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5 Knapp, Sandra, ‘Fact and fantasy’, Nature (2002) 415(6871), p. 479Google Scholar.

6 Martin Rudwick, ‘Recherches sur les ossements fossiles: Georges Cuvier et la collecte d'alliés internationaux’, in C. Blanckaert et al. (eds.), Le Muséum au premier siècle de son histoire, Paris: Muséum national d'histoire naturelle, 1997, pp. 591–606; Margaret O. Meredith, ‘Friendship and knowledge: correspondence and communication in Northern trans-Atlantic natural history, 1780–1850’, in Schaffer, Delbourgo and Raj, op. cit. (4), pp. 151–191.

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8 Compare with ‘Introduction’, in Schaffer, Delbourgo and Raj, op. cit. (4).

9 Roberts, op. cit. (7).

10 Mawe, John, Travels in the Interior of Brazil, Particularly in the Gold and Diamond Districts of that Country, by Authority of the Prince Regent of Portugal: Including a Voyage to the Rio de Le Plata and an Historical Sketch of the Revolution of Buenos Ayres, London: Longman, Hurst, Rees, Orme and Brown, 1812Google Scholar; see also Torrens, Hugh S., ‘The early life and geological work of John Mawe, 1766–1829, and a note on his travels in Brazil’, Bulletin of the Peak District Mines Historical Society (1992) 11, pp. 267–271Google Scholar. On the ‘enlightened priests’ see Stéfano, Roberto Di, El púlpito y la plaza: clero, sociedad y política de la monarquía católica a la república rosista, Buenos Aires: Siglo Veintiuno Editores, 2004Google Scholar; Podgorny, op. cit. (4).

11 Dámaso Larrañaga to Bartolomé Muñoz, Montevideo, 22 June 1808, in Camusso, Rafael Algorta, El Padre Dámaso Antonio Larrañaga: Apuntes para su Biografía, Montevideo: Barreiro y Ramos, 1922, p. 32Google Scholar; see also Di Stéfano, op. cit. (10).

12 Bose, Walter, ‘Las comunicaciones interprovinciales en Cuyo, Centro y Noroeste Argentino, 1852–1875’, Separata del IV Congreso Nacional y Regional de Historia Argentina, 1977, Buenos Aires: Academia Nacional de la Historia, 1986Google Scholar; Revello, José Torre, ‘Bibliotecas en el Buenos Aires antiguo desde 1729 hasta la inauguración de la Biblioteca Pública en 1812’, Revista de Historia de América (1965) 59, pp. 1–148Google Scholar; Castellanos, Alfredo, ‘La biblioteca científica de Larrañaga’, Revista Histórica (1948) 16(46–48), pp. 589–626Google Scholar; on the commerce of books see Vera, Eugenia Roldán, The British Book Trade and Spanish American Independence: Education and Knowledge Transmission in Transcontinental Perspective, Aldershot: Ashgate, 2003Google Scholar.

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18 Aimé Bonpland to Dámaso Larrañaga, 13 February 1818, Escritos de don Dámaso Antonio Larrañaga, vol. 3, Montevideo: Imprenta Nacional, 1924, p. 258.

19 Beck, Eugenio, ‘Un benemérito de las ciencias en el Río de la Plata: Bartolomé Doroteo Muñoz (1831–1931)’, Revista de la Sociedad Amigos de la Arqueología, Montevideo (1931) 5, pp. 52–90Google Scholar.

20 Dámaso Larrañaga to Bartolomé Muñoz, in Algorta Camusso, op. cit. (11), pp. 31–32; see also Podgorny and Lopes, op. cit. (15), pp. 37–43.

21 ‘Megaterium’, July 1814, in ‘Diario de Historia Natural’, Escritos de don Dámaso Antonio Larrañaga, vol. 1, Montevideo: Imprenta Nacional, 1922, p. 4.

22 ‘This quadruped, in its characters, taken together, differs from all known animals, and each of its bones, considered apart, also differs from the corresponding bones of all known animals. This results from a detailed comparison of the skeleton with that of other animals, and will readily appear to those who are conversant in such researches; for none of the animals which approach it in bulk have either pointed claws, or similarly formed head, shoulder blades, clavicles, pelvis, or limbs', from ‘Mammalia’, Encyclopaedia Britannica, or, a Dictionary of Arts, Sciences, and Miscellaneous Literature, 4th edn, Edinburgh, 1810, vol. 12, p. 464.

23 Ramírez Rozzi and Podgorny, op. cit. (4); ‘Megaterium’, op. cit. (21).

24 Lorelai Kury, ‘La politique des voyages et la culture scientifique d'Auguste de Saint-Hilaire’, in Yves Laissus (ed.), Les naturalistes français en Amérique du sud VXIe–XIXe siècles, Paris: CTHS, 1995, pp. 234–245; Urban, Ignaz, ‘Biographischen Skizzen, Friedrich Sellow (1789–1831)’, Botanische Jahrbücher für Systematik, Pflanzengeschichte und Pflanzengeographie (1893) 17, pp. 177–198Google Scholar; Herter, Wilhem, ‘Auf den Spuren der Naturforscher Sellow und Saint-Hilaire’, Botanische Jahrbücher für Systematik, Pflanzengeschichte und Pflanzengeographie (1945) 74, pp. 119–149Google Scholar; Weiss, Christian, ‘Über das südliche Ende des Gebirgszuges von Brasilien in der Provinz San Pedro und der Banda Oriental oder dem Staate von Monte Video: nach den Sammlungen des Herrn Fr. Sellows’, Abhandlungen der Königlich Preussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften von 1827 (1830), pp. 217–293, 276Google Scholar.

25 ‘Note sur le Megaterium de Cuvier, l'Hydromis-, et une variété nouvelle de Maïs. (Extrait d'une lettre de D. Damasio- Larranhaga, de Monte-Video, à M. Auguste de Saint-Hilaire)’, Bulletin des sciences par la Société philomatique de Paris (1823), p. 83. ‘Scute’ refers to the bony external plates or scales, currently known as ‘osteoderms’.

26 López Piñero, José M., ‘Juan Bautista Bru (1740–1799) and the Description of the Genus Megatherium’, Journal of the History of Biology (1988) 21, 1, pp. 147–163Google Scholar; Podgorny, Irina, ‘The reliablity of the ruins’, Journal of Spanish Cultural Studies (2007) 8(2), pp. 213–233Google Scholar.

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35 Gillies compiled information on plants, instructed local women in the arts of botany, and acquired a good command of Spanish, so much so that in 1825 Parish nominated him for vice-consul in Mendoza. See Gibbs, F.W., ‘John Gillies, M.D., Traveller and Botanist, 1792–1834’, Notes and Records of the Royal Society of London (1951) 9, pp. 115–136Google Scholar.

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40 de Rozas, Juan Manuel, Instrucciones para los mayordomos ó encargados de estancias, o Instrucciones para los ayudantes recorredores de las estancias que deberán cumplir con puntualidad y delicadeza, con una noticia preliminar de Adolfo Saldías, 2nd edn, Buenos Aires: Empresa reimpresora de Publicaciones Americanas, 1908Google Scholar.

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66 Charles Darwin to the chairman of the Board of Curators of the Royal College of Surgeons, 19 December 1836, RCS (Curators Deed Box).

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73 William Clift to the Trustees of the Bristish Museum, 14 February 1835, NHM, Fossil Edents S. America (copies of letters) LMSS Cli BRN 286475 (subsequently FE).

74 In the eighteenth century, Jesuit Father Thomas Falkner referred ‘to the shell of an animal composed of hexagonal bones’; see also Falkner, Thomas, Description of Patagonia and the Adjoining Parts of South America, Hertford, 1774, p. 55Google Scholar (Facsimile of 1954). A Spanish translation had been published by Pedro de Angelis in Buenos Aires in 1835 and reviewed by Parish in the British journals in 1837.

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78 Copy of Mr. Parish's answer to Mr. Pentland's letter, 23 December 1835, NHM, FE.

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80 Dr. Buckland to Woodbine Parish Esq., 9 January 1836. NHM, FE.

81 Rudwick and Secord have already stressed the importance of oral communication in geology, referring in particular to the debates that characterized English geological circles: this case shows that for Buckland it was sufficient to have heard of the evidence from a reliable correspondent. Rudwick, Martin, The Great Devonian Controversy: The Shaping of Scientific Knowledge among Gentlemanly Specialists, Chicago: Chicago University Press, 1985Google Scholar; Secord, James, Controversy in Victorian Geology: The Cambrian–Silurian Dispute, Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1986Google Scholar.

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