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Towards an English Catholic Social Conscience, 1829–1920

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  16 September 2015

Extract

‘All this talk of socialism is just a ruse. The people are starving and we must not play the policeman for England.’ wrote Archbishop Thomas W. Croke of Cashel in 1880. His attitude was far more intelligent and realistic than The Tablet and its reactionary supporters. Irish bishops were desperately concerned about massive Irish emigration in the late nineteenth century: the threat to the faith at home, the possible loss of souls overseas and the Church’s inability to serve her people was worrying. However zealous in its defence, the Irish bishops remained powerless to halt English popular and government support for the destruction of the Temporal Power. They saw other priorities emerging: by 1880 the recovery of the Temporal Power was a forlorn hope. They must take the high moral ground of humanity rather than property.

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Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © Catholic Record Society 2001

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References

1 Archbishop T. W. Croke to Mgr, Tobias Kirby, 19 Dec. 1880, Kirby Papers, Irish College, Rome. He continued in this vein: The Tablet, 19 Jan. 1889. See Tierney, Mark, Croke of Cashel: The Life of Archbishop Thomas William Croke, 1823–1902, (Dublin 1976).Google Scholar

2 See The Tablet, 21 Feb. 1880 for a defence of the aristocratic order. Obituaries of the two railway officials, Edward Savage and Bartholomew Kean, suggest a changing Catholic social base. [The Tablet, 11 June 1887, and 25 June 1887]. Tensions between Catholics who emphasised tradition and those who demanded social justice coincided with the peak of the secularist movement which attacked the churches but welcomed religion as an advocate of justice and freedom. See Chadwick, Owen, The Secularisation of the European Mind in the Nineteenth Century, (Oxford 1975), especially pp. 78, 85, 91, 238, 251.Google Scholar

3 M. Davitt to Richard McGhee, 22 May 1883, Davitt Papers, Trinity College, Dublin. See Cashman, D. B., The Life of Michael Davitt, (Glasgow cl900), pp. 118, 129, 156.Google Scholar

4 Davitt, M., Landlordism, Low Wages and Strikes, (English Land Restoration League pamphlet) no. 21 n.d. p. 1 Google Scholar. Also pp. 2–3. Copy in Davitt Papers. On Davitt’s initial effective use of the image of a priest as ‘oppressor’, see Bull, Philip, Land, Politics and Nationalism: A Study of the Irish Land Question, (Dublin 1996), pp. 7475.Google Scholar

5 Ibidem., 21 July 1883. Sir George Bowyer, (1811–1883), M. P. Dundalk, 1832–68, Wexford, 1874–80. A Liberal favourable to tenant right and later Home Rule he was a close confidant of Cardinal Wiseman. Five years later The Tablet, 4 Feb. 1888, remained hostile to Davitt.

6 The English Catholic Community, 1570–1850, (London 1975), pp. 327–37, 345 argues that even the increased social standing of the Catholic aristocracy and gentry in the early nineteenth century failed to increase their power within the Church. By the late nineteenth century episcopal deference to them was in decline. The Archbishop of Liverpool’s closure of the private chapel on the Scarsbrick estate and the Bishop of Galloway’s refusal to remove a popular priest from Rothesay who was unacceptable to Lady Bute are indicative of that shift. All that remained was aristocratic political influence which might be used in parliamentary elections or behind the scenes in Rome. Cannadine, David, The Decline and Fall of the British Aristocracy, (New Haven 1990) pp. 561–68 discusses the fortunes of the Duke of Norfolk and the Marquess of Bute.Google Scholar

7 Quoted in Girouard, Mark, The Victorian Country House, (Oxford 1981) p. 2 Google Scholar. The Weld-Blundells, de Traffords and Lovats maintained that tradition, The Tablet, 11 June 1886, 18 Aug., 19 Sept. 1887. See also Times, n.d. 1864, quoted Steele, E. D., Irish Land and British Politics: Tenant Right and Nationality, 1865–1870, (Oxford 1974) p. 43 Google Scholar and Gibson, Ralph and Blinkhorn, M., eds., Land Ownership and Power in Modern Europe, (London 1991).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

8 ‘The Works and Wants of the Church in England’, Dublin Review, 1882, pp. 331–68, 353, reprinted in his Miscellanies, 3 vols. (London 1888) III pp 399–68. Also see Keating, P. J., The Working Classes in Victorian Fiction, (London 1971).Google Scholar

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10 The Orthodox Journal, 8 June 1839, 16 Jan. 1841, 6 April 1844. The Gild appears in The Orthodox Journal, 25 Mar., 2 May, 19 Dec. 1840, 500 members in Bradford; Ibidem. 25 Jan. 1840, Barnsley; The Tablet, 21 Sept. 1839, 7, 14, Mar., 4 April 1840, 17 Feb., 17 April 1841, Huddersfield; 6 Nov. 1841 Barton on Irwell; 18 Dec. 1841 Stockton; 7 May 1842 London; 4 June 1842, Hull; 24 Sept. 1842, Liverpool; 29 April 1843, Preston; 17 June 1843, Nottingham; 6 Jan., 13 April 1844, Wapping; 24 June 1844, Salford, among others. There were also branches in Australia.

11 Frederick Ozanam, (London cl892) p. 22. Costelloe invariably demanded an end to ‘excess of respectability’ and wanted real lay involvement. The Tablet, 5 July 1980. A few months earlier The Tablet, 8 March 1890, welcomed the 118 English conferences in operation.

12 S., J., ‘Reformatories and Paraguay’, Month, 2 (1865), pp. 157–70.Google Scholar

13 See for example The Tablet, 10 Sept. 1870, 25 May, 17 June 1871, 27 May, 21 Oct. 1882. Or the Catholic Colonisation schemes in Minnesota, Ibidem, 21 June 1879, 19 Sept. 1881. Shannon, J. F., Catholic Colonisation on the Western Frontier, (New Haven 1957) To South Africa Rev. J. O’Haire 11, [25] Oct, 1, 22 Nov. 1879Google Scholar. To Manitoba 29 May 1880. B. F. C. Costelloe on Canada, 3 Jan. 1885.

14 See Asplin, James, ‘Our Boys'. What Shall We Do With Them? Or Emigration the Real Solution of the Problem, (Manchester cl870)Google Scholar and Boyd, J. F., ‘Some State Directed Emigration’, The Month, 547 (1883) pp. 210–26Google Scholar. Nugent, John. ‘The Care of the Poor’, in Beck, A., ed, The English Catholics, 1850–1950, (London 1950), especially pp. 571–76Google Scholar and McClelland, V. A., ‘The Making of Young Imperialists: Rev. Thomas Seddon, Lord Archibald Douglas and the Resettling of British Catholic Orphans in Canada’, Recusant History, 19 (1988) pp. 509–29.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

15 Bellingham, H. M.P.Irish Emigration’, The Month, 44 (1879) pp. 502–06Google Scholar. Bellingham (1846–1921) M.P. for Louth. A convert and Conservative supporter of Home Rule, published a translation from French, The Social Aspects of Catholicism and Protestantism.

16 Phi, ‘The Prospects of Catholic Charity’, The Month, 7 (1867) pp. 1–11, p. 11.

17 The Tablet, 11 Dec., 1886.

18 Devas, C. S., ‘Labour and Capital’, The Month, 25 (1875) pp. 156–73 and pp. 333–54, 335Google Scholar ‘unChristian plutocracy’, and p. 336. At p. 157 n. 1 he refers to a ‘Jewish and infidel plutocracy’. Later in ‘Pro Aris et Focis’, The Month, 62 (1888) pp. 153–67, he again attacked economic liberalism and Jewish plutocracy, p. 156.

19 ‘Dwellings of the Poor’, The Month, 50 (1884), pp. 35–54; The Tablet, 1, 15, 22, 19 Mar., 12 April 1873 on South Wales; The Tablet, 2 Sept. 1882, 24 Feb., 19 May, 9 June, 14 July, 10 Nov. 1883, 24 Feb. 1889.

20 See Egan, M. J., The Life of Dean O’Brien, Founder of the CYMS, (Dublin 1949)Google Scholar; Heimann, Mary, Catholic Devotion in Nineteenth Century England, (Oxford 1995)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For a parallel interpretation Clarke, Brian P., Piety and Nationalism: Lay Voluntary Associations and the Creation of Irish-Catholic Community in Toronto, 1850–95, (Montreal 1993).Google Scholar

21 The Tablet, 19 April 1873, 30 Aug. 1879, 3, 17 Sept. 1881, 7 Aug. 1886, 15 Aug. 1891.

22 See ‘Social Dangers’, The Month, 6 (1867), pp. 121–34. Some may have been the legacy of earlier libraries associated with the Catholic defence of emancipation. Orthodox Journal, 1 Aug. 1835, 30 Jan. 1836, 23 Mar. 1839 report a Newcastle Catholic library existed from 1822, with 158 members and 1,208 volumes to counteract proselytism and drink. The paper reported that many similar centres were operating in industrial England.

23 Cf. Brown, Peter, The Cult of the Saints: Its Rise and Function in Latin Christianity, (Chicago 1981)Google Scholar and Cunneen, Sully, In Search of Mary: The Woman and the Symbol, (New York 1996).Google Scholar

24 The Rambler, 19 (1851), p. 319.

25 The Orthodox Journal, 5 Sept., 1840.

26 The Tablet, 17 May 1879, 29 Dec. 1883.

27 W., R.I., ‘The Religion of a Gentleman’, Catholic Progress Feb. 1880 Google Scholar. Also M.E.A., ‘The Papal Zouaves’, ibidem., Sept. 1877, pp. 268–61.

28 Sherrington, Geoffrey, Australia’s Immigrants, 1788–1988, (Sydney 1990), p. 36 Google Scholar. See Fitzpatrick, David, ‘A Peculiar Tramping People: The Irish in Britain 1800–1870’, pp. 623–60 in Vaughan, W. E., ed., A New History of Ireland, v 5, (Oxford 1989).Google Scholar

29 Cardinal Manning to Bishop H. Vaughan, 1 June 1886, quoted by Larkin, Emmet, The Roman Catholic Church and the Creation of the Modern Irish State, 1878–1886, (Dublin 1975), p. 379 Google Scholar. Vaughan later moved his position a little. See his The Work of the Catholic Laity, (London 1899), pp. 2–6. Davitt was unconvinced. Michael Davitt to Richard McGhee, undated letter of 1895, Davitt Papers.

30 Manning to Archbishop W. J. Walsh, 8 May 1887, quoted in Larkin, Emmet, The Roman Catholic Church and the Plan of Campaign in Ireland, 1886–1888, (Cork 1978) p. 79 Google Scholar. See also his The Roman Catholic Church and the Home Rule Movement in Ireland, 1870–1874, (Dublin 1990). Successful Irish criticism rested upon new social and political realities. See Vaughan, W. E., Landlords and Tenants in Mid-Victorian Ireland, (Oxford 1994), especially pp. 21628.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

31 See my ‘David Urquhart, Robert Monteith and the Catholic Church: A Search for Justice and Peace’, Innes Review, 31 (1980), pp. 57–70 and my ‘Rerum Novarum and the Church in the Transatlantic World’, in Boutry, P. ed., Rerum Novarum. Ecriture, Contenu et Reception d’Une Encyclique, (Rome 1997), pp. 465–95Google Scholar. Few outside the Church were impressed. See Blatchford, Robert, Socialism: A Reply to the Encyclical of the Pope, (London 1893), especially p. 4.Google Scholar

32 See Reddy, William M., Money and Liberty in Modern Europe: A Critique of Historical Understanding, (Cambridge 1987), p. 125.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

33 See Bridgett, T. E., The Discipline of Drink, (London 1876), p. 221 Google Scholar. Ryder, Cyril, Life of Thomas Edward Bridgett, (London 1906)Google Scholar attributes his conversion to the medieval church of compassion and to his sympathy for the Irish.

34 The Month, 12 (1870), pp. 104–05. Plater, C., ‘A Catholic Society for Social Study’, The Month, 114, (1909), pp. 449–60Google Scholar; The Teaching of Civics in Catholic Schools, Ibidem 115 (1910), pp. 598–605; ‘Social Study in Seminaries’, Ibidem. 116 (1910), pp. 364–73 and 396–606. See Martindale, C. C., Rev. Charles Dominic Plater S.J., (London 1922).Google Scholar

35 See ‘The Convents of the United Kingdom’, Fraser’s Magazine, NS 9 (Jan. 1874), pp. 14–24, especially p. 22.

36 See Archbishop Walsh to Mgr. Tobias Kirby 4 July 1887 re Norfolk, Vaughan and the Persico mission; Cardinal Logue to Mgr. Tobias Kirby, 2 June, 27 Sept., 11 Oct. 1893, Kirby Papers. The strength of Irish concerns appear in Walsh, Patrick J., William J. Walsh, Archbishop of Dublin, (Dublin 1928), p. 249 Google Scholar; Curtis, L. P., Coercion and Conciliation in Ireland, 1880–1892, (Princeton 1963), pp. 270–77CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and more generally in Larkin, Emmet, The Roman Catholic Church and the Plan of Campaign in Ireland 1886–1888, (Cork 1978)Google Scholar and in Geary, Laurence M., The Plan of Campaign, (Cork 1986).Google Scholar

37 Archbishop Walsh to Mgr. Tobias Kirby, 4 Feb., 1889 and 28 Dec. 1888, Kirby Papers. See also the letter of the former M.P. and Lord Mayor of Dublin, Charles Dawson to Mgr. Tobias Kirby, 10 Jan. 1889, Kirby Papers; The Tablet, 13, 20, 27 Mar. 1886.

38 Freeman’s Journal, 22 Jan. 1906 quoted in Moody, T. W., Davitt and Irish Revolution, 1848–1882, (Oxford 1981) p. 249.Google Scholar

39 Cardinal Paul Cullen to Mgr. Tobias Kirby, 18 Dec. 1863, Kirby Papers.

40 Cf. Cannadine, David, The Decline and Fall of the British Aristocracy, (New Haven 1990) pp. 512, 525, 561–8Google Scholar, and his Lords and Landlords: The Aristocracy and the Towns, 1774–1967, (Leicester 1980), pp. 41–61; Bence-Jones, Mark, The Catholic Families, (London 1992)Google Scholar, chapters 8–10, pp. 209–90. On the earlier period see Garrard, J., Leadership and Power in Lancashire Industrial Towns, (1983).Google Scholar

41 On the background, see Cannadine, David, The Decline and Fall of the English Aristocracy, pp. 88–181Google Scholar. Overviews are provided by Beckett, J. V., The Aristocracy in England, 1660–1914, (Oxford 1986)Google Scholar; Bush, M. L., The English Aristocracy: A Comparative Synthesis, (Manchester 1984)Google Scholar; Douglas, R., Land, People and Politics: A History of the Land Question in the United Kingdom, 1878–1952 (London 1976).Google Scholar

42 Quoted Allen, Theodore W., The Invention of the White Race, v 1 (London 1994), p. 267 and p. 29Google Scholar. Francis Galton believed working-class unemployment was attributable to an African-like lack of endurance and instability. Adas, Michael, Machines as the Measure of Men: Science, Technology and Ideologies of Western Dominance, (Ithaca 1989), p. 209.Google Scholar

43 Quoted Scally, Robert James, The End of Hidden Ireland: Rebellion, Famine and Emigration, (Oxford 1995), p. 202.Google Scholar

44 Bishop J. MacEvilly, Galway to Mgr. T. Kirby, 13 May 1882, Kirby Papers; Rev. John McLachlan, Kilmarnock, later Bishop of Galloway had denounced him from the pulpit. Lavelle’s supporters rallied round in defence, GAA W/D 9/4 Lavelle clipping, report of meeting. See Moran, Gerard, A Radical Priest in Mayo: Fr. Patrick Lavelle: The Rise and Fall of an Irish Nationalist, 1825–1886, (Blackrock 1994).Google Scholar

45 See Irish People, 4, 16, 30 July 1864;

46 Archbishop Mermillod’s sermon. ‘L’Église et les Ouvriers au XIXe siècle’, 1868, quoted in Mussard, Cyrille, L’Oeuvre Social du Cardinal Mermillod, (Louvain 1914), p. 63.Google Scholar

47 Watson, David, Social Advance: Its Meaning, Method and Goal, (London 1912), p. 163 Google Scholar. Anti-immigrant, he was later convenor of the influential Church and Nation Committee of the Church of Scotland.

48 Irish Catholic Directory, 1861 and 1881.

49 See Hoppen, K.T., Education, Politics and Society in Ireland, 1832–1885, (Oxford 1984) p. 179.Google Scholar

50 See his The Peril and Preservation of the Home, (London 1906), pp. 180–9. Also Moskowitz, H. A. in Breckinridge, Sophia P., ed., The Child and the City, (London 1912), p. 268.Google Scholar

51 Cf. Maguire, J. F. speaking in Glasgow, 11 Nov. 1870, Irish Catholic Directory 1871 and his Pius IX, (London 1859).Google Scholar

52 Cf. Scott, Bishop Andrew, Vicar-Apostolic, Western District, Scotland to Propaganda, 15 Feb. 1833, APR v 4 ff 409–12Google Scholar, reporting on Irish social and political militants.

53 See Formby, Henry, The Growing Unbelief of the Educated Classes, (London 1880) p. 4.Google Scholar

54 For example, Bishop J. Dorrian, Belfast, to Mgr. T. Kirby, 30 June 1880, Kirby Papers.

55 See, for example, Broderick, John F., The Holy See and the Irish Movement for the Repeal of the Union with England, 1829–1847, (Rome (1951).Google Scholar

56 Bishop D. McGettigan to Mgr. T. Kirby 24 Oct. 1884, Kirby Papers.

57 See Archbishop T. W. Croke to Mgr. T. Kirby, 19 Dec. 1886, 17 Feb. 1887 in E. Larkin, Plan of Campaign …, pp. 11, 17–18 and L. M. Geary, The Plan of Campaign, pp. 83–5 Cf. Green, James J., ‘American Catholics and the Irish Land League, 1879–1882, ‘Catholic Historical Review’, 25 (1949), pp. 1942 Google Scholar and Walsh, Victor A., ‘Irish Nationalism and Land Reform; The Rõle of the Irish in America’, in Drudy, P. J., ed., ‘The Irish in America: Emigration, Assimilation and Impact’, Irish Studies, 4 (Cambridge 1985) pp. 253–69.Google Scholar

58 ‘National Prosperity and the Ownership of Land’, The Month, 500 (1884), pp. 535–53.

59 Kelly, R. J., ‘A Co-operative Farm in Ireland Fifty Years Ago’, 52 (1885), pp. 247–59Google Scholar; Anon, , ‘Socialism and Liberty’, 54 (1885), pp. 1527 Google Scholar; Devas, C. S., ‘The Unemployed’, 57 (1886), pp. 112 Google Scholar, his ‘Fair Wages’ 57 (1886), pp. 500–16, his ‘Is England on the Road to Ruin?’, 60 (1887), pp.?-17, his ‘Work or Bread?’ 64 (1888), pp. 305–20; Anon, , ‘London Lodging Houses’, 59 (1887), pp. 6674 Google Scholar; Anon, , ‘The Leakage of the Catholic Church: Its. Remedy’, 59 (1887), pp. 176–89Google Scholar; Britten, James, ‘The Loss of Our Boys59 (1887), pp. 457–68Google Scholar; Editor, ‘The Salvation Army and Darkest England’, 70 (1890), pp. 457–74; The Tablet, 18 July 1914 on the Catholic Social Congress. Virginia Crawford, Sir Charles Dilke’s reputed former lover and Catholic convert, began her career in the social apostolate at this time. For example her ‘The Situation in Belgium’, The Month, 90 (1897), pp. 489–501; ‘Ideals of Charity’, Ibidem, 93 (1899), pp. 459–68 and ‘Aspects of Charity in Vienna’, Ibidem, 98 (1901), pp. 465–75, where she denounced anti-semitism. Whittington-Howley, J. F., ‘Our Polish and Lithuanian Immigrants’, The Month, 102 (1903), pp. 474–86Google Scholar and Anon, ‘Jewish Immigrants’, Ibidem, pp. 593–606 show tolerant concern. More conservative social attitudes appear in Tyrell, George, ‘Socialism and Catholicism’, The Month, 89 (1897), pp. 280–88Google Scholar, Rickaby, Joseph, ‘Three Socialist Failures’, 91 (1898), pp. 151–68Google Scholar, ‘Some Difficulties of Socialism’, Ibidem, pp. 22–32 and A. J. O’Connor, The Socialist Movement in England’, Ibidem, 111 (1908), pp. 36–51.

60 Blunt, W. S., The Land War in Ireland, (London 1912), pp. 22 and 181.Google Scholar

61 Rev. W. Delaney S.J. To Mgr. T. Kirby, 20 Feb. 1868, Kirby Papers; M. Bence-Jones, The Catholic Families, p. 207.

62 See Bence-Jones, Mark, Twilight of the Ascendancy, (London 1987), p. 141.Google Scholar

63 Letters of Rev. P. O’Neile, 7 Nov. 1887; Charles Dowson, 10 Jan. 1889; Archbishop Walsh, 4, 29 Feb., 30 Aug. 1889 to Mgr. Tobias Kirby, Kirby Papers.

64 Quoted Glasse, Rev. John, Modern Christian Socialism, (Manchester 1897), p. 23.Google Scholar

65 Ibidem and The Tablet, 28 Feb. 1880.

66 The Tablet, 1 Mar. 1884. See M. Davitt to John Ferguson, 9 Dec. 1884, Davitt Papers.

67 The Tablet, 3, 10, 17 July 1886.

68 See The Tablet, 10 July and 4, 11 Sept. 1886, 12, 19 Mar., 25 April, 15 Oct. 1887, 16 Feb., 30 Mar., 3, 24 Aug. 1889. The Unionist, Edwin de Lisle M.P. (1852–1920), bitterly opposed any state regulation of mines or agriculture, The Tablet, 3 May and 11 Oct. 1890. The Catholic convert, George Lane-Fox, was vice-chairman of the Primrose League, The Tablet, 26 April 1890. He owned over 24,000 acres in Ireland. Bateman, John, The Great Landowners of Great Britain, (1876, Leicester 1971 ed.), p. 174.Google Scholar

69 The Tablet, 26 Feb. 1887.

70 Ibidem., 26 Mar. 1887. Joseph Monteith wrote in response the following week.

71 The Tablet, 3 Oct., 1891.

72 The Tablet, 21 July, 18 Aug. 1888, 19 July 1890.

73 See McClelland, V. S., Cardinal Manning: His Public Life and Influence, 1865–1892, (Oxford 1962)Google Scholar and Dell, R. E., The Catholic Church and the Social Question, (London 1899)Google Scholar. Bagshawe, later published On the Just Principles of Letting Land, (London 1899)Google Scholar. Edward Gilpin Bagshawe, (1829–1915), Archbishop of Seleucia from 1904, Bishop of Nottingham, 1874–1901, educated London University and Oscott. His brother was a Q.C., J.P. and judge in the Cambridgeshire county courts.

74 Patronage and Piety: The Politics of English Roman Catholicism, 1850–1900. (London 1993).

75 The Tablet, 9 April 1886.

76 Devas, C. S., Plain Words on Socialism, (London 1908)Google Scholar and The Meaning and Aim of Christian Democracy, (London 1898) are developments from his earlier Labour and Capital in England From a Catholic Point of View, (London 1876). See Rev. Dr. Barry’s address to the C.T.S., The Tablet, 12 July 1890, and the Report of the C.Y.M.S. Conference, Glasgow, Ibidem, 9 Aug. 1890. A typical initiative, the Preston Catholic Girl Aids Society Home, housed 29 unfortunates. The Tablet, 11 July 1891. Holmes, J. Derek, More Roman than Rome: English Catholicism in the Nineteenth Century, (London 1978) pp. 174 and 240–41.Google Scholar

77 The Tablet, 7 Sept. 1889. In ‘Problems of Greater Britain’, The Tablet, 25 July 1891. The writer declared ‘Democracies are not troubled with scruples about the rights of property whether that of their fellow man or distant creditors.’

78 The Tablet, 17 May 1890. ‘Old Catholics’ like the Weld Blundells were relaxed at the extension of the suffrage and in the face of Irish Home Rule, after ‘uniform infamy’ towards Ireland. The Tablet, 11 June 1887.

79 Quoted McCarthy, John P., Hilaire Belloc: Edwardian Radical, (Indianapolis 1978) p. 273 Google Scholar. See also Canovan, Margaret, G. K. Chesterton: Radical Populist, (New York 1977) p. 138 Google Scholar. The Jesuits, Dominic Charles Plater and Herbert Lucas, were also very influential. See The Tablet, 21 April 5 May, 8 Dec 1917. See Cleary, J. M.’s much neglected Catholic Social Action in Britain, 1909–59 (Oxford 1961)Google Scholar and Doyle, Peter, ‘Dominic Plater and the Origins of the Catholic Social Guild’, Recusant History, 21, 1992, pp. 401–17.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

80 Hoyland, John S., Digging for New England, (London 1936), p. 192.Google Scholar

81 Rafferty, Oliver. P., Catholicism in Ulster, 1603–1983 (London 1994) p. 211 Google Scholar. John Wheatley, (1869–1930), founder member of the Catholic Socialist Society, a Glasgow city councillor, 1912–22, M.P., 1922 to his death, and Minister of Health in 1924.

82 Quoted on p. 502 in (Thomas Croskerry, 1830–1902) ‘The Irish Abroad’, Edinburgh Review, 127 (1868), pp. 502–37.