¹ ‘les anglois catholiques en tresgrandes Multitude sont venues’, Bibliothèque Nationale de France, Paris, Fonds francais, 20309, fo. 357v.

² In addition to the feast of the martyrdom, there were two other feast days dedicated to Saint Thomas in the medieval liturgical year. The feast of his return to England after his exile took place on 9 December: this was usually celebrated by religious communities with a special connection to Becket. The third feast, which marked the translation of his remains to a dedicated resting place in Canterbury Cathedral in 1220, was on 7 July. From the latter emerged the celebration of his jubilee, a feast day that was continued down to the late fifteenth century, at least in England.

³ Anne Duggan, Thomas Becket (London, 2004); Davis, J. F., ‘Lollards, Reformers and St. Thomas of Canterbury’, University of Birmingham Historical Journal, 9 (1963), pp. 1–15.Google Scholar

⁴ Hughes, Paul L. and Larkin, James F. (eds.), Tudor Royal Proclamations (3 vols, London, 1964), 1, pp. 275–6Google Scholar; Elton, G. R., Policy and Police: The Enforcement of the Reformation in the Age of Thomas Cromwell (Cambridge, 1985), pp. 256–7Google Scholar. For the most recent consideration of Henrician initiatives against the cult of Saint Thomas, Bernard, G. W., The King’s Reformation: Henry VIII and the Remaking of the English Church (London, 2005), pp. 489–90.Google Scholar

⁵ Duggan, , Thomas Becket, p. 239 Google Scholar. Scully, Robert E., ‘The Unmaking of a Saint: Thomas Becket and the English Reformation’, Catholic Historical Review, 86 (2000), p. 592.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁶ For more on the path of the Henrician Reformation, Marshall, Peter, Reformation England 1480–1642 (London, 2003)Google Scholar, ch. 2; Bernard, The King’s Reformation, op. cit.

⁷ The Injunctions of 1538 made a more concerted effort against the practice of saints’ cults. For more on this, Bernard, , The King’s Reformation, pp. 494–6Google Scholar; Marshall, , Reformation England, p. 53 Google Scholar; Duffy, Eamon, The Stripping of the Altars: Traditional Religion in England 1400–1580 (2nd edition, London, 2005), pp. 406–8.Google Scholar

⁸ Parish, Helen L., Monks, Miracles and Magic: Reformation Representations of the Medieval Church (Abingdon, 2005), p. 93 Google Scholar; Scully, , ‘Unmaking of a Saint’, p. 596.Google Scholar

⁹ Parish, , Monks, Miracles and Magic, p. 96;Google Scholar Scully, , ‘Unmaking of a Saint’, p. 593 Google Scholar; Victor, Houliston, ‘St. Thomas Becket in the propaganda of the English Counter-Reformation’, Renaissance Studies, 7 (1993), p. 48 Google Scholar. For seventeenth century Catholic memory of this, The English Martyrologe Conteyning A Summary of the Lives of the glorious and renowned Saintes of the three Kingdomes, England, Scotland and Ireland ([Saint Omer] 1608), reprinted in Rogers, D. M. (ed.), English Recusant Literature, 232 (1975), p. 355.Google Scholar

¹⁰ Susan Brigden, ‘Wyatt and the Papal Enterprise of England’, paper given at the Centre for Reformation and Early Modern Studies, University of York, 28 Feb. 2007; See also Seymour Baker House, ‘Literature, Drama and Politics’ in MacCulloch, Diarmaid (ed.), The Reign of Henry VIII: Politics, Polity and Piety (Basingstoke, 1995), p. 189 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Butler, John, The Quest for Becket’s Bones: the mystery of the relics of St. Thomas Becket of Canterbury (London, 1995), pp. 119–22.Google Scholar

¹¹ Duggan, , Thomas Becket, p. 239.Google Scholar

¹² Scully, , ‘Unmaking of a Saint’, pp. 596–99.Google Scholar

¹³ Parish, , Monks, Miracles and Magic, p. 100.Google Scholar

¹⁴ Borenius, Tancred, St Thomas Becket in Art (London, 1932), p. 111 Google Scholar; Scully, , ‘Unmaking of a Saint’, p. 599 Google Scholar; Davis, , ‘Lollards, Reformers and St. Thomas of Canterbury’, p. 47.Google Scholar

¹⁵ Duffy, , The Stripping of the Altars, pp. 537–40Google Scholar; Harmon, A. G., ‘Shakespeare’s Carved Saints’, Studies in English Literature, 45 (2005), p. 319.Google Scholar

¹⁶ David Loades, ‘The Personal Religion of Mary I’, in Duffy, Eamon and Loades, David (eds.), The Church of Mary Tudor (Aldershot, 2006), p. 21.Google Scholar

¹⁷ Duffy, Eamon, Marking the Hours: English People and their Prayers 1240–1570 (London, 2006), pp. 150–7, 164–8Google Scholar. For changes made to Missals, Aude de Mézerac, ‘Crossing out, blotting out and defacing the missals: reforming the liturgy under Henry VIII’, paper given at the European Reformation Research Group, University of St. Andrews, Sept. 2007.

¹⁸ Parish, , Monks, Miracles and Magic, pp. 92–118.Google Scholar

¹⁹ Dillon, Anne, The Construction of Martyrdom in the English Catholic Community, 1535–1603 (Aldershot, 2004)Google Scholar. See also Gibbons, C. M., ‘The experience of exile and English Catholics: Paris in the 1580s’ (Unpublished PhD thesis, University of York, 2006)Google Scholar.

²⁰ For Gerard, The Autobiography of a Hunted Priest, trans. P. Caraman (London, 1952), pp. 49–50; Scully, ‘Unmaking of a Saint’, p. 600; Anne M. Myers, ‘Father John Gerard’s Object Lessons: Relics and Devotional Objects in Autobiography of a Hunted Priest’, in Corthell, Ronald, Dolan, Frances E., Highley, Christopher and Marotti, Arthur F. (eds.), Catholic Culture in Early Modern England (Notre Dame, 2007), pp. 216, 221 Google Scholar. For Garnet, , Scully, , ‘Unmaking of a Saint’, p. 600.Google Scholar

²¹ Davis, ‘Lollards, Reformers and St. Thomas of Canterbury’. For Catholic defences of the saint, Dillon, Construction, pp. 50–1; W. J. Sheils, ‘Polemic as Piety: Thomas Stapleton’s Tres Thomae and Catholic Controversy in the 1580s’, forthcoming in Journal of Ecclesiastical History, pp. 4–5; Parish, , Monks, Miracles and Magic, p. 104.Google Scholar

²² Parish, , Monks, Miracles and Magic, pp. 100–2.Google Scholar

²³ Houliston, , ‘St. Thomas Becket’, pp. 43–70.Google Scholar

²⁴ Stapleton, Thomas, Tres Thomae, seu de S. Thomas apostolic rebus gestis… de S. Thomas archiepiscopo Cantuarensi… D. Thomi ori… vita (Douai, 1588)Google Scholar.

²⁵ Scully, , ‘Unmaking a Saint’, p. 588 Google Scholar; Dickens, A. G., The English Reformation (2nd edition, 1989), p. 162 Google Scholar; Butler, , The Quest for Becket’s Bones, p. 123 Google Scholar. Catholic writers also made much of the fact that More’s execution took place on 6 July, the vigil of the feast day of Becket’s translation. Sheils, , ‘Polemic as Piety’, p. 7.Google Scholar

²⁶ Seventeenth-century silver medals depicted Becket in full archiepiscopal regalia on one side of the medal, with the reverse depicting More. Borenius, , St. Thomas Becket in Art, p. 30 Google Scholar; Houliston, , ‘St. Thomas Becket’, p. 50.Google Scholar

²⁷ W. J. Sheils, ‘Martyrdom Contested: Foxe, Stapleton and Thomas More’, paper given at Sixteenth Century Studies Conference, Atlanta, Georgia, 22 Oct. 2005. Also Sheils, ‘Polemic as Piety’; Houliston, , ‘St Thomas Becket’, pp. 50–51 Google Scholar. For the consolatio, Stapleton, Thomas, Tres Thomae, pp. 94–9Google Scholar. The letter is printed in Migne, J.-P. (ed.), Petri Blesenis Bathoniensis in Anglia Archidiaconi Opera Omnia: Patrologiae Latinae Tomus (207), pp. 78–82.Google Scholar

²⁸ William Allen, A True, Sincere and Modest Defence of English Catholiques that Suffer for their Faith both at home and abrode: against a false, seditious and slanderous libel intituled: The Execution of Justice In England. ([Rouen], 1584), reprinted in Rogers, D. M. (ed.), English Recusant Literature, 68 (1971)Google Scholar. This was responding to William Cecil, The Execution of Justice in England for maintenaunce of publique and Christian peace, against certeine stirrers of sedition, and adherents to the traytors and enemies of the realme, without any persecution of them for questions of religion, as is falsely reported and published by the fautors and fosterers of their treasons xvii. Decemb. 1583 (London, 1583).

²⁹ Ad Persecutores Anglos pro Catholicis domi forisgue persecutionem sufferentibus (1584); See Milward, Peter, Religious Controversies of the Elizabethan Age: A Survey of Printed Sources (London, 1977), no. 258, p. 70.Google Scholar

³⁰ Allen, , Defence, p. 35.Google Scholar

³¹ Allen, , Defence, p. 194.Google Scholar

³² Allen, , Defence, p. 151.Google Scholar

³³ Rigg, J. M. (ed.), Calendar of State Papers Relating to English Affairs, Preserved Principally at Rome in the Vatican Archives and Library (2 vols, 1916–26), 1, pp. 326–7, no. 647Google Scholar.

³⁴ In devotional literature for instance, the 1608 English Martyrologe recounts his life, martyrdom and post-mortem miracles, and the treatment of his shrine by Henry VIII. English Martyrologe, pp. 354–5.

³⁵ Borenius, , St Thomas Becket in Art, p. 5 Google Scholar; Houliston, , ‘St. Thomas Becket’, p. 58.Google Scholar

³⁶ Scott Robinson, Benedict, ‘‘‘Darke speech’’: Matthew Parker and the Reforming of History’, Sixteenth Century Journal, 29 (1998), pp. 1061–83CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Parish, , Monks, Miracles and Magic, pp. 32–9Google Scholar; David J. Crankshaw and Alexander Gillespie, ‘Matthew Parker’, in Matthew, H. C. G. and Harrison, Brian (eds.), Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (60 vols, Oxford, 2004), vol. 42, pp. 721–3.Google Scholar

³⁷ Dillon, , Construction, p. 197.Google Scholar

³⁸ Hicks, Leo (ed.), ‘Letters and Memorials of Father Robert Persons SJ, vol. 1 (to 1588)’, Catholic Record Society, 39 (1942), pp. 341–2Google Scholar. The Jesuit General Claudio Aquaviva issued an associated letter. Appearing in the 1582 edition of Robert Persons’ De Persecutione Anglicana, this was a huge marketing success. Dillon, , Construction, pp. 143–4.Google Scholar

³⁹ For a detailed examination of the frescoes, Dillon, Construction, pp. 172–239. For the role of laymen in funding the frescoes, Foley, Henry (ed.), Records of the English Province of the Society of Jesus, series 8 (5 vols, London, 1875–83), vol. 3, pp. 97–8Google Scholar, Father Alphonsus Agazzari to Father General Aquaviva, 14 Oct. 1583.

⁴⁰ Sophie Crawford Lomas (ed.), Calendar of State Papers Foreign Series of the Reign of Elizabeth, July 1583–July 1584, no. 343, 289.

⁴¹ For the cult at the college at Douai, Raymonde Foreville, ‘Le Culte de Saint Thomas Becket en France: Bilan Provisoire des Recherches’, in Foreville, Raymonde (ed.), Thomas Becket: Actes du Colloque International de Sédières, 19–24 aout 1973 (Paris, 1975), p. 179 Google Scholar. Prior to the Reformation, a cult had also developed at the Premonstratensian monastery at Hesdin, 60 km from Douai, which Becket had visited. Stapleton records a large number of miracles related to this shrine. Sheils, ‘Polemic as Piety’; Stapleton, , Tres Thomae, pp. 126–51Google Scholar. For Saint-Omer, Houliston, ‘St Thomas Becket’, pp. 54–8. The English secular college at Lisbon had a confraternity dedicated to Saint Thomas, which was open to local Portuguese as well as members of the college. It was a wealthy and prominent organisation, which counted some of the most influential aristocrats and nobles in Lisbon society as its members. Interestingly, devotion to Saint Thomas seemed open to institutions of both the secular and regular clergy on the continent.

⁴² Shell, Alison, Catholicism, Controversy and the English Literary Imagination, 1558–1660 (Cambridge, 1999), pp. 171, 211–13CrossRefGoogle Scholar. See also Houliston, , ‘St Thomas Becket’, p. 43.Google Scholar

⁴³ Medieval French monarchs drew on their connection to the saint. Scully, , ‘Unmaking of a Saint’, p. 583.Google Scholar

⁴⁴ Foreville, (ed.), Thomas Becket, p. ix Google Scholar.

⁴⁵ See for example, The National Archives, London, State Papers Foreign, SP 78/4a163, The names of sundry Englishmen, Papists, presently abiding in Paris, 27 Apr. 1580, available in John Butler, Arthur (ed.), Calendar of State Papers Foreign Series in the Reign of Elizabeth, 1579–1580 (London, 1904), no. 279, 250–2Google Scholar. See also Gibbons, ‘The experience of exile’, esp. Introduction and ch. 2.

⁴⁶ There are numerous references in the State Papers Foreign relating to English Catholics abroad. For example, TNA, SP 78/41/75, R. Lloyd to [Walsingham], Paris, 31 May 1580.

⁴⁷ For the establishment and development of the house over the centuries, Bonnard, Fourier, Histoire de l’abbaye royale et de l’ondre des chanoines réguliers de St-Victor de Paris (2 vols, Paris, 1905–7)Google Scholar.

⁴⁸ For his activity at the Collège de Clermont, Bossy, J. A., ‘Elizabethan Catholicism: The Link with France’ (unpublished Ph.D. thesis, University of Cambridge, 1960), pp. 40, 134–5Google Scholar. For Darbyshire’s influence on Gilbert, George, McCoog, Thomas M., ‘The English Jesuit Mission and the French Match, 1579–1581’, Catholic Historical Review, 87 (2001), p. 208 Google Scholar; for Gilbert’s contribution to the frescoes see above, footnote 35. For Darbyshire’s acquaintance with other exiled clerics and fugitive rebels from the 1569 revolt, Talbot, Clare (ed.), ‘Miscellanea Recusant Records’, Catholic Record Society, 53 (1960), pp. 187–8.Google Scholar

⁴⁹ BNF, 20309, fo. 349.

⁵⁰ In Paris, Robert de Dreux, the brother of Louis VII, was responsible for the construction of the collegiate church of Saint-Thomas-du-Louvre. Foreville, ‘Le Culte de Thomas Becket en France’, in Foreville, (ed.), Thomas Becket, p. 169 Google Scholar. Alabaster panels in the church of Saint-Louis-en-l’Ile depict the birth and death of an archbishop, which could well be Becket, Thomas. Borenius, , St Thomas Becket in Art, p. 67.Google Scholar

⁵¹ Scully, , ‘Unmaking of a Saint’, p. 583.Google Scholar In contrast, the English Nation, later called the Anglo-German or the German Nation in the sixteenth century, claimed Saint Edmund for their patron.

⁵² Angelo, Vladimir, Les Curés de Paris au XVIe siècle (Paris, 2005), p. 285.Google Scholar

⁵³ Jean Châtillon, ‘Thomas Becket et les Victorins’, in Foreville, (ed.), Thomas Becket, pp. 90–5Google Scholar; Bonnard, , Histoire, vol. 1, p. 217 Google Scholar.

⁵⁴ Sources relating to the abbey are a little unclear on the actual year of this visit, but 1170 seems the most probable date, when Thomas was thanking his French hosts for their help before departing. Châtillon, ‘Victorins’, pp. 95–6.

⁵⁵ Becket’s homily was based on Psalm 75:3—’Though every living creature tremble/ and the earth itself be shaken/I will keep its foundations firm’. It is interesting to speculate whether the preacher in 1585 picked up on this text, which could be seen as holding a particular pertinence for the Elizabethan exiles.

⁵⁶ Anne Duggan, ‘The Cult of Saint Thomas Becket in the Thirteenth Century’, in Jancey, Meryl (ed.), St. Thomas Cantiloupe Bishop of Hereford: Essays in his honour (Hereford, 1982), pp. 36–7.Google Scholar

⁵⁷ Châtillon, , ‘Victorins’, pp. 96–7Google Scholar. A fourteenth-century manuscript also listed some of the saint’s blood—a common relic of the saint in the medieval period—amongst the abbey’s relics. Bonnard, , Histoire, vol. 2, pp. 89–90 Google Scholar. For the saint’s blood as a relic, Harmon, , ‘Shakespeare’s Carved Saints’, p. 324.Google Scholar

⁵⁸ BNF, 20309, fo. 299.

⁵⁹ Brainerd Slocum, Kay, Liturgies in Honour of Thomas Becket (London, 2004)Google Scholar.

⁶⁰ Lesson II of the Matins service for the 29 December in the Sarum Breviary, cited in Slocum, , Liturgies, p. 214 Google Scholar.

⁶¹ Duffy, , Marking the Hours, pp. 175–6.Google Scholar

⁶² Simon Ditchfield, ‘Tridentine Worship and the Cult of the Saints’, in Po-Chia Hsia, R. (ed.), The Cambridge History of Christianity, vol 6: Reform and Expansion (Cambridge, 2007), p. 203 CrossRefGoogle Scholar. A breviary of Parisian usage appeared in 1544, and various versions of this followed. However, the edition of ritual for the diocese of Paris did not conform to the Tridentine model until 1616. As for the Missal, some concessions were made to Roman demands in 1583, following the recommendations of a commission. Angelo, , Les Curés de Paris, pp. 287, 299 Google Scholar. For details of Missals and Breviaries published, Robert Amiet, Missels et Bréviaires Imprimés (supplement aux catalogues de Weale et Bohatta) (Paris, 1990).

⁶³ With thanks to Simon Johnson, University of York, for discussion of this point.

⁶⁴ Bonnard, , Histoire, vol. 1, pp. 194, 215.Google Scholar

⁶⁵ A[rchives] N[ationales] [de France, Paris], M[inutier] C[entral], LXXIII, 90, fo. 270. He had moved to the wealthier area of Saint Germain by 1586. AN, MC, LXIX, 176, fo. 223.

⁶⁶ ‘Banny du pays dangleterre pour la Religion Catholique’. AN, MC, LXXIII, 90, fo. 270; AN, MC, LXIX, 176, fo. 224. These French wills of Charles Paget also refer to his elder brother Thomas, Lord Paget in the same terms.

⁶⁷ Questier, Michael, Catholicism and Community in Early Modern England: Politics, Aristocratic Patronage and Religion, c. 1550–1640 (Cambridge, 2006)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁶⁸ For example, Allen, Defence, a response to Cecil, Execution of Iustice.

⁶⁹ Duggan, , Thomas Becket, p. 217.Google Scholar

⁷⁰ Parish, , Monks, Miracles and Magic, p. 95 Google Scholar; Scully, , ‘Unmaking a Saint’, p. 592.Google Scholar

⁷¹ Houliston, , ‘St. Thomas Becket’, p. 70.Google Scholar

⁷² Parish, , Monks, Miracles and Magic, pp. 100–1.Google Scholar

⁷³ Louis I de Guise, the brother of the Cardinal of Lorraine, was abbot from 1554–1578. He was succeeded by the 11-year-old Charles de Lorraine, the future Cardinal of Vaudémont. Charles was the second son of Duke Charles II of Lorraine and his wife Claude: he was a cousin to the Guise, and the links between them were still fairly strong. Charles remained abbot until 1603. Bonnard, Histoire, vol. 2, p. 55; J. A. Bergin, ‘The Decline and Fall of the House of Guise as an Ecclesiastical Dynasty’, The Historial Journal, 25 (1982), pp. 784–5.

⁷⁴ The involvement of the Duke of Guise in invasion plans in the early 1580s is well documented. See for example, Carroll, Stuart, Noble Power during the French Wars of Religion: The Guise Affinity and the Catholic Cause in Normandy (Cambridge, 1998), pp. 175–6Google Scholar; 188–92. His sister, the Duchesse de Montpensier, was also a key influence in anti-Elizabethan feeling in Paris. Pierre de L’Estoile, compiler of the most extensive Parisian journal of the reigns of Henri III and Henri IV, tells us that the tableaux erected in the churchyard of Saint-Séverin was known as the ‘tableau de Mme de Montpensier’. Below, footnotes 81–82.

⁷⁵ Bonnard, , Histoire, vol. 2, pp. 80–5.Google Scholar

⁷⁶ Bonnard, , Histoire, vol. 2, pp. 84–5.Google Scholar

⁷⁷ Bossy, ‘Link’, pp. 87–8, citing relation of Elizabeth Sanders, Archives of the English College, Valladolid, Serie 2.1.5. Elizabeth, a member of the Syon community, was the sister of the famous exile and polemicist Nicholas Sander.

⁷⁸ Raymonde Foreville, ‘Le Culte de Saint Thomas Becket en Normandie’, in Foreville, (ed.), Thomas Becket, p. 145 Google Scholar. For other representations of Thomas Becket in the city, Borenius, , St. Thomas Becket in Art, p. 47.Google Scholar

⁷⁹ Alexander S. Wilkinson, ‘“Homicides Royaux”: The Assassination of the Duc and Cardinal de Guise and the Radicalisation of French Public Opinion’, French History, 18 (2004), pp. 129–53.

⁸⁰ Benedict, Philip, Rouen During the French Wars of Religion (Cambridge, 1981), pp. 17, 19, 22, 110.Google Scholar

⁸¹ For the wanderings of the Syon convent in continental Europe, P. K. Guilday, The English Catholic Refugees on the Continent, 1558–1795, volume 1: The English Colleges and Convents in the Catholic Low Countries (Louvain, 1914); Bossy, ‘Link’, pp. 79–80.

⁸² For more on the convent in Rouen, Bossy, ‘Link’, especially pp. 78–88.

⁸³ Bernard, , The King’s Reformation, pp. 167–72Google Scholar. Bernard argues that to call Syon ‘a centre of resistance is to go too far’. However, within a religious community which had endured a difficult period of exile in several locations, the tradition of resistance, or of witness to the true faith in the face of secular persecution, was conceivably considerable.

⁸⁴ ‘I see not so few as five thousans people a day come to see it, and some English knave priests that be there, they point with a rod and show everything; affirm it to be true and aggravate it’. Lomas Crawford, Sophie (ed.), Calendar of State Papers Foreign Series in the Reign of Elizabeth, June 1586–June 1588 (London, 1927), 315–16Google Scholar, Edward Stafford to Francis Walsingham, 22 June 1587.

⁸⁵ For more on the Saint-Séverin tableau: Carroll, Stuart, ‘The Revolt of Paris, 1588: Aristocratic Insurgency and the Mobilisation of Popular Support’, French Historical Studies, 53 (2000), pp. 319–20Google Scholar. Wilkinson, Alexander, Mary Oueen of Scots and French Public Opinion, 1542–1600 (Basingstoke, 2004), pp. 106–9CrossRefGoogle Scholar; ‘Mary Queen of Scots in the Polemical Literature of the French Wars of Religion’ (Unpublished PhD thesis, University of Saint Andrews, 2001), pp. 173–8; Dillon, , Construction, pp. 163–9Google Scholar. For contemporary reports, Pierre de L’Éstoile, Registre-Journal du règne de Henri III, eds. Madeleine Lazard et Gilbert Schrenk (6 vols, Paris, 1992–2003), vol. 5, pp. 305–7.

⁸⁶ According to L’Éstoile, the main instigator was Jean Prévost, but the tableau was erected on the advice and common consent of a group of radical clerics, including Boucher. L’Estoile, Registre-Journal, vol. 5, p. 306.

⁸⁷ Angelo, , Les Curés de Paris, pp. 651–2Google Scholar, 811.

⁸⁸ Descimon, Robert and Ruiz Ibánez, Jose Javier, Les Ligueurs de l’exil: le refugie catholique francais aprés 1594 (2005), pp. 24, 250.Google Scholar

⁸⁹ Gregory, Brad S., Salvation at Stake: Christian Martyrdom in Early Modern Europe (London, 2001)Google Scholar; Dillon, Construction.

⁹⁰ Duggan observes how following the religious divisions of the Reformation, Becket acquired another role, as ‘the protector of old Catholics’. Duggan, Thomas Becket.

⁹¹ McClain, Lisa, ‘Without Church, Cathedral or Shrine: The Search for Religious Space among Catholics in England, 1559–1625’, Sixteenth Century Journal, 33 (2002), pp. 381–99.CrossRefGoogle Scholar