google Scholar

2 Ringer, , op. cit., pp. 6, 111.Google Scholar

3 Virchow is generally not associated directly with the ‘reductionists’ du Bois-Reymond, Helmholtz, and their compatriots Ernst Brücke and Carl Ludwig. There are many other factors, however, which suggest that these three natural scientists have much in common. For additional possibilities, see Mendelsohn, Everett, ‘Revolution and Reduction: The Sociology of Methodological and Philosophical Concerns in Nineteenth-Century Biology’, in The Interaction between Science and Philosophy (ed. Elkana, Yehuda), New York, 1973, pp. 407426.Google Scholar

4 Their relation to philosophical idealism, however, remained partially ambivalent; see Mosse, George L., The Crisis of German Ideology: Intellectual Origins of the Third Reich, New York, 1964, pp. 6366, 9397Google Scholar. Despite explicit rejection of idealistic thinking, residues of idealism persisted in some of their own scientific investigations; cf., Culotta, Charles A., ‘German Biophysics, Objective Knowledge, and Romanticism’, Historical Studies in the Physical Sciences, 1974, 4, pp. 338.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

5 Lenoir, Timothy, The Strategy of Life: Teleology and Mechanics in Nineteenth Century German Biology, Boston, 1982.Google Scholar

6 The standard history of the German universities is Paulsen, Friedrich, Die deutschen Universitäten und das Universitätsstudium, Berlin, 1902Google Scholar. Recently, Riese, Reinhard has published a valuable complement to Paulsen entitled Die Hochschule auf dem Wege zum wissensckaftlichen Grossbetrieb, Stuttgart, 1977Google Scholar. Also see Farrar, W. V., ‘Science and the German University System, 1790–1850’, in The Emergence of Science in Weslern Europe (ed. Grosland, Maurice P.), London, 1975, pp. 179185Google Scholar; and Hahn, Erich J. C., ‘The Junior Faculty in ‘Revolt’: Reform Plans for Berlin University in 1848’, American Historical Review, 1977, 82, pp. 876882.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

7 The major treatises on this theme by Schelling, , Fichte, , Schleiermacher, , Steffens, , and Humboldt, are collected in Die Idee der deutschen Universität (ed. Anrich, E.), Darmstadt, 1964Google Scholar. For Wolf's ideas see Uber Erziehung, Schule, Universität (ed. Korte, W.), Leipzig, 1835.Google Scholar

8 See Turner, Steven R., ‘The Growth of Professional Research in Prussia, 1818–1848—Causes and Context’, Historical Studies in the Physical Sciences, 1971, 3, pp. 139142.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

9 The Berlin statutes are reprinted in Leng, Max, Geschichte der Koniglichen Friedrich-Wilhelms-Universität zu Berlin, Halle, 1910 18, IV, pp. 223263.Google Scholar

10 Paulsen, , op. cit. (6), pp. 6768.Google Scholar

11 A thorough examination of the German educational system as it developed from the early years of the nineteenth century, particularly, for our purposes, the debate over the Gymnasium v. the Realschule, is given by Ringer, Fritz, Education and Society in Modern Europe, Bloomington, Indiana, 1979, pp. 32112.Google Scholar

12 For an excellent survey of the nature of German science during this period, see Knight, David M., ‘German Science in the Romantic Period’Google Scholar, in Crosland, , op. cit. (6), pp. 161178Google Scholar. Knight makes it clear that Naturphilosophie did not dominate all of German science; rather, it impacted on those areas in which science had been closely involved with a complete world-view, particularly chemistry and physiology. For an analysis of salient features of Naturphilosophie, see von Engelhardt, Dietrich, Hegel and die Chemie: Studie zur Philosophie und Wissenschaft der Natur um 1800, Wiesbaden, 1976, pp. 130Google Scholar; LeNoir, Timothy, ‘Generational Factors in the Origin of Romantische Naturphilosophie’, Journal of the History of Biology, 1978, 11, pp. 57100Google Scholar; and Gower, Barry, ‘Speculation in Physics: The History and Practice of Naturphilosophie’, Studies in History and Philosophy of Science, 1973, 3, pp. 301356.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

13 Not all Naturphilosophen, however, ignored experimentation. For many (e.g., Johann W. Ritter and Hans C. Oersted) experimentation was a legitimate expression of Romantic ideas. See Stauffer, Robert, ‘Speculations and Experimentation in the Background of Oersted's Discovery of Electromagnetism’, Isis, 1957, 48, pp. 3350CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Knight, David M., ‘The Scientist as Sage’, Studies in Romanticism, 1967, 6, pp. 6588CrossRefGoogle Scholar (Oersted and Humphrey Davy); Wetzels, W. D., ‘Aspects of Natural Science in German Romanticism’, Studies in Romanticism, 1971, 10, pp. 4459 (Ritter)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Gower, , op. cit. (12), pp. 327349 (Ritter and Oersted).Google Scholar

14 Kuhn, Thomas S., ‘Energy Conservation as an Example of Simultaneous Discovery’, in Critical Problems in the History of Science (ed. Clagett, Marshall), Madison, 1959, pp. 321–56Google Scholar. Recently, this view has been seriously challenged; see Lenoir, , op. cit. (5) pp. 197215Google Scholar. On Naturphilosophie as inspiring science, see Williams, Pearce L., ‘Kant, Naturphilosophie, and Scientific Method’, in Foundations of Scientific Method: The Nineteenth Century, (ed. Giere, Ronald N. and Westfall, Richard S.), Bloomington, 1973, p. 17.Google Scholar

15 Lenoir, , op. cit. (5) passim.Google Scholar

16 See Blunck, Richard, Justus von Liebig: Die Lebensgeschichte eines Chemikers, 2nd edn., Hamburg, 1946, pp. 125.Google Scholar

17 See ibid., p. 21–24. For a discussion of the technical background of these developments, see Löw, Reinhard, Pflanzenchemie zwischen Lavoisier und Liebig, Stuttgart/Munich, 1977Google Scholar, particularly chapters 8 and 9. Also see Liebig, Justus, ‘Ueber das Studium der Naturwissenschaften und uber den Zustand der Chemie in Preussen’, in his Reden und Abhandlungen, (ed. Carriere, M.), Leipzig and Heidelberg, 1874, pp. 34.Google Scholar

18 Leibig, Justus, ‘Der Zustand der Chemie in Preussen’, Annalen der Chemie und Pharmacie, 1840, 34, p. 120Google Scholar; my translation.

19 See Koenigsberger, Leo, Hermann von Helmholtz, Braunschweig, 19021903, II, 18Google Scholar, translated by Welby, Francis A. as Hermann von Helmholtz, Oxford, 1906, pp. 211212Google Scholar; and Lilge, Frederic, The Abuse of Learning: The Failure of the German University, New York, 1948, pp. 6162Google Scholar. Also see Helmholtz, Hermann von, ‘Adresse an Hrn. E. du Bois-Reymond bei Gelegenheit seines 50 jahrigen Doctorjubilaums verfasst im Auftrage der Konigl. Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin’, Berliner Sitzunqsberichte, (16 02 1893), pp. 9397Google Scholar, reprinted in Koenigsberger, III, 69–73.

20 See von Helmholtz, Hermann, ‘Zum Gedachtniss an Gustav Magnus’, in his Vorträge und Reden, 5th ed., Braunschweig, 1903, II, pp. 41, 4345Google Scholar; translated by Atkinson, E. as ‘Gustav Magnus in Memorian’Google Scholar, in von Helmholtz, Hermann, Popular Lectures on Scientific Subjects, 2nd series, New York, 1881, pp. 10, 1416CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Also see Helmholtz, , ‘Das Denken in der Medicin’, Vorträge und Reden, II, 168179Google Scholar; translated by Kahl, Russell, Selected Writings of Hermann von Helmholtz, Middletown, Conn., 1971, pp. 341350Google Scholar. (Unless otherwise indicated, all Helmholtz translations are by Kahl.)

21 See von Helmholtz, Hermann, ‘Ueber das Verhältniss der Naturwissenschaften zur Gesammtheit der Wissenschaft’, Vorträge und Reden, 1, 163–64Google Scholar; translated in Kahl, , pp. 125–26.Google Scholar

22 See du Bois-Reymond, Emil, Goethe and Kein Ende, Leipzig, 1883, pp. 2329Google Scholar. Also see Williams, Pearce L., ‘Critical Commentary’, in The Influence of Early Enlightenment Thought upon German Classical Science and Letters, (ed. Scott, Wilson L.), New York, 1972, pp. 3941Google Scholar. Also in the same volume see Marchard, James W., ‘The Reception of Science among Men of Letters in the Late Eighteenth Century’, pp. 2021Google Scholar. For additional details of this lecture, see Rothschuh, Karl E., ‘Du Bois-Reymond, Emil’, in DSB (ed. Gillispie, Charles C.), New York, 1970 76, IV, p. 203.Google Scholar

23 Rather, Lelland J., ‘Harvey, Virchow, Bernard, and the Methodology of Science’, in Disease, Life and Man: Selected Essays by Rudolf Virchow (ed. Rather, Lelland J.), Stanford, 1958, p. 23.Google Scholar

24 Virchow, Rudolf, ‘Die Gruendung der Berliner Universität und der Uebergang aus dem Philosophischen in das naturwissenschaftliche Zeitalter’, Berlin, 1893, 32 pagesGoogle Scholar. Given as a rectorship address, this talk is difficult to obtain; reference here will be made to the readily accessible translation ‘The Founding of the Berlin University and the Transition from the Philosophic to the Scientific Age’, Annual Report of the Smithsonian Institution, (1894), pp. 694–95.Google Scholar

25 See Mosse, George L., Toward the Final Solution: A History of European Racism, New York, 1978, pp. 9093Google Scholar, and Ackerknecht, Erwin, Rudolf Virchow: Doctor, Statesman, Anthropologist, Madison, 1953, pp. 209–16.Google Scholar

26 For example, see the pamphlet by Paasch, Carl, Geheimrath Professor Dr. Rudolf Virchow aus Schietelbein, Unser, Grosser Gelehrter, Leipzig, 1892, passim.Google Scholar

27 See Stern, Fritz, The Politics of Cultural Despair, New York, 1965, passim.Google Scholar

28 Ringer, , op. cit. (1), pp. 9698.Google Scholar

29 See Iggers, G. G., ‘The Dissolution of German Historism’, in Ideas in History (ed. Herr, Richard and Parker, Harold T.), Durham, North Carolina, 1965, pp. 288329.Google Scholar

30 Koenigsberger, , I, 45Google Scholar, translated in Welby, , p. 22Google Scholar. Even in political matters, Müller's relationship to the budding scientists was for a period somewhat ambivalent. As rector of the University of Berlin in 1848, Müller represented the conservative, reactionary regime, while Virchow and others were agitating for sweaping reforms in the university structure. On Müller's political skill, see the reports by Virchow, Rudolf, Johannes Müller: Eine Gedachtnissrede, Berlin, 1858, pp. 4648Google Scholar; and du Bois-Reymond, Emil, Reden von Emil du Bois-Reymond (ed. du Bois-Reymond, Estelle), Leipzig, 1912, II, pp. 259–61.Google Scholar

31 Haberling, Wilhelm, Johannes Müller: Das Leben da rhenischen Naturforschers, Leipzig, 1924, pp. 103–04Google Scholar. Recently, it has been suggested that Müller's vitalism is more accurately captured by the term ‘Vital materialism’, and that it was not rooted in the idealism of Naturphilosophie; see Lenoir, Timothy, ‘Kant, Blumenbach, and Vital Materialism in German Biology’, ISIS, 1980, 71, pp. 7778CrossRefGoogle Scholar, et passim, and Lenoir, , op. cit. (5) pp. 103111 and 143–55.Google Scholar

32 See Rothschuh, Karl E., Geschichte der Physiologie, Berlin, 1953, pp. 114115CrossRefGoogle Scholar, translated and edited by Risse, Guenter B. as A History of Physiology, New York, 1973, pp. 198–99.Google Scholar

33 It has been suggested that Liebig's introduction of a vital principle in his 1840 Die organische Chemie in ihre Anwendung auf Agricultur und Physiologie, Brunswick, and his extensive discussion of the vital principle in his 1842 Die Thierchemie oder die organisch Chemie in ihre Anwendung auf Physiologie und Pathologie, Brunswick, can be interpreted as metaphysical speculation. This is not the case, however. For Liebig the vital force could be scientifically understood in terms of its laws, just as any other force is explicable in terms of its laws; see Lipman, Timothy O., ‘Vitalism and Reductionism in Liebig's Physiological Thought’, Isis, 1967, 58, pp. 167–85CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For an interesting discussion of the different types of vitalism, see Benton, E., ‘Vitalism in Nineteenth-Century Scientific Thought: A Typology and Reassessment’, Studies in History and Philosophy of Science, 1974, 5, pp. 1748.CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed

34 See Cranefield, Paul, ‘The Organic Physics of 1847 and the Biophysics of Today’, Journal of the History of Medicine and Allied Sciences, 1957, 12, pp. 407423CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed; and Hall, Thomas S., Ideas of Life and Matter, Chicago, 1969, pp. 258287.Google Scholar

35 Quoted in Jugendbriefe von Emil du Bois-Reymond an Eduard Hallman (ed. du Bois-Reymond, Estelle), Berlin, 1918, p. 108.Google Scholar

36 von Helmholtz, Hermann, ‘Ueber die Erhaltung der Kraft (1847)’, Wissenschaftliche Abhandlungen, 1, 1268Google Scholar; translated in Kahl, , pp. 355.Google Scholar

37 See the excellent study by Ackerknecht, , op. cit. (25), pp. 323.Google Scholar

38 Ackerknecht, , op. cit. (25), p. 6.Google Scholar

39 Virchow, Rudolf, ‘Ueber die Standpunkte in der wissenschaftlichen Medicin’, Virchows Archiv, (1847), 1, p. 9CrossRefGoogle Scholar; translated in Rather, , op. cit. (23), p. 31Google Scholar. (Unless otherwise indicated, all Virchow translations are by Rather.)

40 Virchow, , ‘Wissenschaftliche Methode und therapeutische Standpunkte’, Virchows Archiv, 2 (1849), p. 7 and p. 9CrossRefGoogle Scholar; translated in Rather, , op. cit. (23), pp. 43 and p. 45, resp.Google Scholar

41 These are Virchow's words as quoted in Ackerknecht, , op. cit. (25), p. 49.Google Scholar

42 Virchow, Rudolf, ‘Ueber die mechanische Auffassung des Lebens’, in Vier Reden uber Leben und Kranksein, Berlin, 1862.Google Scholar

43 Rather, , op. cit. (23), p. 22.Google Scholar

44 Virchow, , Hundert Jahre allgemeiner Pathologie, Berlin, 1895, p. 37Google Scholar; translated in Rather, , op. cit. (23), p. 207.Google Scholar

45 Virchow, Rudolf, Die Cellularpathologie in ihrer Begrundung auf physiologische und pathologische Gewebelehre, Berlin, 1858.Google Scholar

46 Ackerknecht, , op. cit. (25), p. 55.Google Scholar

47 Pagel, Walter, Virchow und die Grundlagen der Medizin des 19. Jahrhunderts, Jena, 1931, pp. 144Google Scholar; also see Pagel, W., ‘The Speculative Basis of Modern Pathology: Jahn, Virchow, and the Philosophy of Pathology’, Bulletin of the History of Medicine, 1945, 18, pp. 143.Google Scholar

48 Virchow, , ‘Wissenschaftliche Methode und therapeutische Standpunkte’, p. 9Google Scholar, translated in Rather, , op. cit. (23), p. 44Google Scholar. Also see Ackerknecht, , op. cit. (25), p. 49.Google Scholar

49 On the issue of cell structure compare Müller, Johannes, Handbuch der Physiologie des Menschen für Vorlesungen, Coblenz, 1840Google Scholar, and Virchow, , Die CellularpathologieGoogle Scholar. Also see Schmidt, Peter, Zu den geistigen Wurzeln von Johannes Müller (1801–1858): Eine quantitative Analyse der imHandbuch der Physiologievon J. Müller (1840–1844) zitierten und terwerteten Autoren, Munster, 1973Google Scholar, passim, and Mazumdar, Pauline M. H., ‘Johannes Müller on the Blood, the Lymph, and the Chyle’, ISIS, 1975, 66, pp. 242–53.Google Scholar

50 Gregory, Frederick, Scientific Materialism in Nineteenth-Century Germany, Boston, 1977.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

51 Virchow, Rudolf, Die Freiheit der Wissenschaft im modernen Staat, Munich, 1877.Google Scholar

52 For Haeckel's most comprehensive expression of his philosophy, see his Naturliche Schopfungs Gaschichte, Berlin, 1868Google Scholar, and his Die Welträthsel. Gemeinverstandliche Studien über monistische Philosophie, Bonn, 1899Google Scholar. For a thorough account of Haeckel's evolutionary views see Paulsen, Freidrich, ‘Ernst Haeckel als Philosoph’, Philosophia Militans, Berlin, 1901, pp. 119–92Google Scholar; Carus, Paul, ‘God-Nature: A Discussion of Haeckel's Religion’, Open Court, 1914, 28, pp. 385404Google Scholar; and Gasman, Daniel, The Scientific Origin of Nationalism Socialism: Social Darwinism in Ernst Haeckel and the German Monist League, New York, 1971.Google Scholar

53 Sudhoff, K.(ed.), Rudolf Virchow und die deutschen Naturforscherversammlungen, Leipzig, 1922, p. 207Google Scholar; also see Ackerknecht, , op. cit. (25), pp. 200201.Google Scholar

54 For Haeckel's reply to Virchow on this subject see Haeckel, 's Freie Wissenschaft und freie Lehre, 1878Google Scholar, translated as ‘Freedom in Science and Teaching’, The Humboldt Library of Popular Science Literature, no. 105 (1888), 653Google Scholar. Concerning the controversy between Virchow and Haeckel see Baker, J. R., The Controversy on Freedom in Science in the 19th Century, Oxford, The Society for Freedom in Science, 1962.Google Scholar

55 Huxley, Thomas H., ‘Prefatory note’, to Haeckel's ‘Freedom in Science and Teaching’, op. cit. (54), p. 6.Google Scholar

56 See Gregory, , op. cit. (50), pp. 189212Google Scholar. Marxian materialism and so-called scientific materialism were not coextensive; see Mitchell, Ian, ‘Marxism and German Scientific Materialism’, Annals of Science, 1978, 35, pp. 379400.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

57 Virchow, who coined the term Kulterkampf, was Bismarck's foremost political opponent and leader of the liberal party.

58 Virchow, , ‘Der Mensch’, in his Die einheitsbestrebungen in der wissenschaftlichen Medicin, Berlin, 1849, pp. 56Google Scholar; partially translated in Rather, , op. cit. (23), pp. 6970.Google Scholar

59 Virchow, , ‘Wissenschaftliche Methode und therapeutische Standpunkte’, p. 36–7Google Scholar; translated in Rather, , op. cit. (23), p. 66.Google Scholar

60 Mosse, , op. cit. (4), pp. 149–70, 268–72Google Scholar, Ringer, , op. cit. (1), p. 250.Google Scholar

61 Cf., Hahn, , op. cit. (6), p. 894.Google Scholar

62 Virchow, Rudolf, ‘Lernen und Forschen’, Berlin, 1892Google Scholar. Because this work is difficult to obtain, reference will here be made to the generally accessible translation, ‘Study and Research’, Annual Report of the Smithsonian Institution (1894), p. 661, p. 660, and pp. 662–63, resp.Google Scholar

63 Koenigsberger, , I, 11Google Scholar; translated in Welby, , p. 7Google Scholar. Also see Turner, Steven R., ‘Helmholtz, Hermann von’, in DSB, VI, 241.Google Scholar

64 Koenigsberger, , I, 18 and 14, 4250Google Scholar; translated in Welby, , pp. 15 and pp. 9, 2125.Google Scholar

65 Helmholtz, , ‘Preface’, Vorträge and Reden, I, viii.Google Scholar

66 In a letter to his father in 1858, Helmholtz wrote: ‘Your letter implies that you suspect me of believing in the trivial tirades of (the materialists) Vogt and Moleschott. Not in the very least. And I must protest vigorously against your taking these two men as representative of natural science. Neither has so far shown by any special scientific achievement that he possesses either the respect for facts, or the discretion in accepting conclusions, that is acquired in the discipline of science’; quoted in Koenigsberger, , I, 291–92Google Scholar; translated in Welby, , p. 160.Google Scholar

67 Quoted in Koenigsberger, , I, 292Google Scholar; translated in Welby, , p. 160.Google Scholar

68 Helmholtz, , ‘Ueber das Sehen des Menschen’, Vorträge und Reden, I, 95Google Scholar. It has been asserted that this address opened a new era in philosophical respectability among natural scientists and philosophers in Germany; see Riehl, Alois, ‘Helmholtz als Erkentnistheoretiker’, Die Naturwissenschaften, 1929, 9, p. 702.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

69 Heimann, P. M., ‘Helmholtz and Kant: The Metaphysical Foundations of Ueber die Erhaltung der Kraft’, Studies in History and Philosophy of Science, 1974, 5, pp. 205–38CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Residues from the idealist philosopher J. G. Fichte are also evident in Helmholtz; see Turner, Steven R., ‘Hermann von Helmholtz and the Empiricist Vision’, Journal of the History of the Behavioral Sciences, 1977, 13, pp. 4858.3.0.CO;2-L>CrossRefGoogle Scholar

70 von Helmholtz, Hermann, ‘Die Thatsachen in der Wahrnehmung’, Vorträge und Reden, II, 218Google Scholar; translated in Kahl, , p. 368Google Scholar. On Helmholtz's philosophical ideas and his interest in providing a scientific grounding for Kantian epistemology, see Erdmann, Benno, ‘Die philosophische Grundlagen von Helmholtz' Wahrnehmungstheorie, kritisch erlautert’, Abhandlungen der preussishen Akademie der Wissenschaften. Philosophisch-historische Klasse, Berlin, 1921, Nr. 1, pp. 145Google Scholar. Also see Lenzen, Victor F., ‘Helmholtz's Theory of Knowledge’, in Studies and Essays in the History of Science and Teaching (ed. Montague, Ashley), New York, 1947, pp. 315318.Google Scholar

71 Helmholtz, , ‘Die Thatsachen in der Wahrnehmung’, II, 222Google Scholar; translated in Kahl, , p. 372.Google Scholar

72 Helmholtz, , ‘Die Thatsachen in der Wahrnehmung’, II, 224–25Google Scholar; translated in Kahl, , p. 374.Google Scholar

73 Richards, Joan L., ‘The Evolution of Empiricism: Hermann von Helmholtz and the Foundations of Geometry’, British Journal of the Philosophy of Science, 1977, 28, p. 243CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For the detailed arguments, see Helmholtz, , ‘Ueber den Ursprung und die Bedeutung der geometrischen Axiome’, Vorträge und Reden, II, 131, 381–83Google Scholar; ‘Ueber den Ursprung und Sinn der geometrische Satze; Antwort gegen Herrn Professor Land’, Wissenschaftliche Abhandlungen, II, 640–60Google Scholar; both translated in Kahl, , pp. 246–65 and pp. 360–65, 399408, respectively.Google Scholar

74 Helmholtz, , ‘Die Thatsachen in der Wahrnehmung’, II, 239Google Scholar; translated in Kahl, , p. 385.Google Scholar

75 Helmholtz, , ‘Die Thatsachen in der Wahrnehmung’, II, 239Google Scholar; translated in Kahl, , p. 385.Google Scholar

76 Wilhelm Humboldt, quoted in Lilge, , op. cit. (19), p. 11.Google Scholar

77 Helmholtz, , ‘Ueber die akademische Freiheit der deutschen Universität’, Vorträge und Reden, II, 205Google Scholar; translated in Helmholtz, , op. cit. (20), p. 255.Google Scholar

78 Helmholtz, , ‘Ueber das Verhältniss der Naturwissenschaften zur Gesammtheit der Wissenschaft’, Vorträge und Reden, 1, 172Google Scholar; translated in Kahl, , p. 132.Google Scholar

79 Helmholtz, , ‘Ueber das Verhältniss der Naturwissenschaften zur Gesammtheit der Wissenschaft’, 1, 180Google Scholar; translated in Kahl, , pp. 138–39.Google Scholar

80 Helmholtz, , ‘Ueber das Verhältniss der Naturwissenschaften zur Gesammtheit der Wissenschaft’, 1, 183Google Scholar; translated in Kahl, , p. 141.Google Scholar

81 Helmholtz, quoted in Koenigsberger, , III, 32Google Scholar; translated in Welby, , p. 392Google Scholar

82 Rothschuh, , op. cit. (22), 200–05.Google Scholar

83 Rothschuh, , op. cit. (22), 204.Google Scholar

84 du Bois-Reymond, Emil, ‘Ueber die Lebenskraft’, prologue to his Untersuchungen über Thierische Elektricital, 1848.Google Scholar

83 Haeckel, , op. cit. (54), p. 54Google Scholar; translated as ‘Freedom in Science and Teaching’, p. 45Google Scholar. Also see Rothschuh, , op. cit. (22), p. 204.Google Scholar

86 Haeckel, , op. cit. (54), pp. 5462Google Scholar; translated as ‘Freedom in Science and Teaching’, pp. 4553.Google Scholar

87 du Bois-Reymond, Emil, Ueber die Grenzen des Naturerkennens: Zwei Vorträge, 4th edn., Leipzig, 1898.Google Scholar

88 See Brittan, Gordon G., Kant's Theory of Science, Princeton, 1978, chs. 5 and 6, et passim.Google Scholar

89 du Bois-Reymond, Emil, op. cit. (87), p. 51.Google Scholar

90 du Bois-Reymond, Emil, Die sieben Welträthsel:Zwei Vorträge, 4th edn., Leipzig, 1898, p. 70.Google Scholar

91 See Haeckel, , Die Welträthsel, op. cit. (52), pp. 208–09.Google Scholar

92 Du Bois-Reymond, , op. cit. (90), pp. 8395.Google Scholar

93 See Gladston, I., ‘Physiology and the Recurrent Problem of Vitalism’, in The Historical Development of Physiological Thought (ed. Brooks, C. and Cranefield, Paul), New York, 1959, pp. 298–99.Google Scholar

94 See du Bois-Reymond, , ‘Kulturgeschichte und Kulturwissenschaft’, (1877) in his Reden von Emil du Bois-Reymond (ed. by du Bois-Reymond, Estelle;, 2 vols., Leipzig, 1912.Google Scholar

93 Borscheid, Peter, Natunwissenschaft, Staat und Industrie in Baden (1848–1914), Stuttgart, 1976, passim.Google Scholar

96 See above n. 52.

97 See Ostwald, Wilhelm, Systematische Philosophie, Berlin, 1907, pp. 138–72.Google Scholar

98 Gay, Peter, The Dilemma of Democratic Socialism, New York, 1952, pp. 151–52.Google Scholar

99 Ringer, , op. cit. (1), pp. 5758.Google Scholar

100 McCormmach has shown that some German scientists, particularly after 1890, also complained about the affect of over-specialization on Wissenschaft. See McCormmach, , op. cit. (1), pp. 159–65.Google Scholar