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² The Latin label above is SACRAMENTUM. The critical part of the coronation ceremony is, of course, the oath-taking; at this time, when the number of the sacraments was not fixed, the coronation was a sacrament.

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¹⁰ Michael, Bath, Emblems for a Queen: the Needlework of Mary Queen of Scots (London, 2009).Google Scholar

¹¹ See Santina, Levey, An Elizabethan Inheritance: The Hardwick Hall Textiles (London, 1998),Google Scholar and Embroideries at Hardwick Hall: A Catalogue (London, 2007).Google Scholar

¹² These hangings have their own significance. See Thomas, P. Campbell et alia, Tapestries in the Renaissance: Art and Magnificence (New York, 2002),Google Scholar but see my review in Textile History 22 (1991), 67–82.CrossRefGoogle Scholar These tapestries, rich in iconography, could be as much of a teaching tool as stained glass windows. But there are some mistakes in the Latin and the commentary on the iconography is sometimes defective. Dr. Campbell, director of the Metropolitan Museum of Art, told me some time ago that Henry VIII ordered new tapestries during the Reformation, with Protestant subjects. See Thomas, Campbell, Henry VIII and the Art of Majesty: Tapestries at the Tudor Court (New Haven and London, 2007).Google Scholar

¹³ Bath, Emblems, ‘The surviving corpus: what and where?’ 9–17.

¹⁴ There are early descriptions of embroidery for Mary's Bed of State.

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¹⁸ See Ebenezer, Henderson, Annals of Dumferline (Glasgow, 1879): 401–2.Google Scholar

¹⁹ See Geoffrey, Scott, ‘“Sacredness of Majesty”: The English Benedictines and the Cult of James II’, Royal Stuart Papers 12 (1998);Google Scholar Bernard, et Monique Cottret, ‘La Sainteté de Jacques II out Les Miracles du'un Roi Défunt (vers 1702)’, Revue de la Bibliothèque Nationale 46 (1992): 22–31.Google Scholar See also Gabor, Klaniczay, Holy Rulers and Blessed Princesses:Dynastic Cults in Medieval Central Europe, translated Eva, Palmai (Cambridge, 2002).Google Scholar

²⁰ Patricia, Briickmann, ‘“Men, Women and Poles”: Samuel Richardson and the Romance of a Stuart Princess’, Eighteenth-Century Life 27 (2003): 31–52.Google Scholar See also my ‘Desdemona's Strawberries and Clementina's Ark’, in Eighteenth Century Historical Essays Presented to Phillip Harth (Madison, Wisconsin, 2001), 207–30.Google Scholar The heroine is sent out to get a book, but she returns with a half-finished textile, the image of Noah and the Ark. Wanting to be married to the Protestant hero, she opts, the scene seems to tell us, for the faith of Noah, in all its iconographical meanings.

²¹ This grouping (and the larger question of choice of statuary) needs further work.

²² See my ‘The Triumphs of Clementina’, in Peter, Davidson and Jill, Bepler, eds., The Triumphs of the Defeated: Early Modern Festivals and Messages of Legitimacy (Wiesbaden, 2007): 149–172.Google Scholar

²³ MSS Add. 34638 f 247.