¹ His deprivation was simply regarded as null: Muller, J. A., Stephen Gardiner and the Tudor Reaction (London, 1926), pp. 217–18;Google Scholar For Gardiner's life and work, see also: Redworth, Glyn, In Defence of the Church Catholic: the Life of Stephen Gardiner (Oxford, 1990);Google Scholar Reviewed by Armstrong, C. D. C., Journal of Ecclesiastical History 44 (1993), pp. 311–13;CrossRefGoogle Scholar Pogson, Rex, ‘God's Law and Man's: Stephen Gardiner and the Problem of Loyalty’, Claire Cross, Loades, David, and Scarisbrick, J. J., eds., Law and Government under the Tudors (Cambridge, 1988), pp. 67–89;CrossRefGoogle Scholar Austen, J. F., Stephen Gardiner and the Origins of Erastian Catholicism c. 1528–1547 (Unpublished MA Thesis, University of Durham, 2002);Google Scholar Rex, Richard, ‘The Crisis of Obedience: God's Word and Henry's Reformation’, Historical Journal 39 (1996), pp. 863–94;CrossRefGoogle Scholar MacCulloch, Diarmaid, ‘Two Dons in Politics: Thomas Cranmer and Stephen Gardiner, 1503–1533’, Historical Journal 37 (1994), pp. 1–22;CrossRefGoogle Scholar Riordan, Michael and Ryrie, Alec, ‘Stephen Gardiner and the Making of a Protestant Villain’, Sixteenth Century Journal 34 (2003), pp. 1039–63.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

² Cranmer, Thomas, A defense of the true and catholyke doctrine of the sacrament of the body and blood of Christ (London, 1550;Google Scholar STC 6000); Gardiner, Steven, An explication and assertion of the true catholique fayth, touchyng the sacrament of the aultar… Made by Steven Byshop of Wynchester and exhibited by his own hande for his defense to the kinges majesties Commissioners at Lambeth (Rouen, 1551;Google Scholar STC 11592); Cranmer, Thomas, An answer… unto a crafty cavillation by S. Gardiner (London, 1551;Google Scholar STC 5991); Gardiner, Steven Confutatio Cavillationum, Quibus Sacrosanctum Eucharistiae Sacramentum, ab impiis Capernaitis, impeti solet, Authore Marco Antonio Constantio, Theologo Louaniensi (Paris, 1552).Google Scholar

³ Hudson, W. S., The Cambridge Connection and the Elizabethan Settlement of 1559 (Durham, N.C., 1980), pp. 36–42;Google Scholar Guy, John, Tudor England (Oxford, 1988), pp. 253–54.Google Scholar

⁴ While not entirely satisfactory, the terms ‘Protestant’ and ‘Catholic’ will be used throughout this study. As this study is concerned mainly with the ideological innovations of Gardiner's circle, calling them ‘Conservatives’ or ‘Traditionalists’ throughout would be unhelpful.

⁵ Muller, Gardiner, pp. 60, 315, 348, 309–17.

⁶ Dictionary of National Biography, ed. Stephen, L. (63 vols., London, 1885–1900)Google Scholar [hereafter, DNB], sub John Seton.

⁷ J. A. and Venn, John, Alumni Cantabrigienses (10 vols., Cambridge, 1922–54), 1, IV, p. 39.Google Scholar

⁸ Ibidem., p. 350.

⁹ Ascham, Roger, The Scholemaster (London, 1570;Google Scholar STC 832), fols. 53v, 57r; Watson, Thomas, A Humanist's ‘Trew Imitation ’: Thomas Watson's Absalom, A Critical Edition and Translation, ed. Hazel Smith, John (Urbana, 1964), pp. 17–30,Google Scholar 42–46; Smith, R. U., ‘An Unpublished Translation by Bishop Thomas Watson of a Spurious Sermon of St Cyprian of Carthage: Introduction and Text’, Recusant History 23 (1993), pp. 419–50;CrossRefGoogle Scholar Bridgett, T. E., ed., Sermons on the Sacraments (London, 1876), pp. viii–xii,Google Scholar xix-lxxix.

¹⁰ Seton, John, Dialectica (London, 1545;Google Scholar STC 22250); This was an important work of scholarship, thefirst English response to Rudolph Agricola's De Inventione dialectica: Howell, W.S., Logic and Rhetoricin England, 1500–1700 (Princeton, 1956), p. 49.Google Scholar

¹¹ Seton, Dialectica, sigs, A2r-A4v; On the significance of dedicating such an important book, itself associated with prestigious individuals, to Gardiner, see: Lytle, G. F. and Orgel, Stephen, eds., Patronage in the Renaissance (Princeton, 1981);Google Scholar Davis, N. Z., ‘Beyond the Market: Books as Gifts in Sixteenth-Century France’, Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 5th ser., 33 (1983), pp. 69–88;CrossRefGoogle Scholar Monheit, M. L., ‘Patronage and “the Ambition for an Illustrious Name”: Humanism, Patronage, and Calvin's Doctrine of the Calling’, Sixteenth Century Journal 23 (1992), pp. 267–87;CrossRefGoogle Scholar For the presence of Taylor here, and the possible irenical purpose of this preface, see: Watson, Absalom, pp. 23–24.

¹² Foxe, John, Actes and Monuments, pp. 772–866,Google Scholar Seton's deposition, p. 834, Watson's deposition, pp. 837–38, John White's deposition, pp. 845–46, (Note that the account of Gardiner's trial appearedonly in Foxe's first edition).

¹³ DNB, sub John Seton, Thomas Watson.

¹⁴ Rex, Richard, The Theology of John Fisher (Cambridge, 1991), p. 2;CrossRefGoogle Scholar Hughes, Philip, ed., Saint John Fisher: the Earliest English Life (London, 1935).Google Scholar

¹⁵ Tudor Royal Proclamations, ed. Hughes, P. L. and Larkin, J. F. (3 vols., New Haven, 1964–69), I, pp. 235–37.Google Scholar

¹⁶ Strype, Ecclesiastical Memorials, I, p. 229; Dowling, Maria, ‘John Fisher and the Preaching Ministry’, Archiv für Reformationsgeschicte 82 (1991), pp. 287–309.Google Scholar

¹⁷ Note Peter Martyr Vermigli's taunts during the Oxford disputations: MacCulloch, Diarmaid, Tudor Church Militant: Edward Viand the Protestant Reformation (London, 1999), p. 119.Google Scholar

¹⁸ BCL (1518), DCL (1521), DCnL (1522): Carleton, Bishops and Reform, pp. 188–201.

¹⁹ On the development of Gardiner's thought, see: Austen, Stephen Gardiner, pp. 109–17; O'Grady, Paul, Henry VIII and the Conforming Catholics (Collegeville, Minnesota, 1990), p. 95.Google Scholar

²⁰ Jardine, Lisa and Grafton, Anthony, ‘“Studied for Action”: How Gabriel Harvey Read his Livy’, Pastand Present 129 (1990), pp. 30–78.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

²¹ Clark, Francis, Eucharistic Sacrifice and the Reformation (London, 1960), pp. 329–30.Google Scholar

²² Redworth, Church Catholic, p. 142; Muller, Gardiner, pp. 97–99.

²³ Gardiner, Steven Confutatio Cavillationum, Quibus Sacrosanctum Eucharistiae Sacramentum, abimpiis Capernaitis, ìmpeti solet, Authore Marco Antonio Constantio, Theologo Louaniensi (Paris, 1552);Google Scholar DNB.

²⁴ Though vital as a point of contact between Gardiner and Fisher, Seton published only one work during Mary's reign, a short book of celebratory verses on the Queen and the Eucharist. They were witty (love conquers all, even the Dudleys), but not otherwise remarkable: Seton, John, Panegyrici in victoriamillustrissimae. D. Mariae, Angliae, Franciae, &c. (London, 1553;Google Scholar STC 22258).

²⁵ For the redemption of Fisher and More by Catholics in Elizabeth's reign, see: Gregory, B. S., Salvation at Stake: Christian Martyrdom in Early Modern Europe (Cambridge, Mass., 1999), pp. 255–72.Google Scholar

²⁶ Two of Fisher's English works were reprinted during Mary's reign: Fisher, John, A sermon very notable, fruicteful, and godile, made at Paules Crosse, 1521 (London, 1554;Google Scholar STC 10896); Ibidem. (London, 1556; STC 10897); Ibidem., This treatise concernynge the fruytfull saynge of Davyd in the seven penytencyall psalmes (London, 1555; STC 10908); Ibidem., English Works of John Fisher, Bishop of Rochester (1469–1535): Sermons and Other Writings, 1520–1535, ed. C. A. Hatt (Oxford, 2002).

²⁷ Alumni Oxonienses, ed. Foster, Joseph (4 vols., Oxford, 1888), II, pp. 980,Google Scholar 1614; When Thomas Howard stayed at Gardiner's house in Southwark in the months after Mary's coronation, White acted as his tutor. See:

Williams, Neville, Thomas Howard, Fourth Duke of Norfolk (London, 1964), pp. 29–30;Google Scholar Muller, Gardiner, pp. 340, 379.

²⁸ Le Neve, John, Fasti Ecclesiae Anglicanae, 1541–1857, ed. Horn, J. M. (London, 1974), III, p. 105;Google Scholar M. A. R. Graves, The House of Lords in the Parliaments of Edward VI and Mary I: An Institutional Study (Oxford, 1981), pp. 189–92, 290, n. 86; S. T. Bindoff, The House of Commons 1509–1558 (3 vols., London, 1982), sub. Sir Thomas White, Nicholas Tichbourne; Foxe, Actes and Monuments, pp. 845–46.

²⁹ DNB, sub John White; For White's articles for Lincoln diocese and Minster, see: Visitation Articles and Injunctions of the Period of the Reformation, ed. Frere, W. H. and Kennedy, W. M. (3 vols., London, 1910), II, pp. 397–400.Google Scholar

³⁰ Foxe, Actes and Monuments, p. 845.

³¹ White, John, Diacosiomartyrion, id est ducentorum virorum testimonium, de ventate corporis, et sanguinis Christi, in eucharistia, adversus Petrum Martyrem (London, 1553;Google Scholar STC 25488); White's sermon at Mary's funeral circulated in manuscript: DNB, sub John White; I would like to thank Mr Patrick Mussett for his explanation of White's Greek.

³² Ibidem., sig. A3r-A3v; Lowe, J. A., Richard Smith and the Language of Orthodoxy: Re-imagining Tudor Catholic Polemicism (Leiden, 2003), pp. 40–44;Google Scholar The printer's preface explained that it had been written and prepared for print three years before, but that, on the author's imprisonment, it had been felt better to delay publication: White, Diacosiomartyrion, sig. A1v.

³³ Ibidem., sig. B1r.

³⁴ Ibidem., fols. 87r–87v, 88r–88v, 89v–90v; Likewise, Thomas More appeared as the author of the Utopia, which his verse praised, one of several indications that More was not considered a theological authority: Ibidem., fol. 84r.

³⁵ See notes to STC 25388. I would like to thank Dr Georgianna Ziegler of the Folger Shakespeare Library for supplying me with a reproduction of this item.

³⁶ Watson, Sermons.

³⁷ Fisher, John, De ventate corporis et sanguinis christi in eucharistia… adversus lohannem Oecolampadium (Cologne, 1517); Rex, Theology, pp. 82, 89–90.Google Scholar

³⁸ Fisher, John, Defensio regiae assertionis… ad maledicentissimum Martini Lutheri (Cologne, 1525);Google Scholar For an indispensable analysis of Fisher's thought on these topics, see: Rex, Theology, pp. 131–38.

³⁹ Fisher, De ventate, Preface, Bk. I, fols. 51v–57v; Probably as a result of variations among the early editions of these two works of Fisher's, folio numbers are sometimes unhelpful, and so book and chapter numbers have been supplied. This is the most likely explanation for Rex's erratic referencing system.

⁴⁰ Wabuda, Preaching, pp. 148, 154–55, 159–61; Hausherr, Irénée, The Name of Jesus, tr. Charles Cummings (Kalamazoo, 1978).Google Scholar

⁴¹ Watson, Sermons, sigs. K5r–K8r.

⁴² McGrath, Historical Theology, pp. 195–200; Clarke, Eucharistic Sacrifice, pp. 99–100.

⁴³ Hebrews 7:27: ‘Who needeth not daily, as those high priests, to offer up sacrifice, first for his own sin, and then for the people's: for this he did once when he offered up himself.’

⁴⁴ Fisher, De veritate, Bk. 2, Ch. 18, fols. 74v–77r; For Gardiner's unease about this idea, see: Clark, Eucharistic Sacrifice, pp. 329–30; At the session of the General Council held at Bologna in 1547 Hieronymus ab Oleastro used the language of two sacrifices, apparently common at Bologna: Power, D. N., The Sacrifice We Offer: The Tridentine Dogma and Its Reinterpretation (New York, 1987), pp. 59–60, 82–88.Google Scholar

⁴⁵ Fisher, De veritate, Bk. 5, Preface, fol. 235r, Ch. 1, fol. 242r.

⁴⁶ Fisher, Defensio regiae, Ch. 6, fols. 81r-82r.

⁴⁷ Ps. 110:4; Mal. 1:11; Fisher, De veritate, Bk. 2, Preface, fol. 54v; Ibidem., Defensio regiae, Ch. 6, fol. 78r, 82r, 86v–87r.

⁴⁸ Watson, Sermons, sigs. N5r–O3v.

⁴⁹ Ibidem., sigs, 05r–P4r, P4v–P7v, P7v–Q8r.

⁵⁰ Watson, Sermons, sigs. A7r, L3r–L4v; Watson also quotes St Bernard's De Cena: Ibidem., sig. C6v; Fisher also made use of St Bernard, an author apparently considered unfashionably medieval by Watson's contemporaries: Rex, Theology, pp. 80–81, 124; On St Bernard's writings and piety, see: Evans, G. R., Bernard of Clairvaux (Oxford, 2000);Google Scholar Tamburello, D. E., Union with Christ: John Calvin and the Mysticism of St Bernard (Louisville, Ky., 1994).Google Scholar

⁵¹ Watson, Sermons, sig. A7r.

⁵² Kelley, D. R., ‘Guilaume Bude and the First Historical School of Law’, American Historical Review 72 (1967), pp. 807–34,CrossRefGoogle Scholar at p. 817; See also: Kelley, D. R., Foundations of Modern Historical Scholarship: Language, Law, and History in the French Renaissance (New York, 1970);Google Scholar Ibidem., The Writing of History and the Study of Law (Aldershot, 1997); Bindoff, House of Commons, sub Thomas Martin.

⁵³ Cranmer, Answer, pp. 408–9.

⁵⁴ Watson, Sermons, sigs. F1v, H3v–H6v; This commitment to historical methods of argument was also evident in the work of James Brooks, Master of Balliol College, Oxford, who became Gardiner's chaplain in 1553. His Paul's Cross sermon of 12 November 1553 was printed soon afterwards, and subsequently ranto two revised editions in 1554. No doubt, this was partly intended to raise Brooks's public profile before his election to a bishopric and service in parliament. From Brooks's point of view, it also served as an opportunity to demonstrate publicly his commitment to the ethos of Winchester's familia. His sermon shared several arguments with Gardiner and Watson, and included a long and carefully drawn analogy between Protestants and Arians; Brooks, James, A Sermon very notable, fruicteful, and godlie, made at Paules Crosse (London, 1553;Google Scholar STC 3838), see also STC 3839, 3839.3. References are to the revised edition of 1554 (STC 3839.3), though in fact the augmentations in the 1554 editions are very minor. Unfortunately, it is not possible to tell when in 1554 these editions were published. Watson's sermons were published in May when Parliament was breaking up, and Brooks's sermon may have been reprinted for the same event; MacCulloch, Cranmer, pp. 132, 573; Foster, Joseph, ed., Alumni Oxonienses (4 vols., Oxford, 1888), I, p. 190;Google Scholar à Wood, Anthony, Athenae Oxonienses (4 vols., London, 1813–20), I, pp. 314–15;Google Scholar During Latimer's trial, on 30 September 1555, Brooks became the butt of witticisms about his obscurity, see: Foxe, Actes and Monuments, pp. 1366–67.

⁵⁵ See Crowley's very elaborate refutation, equipped with extensive tables of contents, in which he mentioned the importance Catholics attached to the work: Crowley, Robert, A setting open of the subtyle sophistrie of Thomas Watson Doctor of Divinitie which he used in his two sermons made before Queene Mary (London, 1569;Google Scholar STC 6093), sig. A3r.

⁵⁶ DNB, sub Thomas Watson; Bonner's book has received high praise, see: Duffy, Stripping of the Altars, p. 534; Bonner, Edmund, A profitable and necessarye doctrine with certayne homelyes adioyned thereunto (London, 1555;Google Scholar STC 3283.3 [Doctrine], 3285.5 [Homilies]).

⁵⁷ On Bonner, see: Alexander, Gina, The Life and Career of Edmund Bonner, Bishop of London, to 1549 (Unpublished PhD thesis, University of London, 1960);Google Scholar Ibidem., ‘Bonner and the Marian Persecution’, History: The Journal of the Historical Association 60 (1975), pp. 374–91,CrossRefGoogle Scholar at 386–88; Ibidem., ‘Bishop Bonner and the Parliament of 1559’, Bulletin of the Institute of Historical Research 56 (1983), pp. 164–79.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁵⁸ Bonner, Doctrine, pp. 1–5; Henry VIII, A necessary doctrine and erudition for any Christen man (London, 1543; STC 5176); The King's Book more often stated doctrine than proved it. The long lists of scriptural and patristic citations that characterize Bonner's books were absent. Compare their treatments of the Mass: Henry, Necessary Doctrine, sigs. Glv-G2r; Bonner, Doctrine, sigs. S4v-Aa2v.

⁵⁹ Bonner, Doctrine, sigs. B1r–B4v.

⁶⁰ Ibidem., sig. C2v.

⁶¹ Ibidem., sig. D2r.

⁶² Ibidem., sig. E2r–E4r, G4r–H1v.

⁶³ See also the treatment of the Seven Sacraments: Ibidem., sigs. L3r–Ee3r; See the attacks on Anabaptists when treating Baptism, M3r–N4r, and the attack on the priesthood of all believers when discussing the sacrament of orders, Aa2v–Aa4r.

⁶⁴ Ibidem., Ee4v–Gglr.

⁶⁵ Ibidem., fols. 21v–27r.

⁶⁶ Ibidem., fols. 2v–6v, 7r–12v, 13r–17r.

⁶⁷ Ibidem., fols. 31v–36v, 36v–42r.

⁶⁸ Ibidem., fol. 41v.

⁶⁹ Watson, Thomas, Holsome and Catholyke doctryne concerninge the seven sacramentes …set forth in maner of shorte sermons (London, 1558;Google Scholar STC 25112.5); For a survey of the context, with annotated bibliography, see: Dudley, M. R., ‘Sacramental Liturgies in the Middle Ages’, Heffernan, T. J. and Matter, E. A., eds., The Liturgy of the Medieval Church (Kalamazoo, Michigan, 2001), pp. 215—43.Google Scholar

⁷⁰ On the relation of different theologies to different ‘ways of being religious’, see Wallace, D. D., Puritansand Predestination: Grace in English Protestant Theology, 1525–1695 (Chapel Hill, N.C., 1982), p. ix;Google Scholar Watson had clearly thought carefully about the place of the sacraments in community life, and placed special emphasis on the sacraments that could be ministered by the laity: baptism and marriage. On baptism, see: Watson, Catholyke Doctryne, fols. 9v, 13v–16v, 16v–17r. On matrimony, see: fols. 172r–74r.

⁷¹ Melanchthon, Philip, Loci communes theologicae (Wittenberg, 1521);Google Scholar For an English translation of the 1521 edition, see: Ibidem., ‘Loci communes theologicae’, Melanchthon and Bucer, Library of Christian Classics, ed. Pauck, W. (London, 1965), pp. 18–150;Google Scholar For details of the various editions and Melanchthon's changing thought, see: Reardon, B. M. G., Religious Thought in the Reformation (2nd ed., London, 1995), pp. 114–119;Google Scholar Watson's Sermons were an example of polemical theology: they answered a challenge; they did not provide a system.

⁷² Monfasoni, John, ‘Humanism and Rhetoric’, Rabil, Albert, ed., Renaissance Humanism: Foundations, Forms, and Legacy (3 vols., Philadelphia, 1988), III, pp. 171–235.Google Scholar

⁷³ Breen, Quirinus, ‘The Terms “Loci Communes” and “Loci” in Melanchthon’, Church History 16 (1947), pp. 197–209,CrossRefGoogle Scholar at pp. 197–202.

⁷⁴ Fenlon, Dermot, ‘The New Learning, the New Religion and the Law’, Historical Journal 17 (1974), pp. 185–95;CrossRefGoogle Scholar Schiffman, Z. S., On the Threshold of Modernity: Relativism in the French Renaissance (London, 1991), pp. 11–18.Google Scholar

⁷⁵ Hoffmann, Manfred, Rhetoric and Theology: The Hermeneutic of Erasmus (Toronto, 1994), pp. 151–54;Google Scholar These loci were found in the Ratio verae theologiae, he remarked in the same work that one should collate ‘theological loci in which you place everything you read as if in certain little nests. What you wish to express or conceal is thereby readier at hand… Having arranged these topics in the order of the affinity or opposition of words and things… everything notable in the Bible should be incorporated in proportion as it is concordant or dissonant.’ Ibidem., p. 37.

⁷⁶ Breen, ‘Melanchthon’, p. 208; Eden, Kathy, Hermeneutics and the Rhetorical Tradition: Chapters in the Ancient Legacy and its Humanist Reception (New Haven, 1997), pp. 79–89.Google Scholar

⁷⁷ Breen, ‘Melanchthon’, p. 207; On the importance of Melanchthon's ex-students, become pastors, as the target for his books, see: Kalb, Robert, ‘Teaching the Text. The Commonplace Method in Sixteenth Century Lutheran Biblical Commentary’, Bibliothèque d'Humanisme et Renaissance 49 (1987), pp. 571–85.Google Scholar

⁷⁸ For Cranmer's interest in the Loci communes, its use in the composition of the Bishop's Book, and the Homilies, see: MacCulloch, Cranmer, pp. 137–38, 190–91, 375.

⁷⁹ Martin, Traictise, sig. E3r.

⁸⁰ Seton, Dialectica, sig. A2v.

⁸¹ White, Diacosiomartyrion, sig. N2r–N2v; Luther, on the other hand, received only a couple of very vague lines.

⁸² Loades, Oxford Martyrs, p. 211.

⁸³ The result of the deliberations at Trent: ‘the source of grace itself was judged to lie less in inward conviction of salvation than in the sacraments, notably the Eucharist and penance more frequently and consistently used…’; Reardon, Religious Thought, p. 277; A formal statement on penance had been made in November 1551, and statements on baptism and confirmation before this point: Ibidem., p. 295; Schroeder, H. J., ed., Canons and Decrees of the Council of Trent (Rockford, III., 1978), pp. 51–55.Google Scholar

⁸⁴ For examples, see: Watson, Catholyke doctryne, fols. 8r, 24v, 36r, 58r, 80r.

⁸⁵ On the Marian régime's acceptance of vernacular Scripture as an accomplished fact, see: Craig, John, ‘Erasmus’ Paraphrases in English Parishes, 1547–1666’, Pabel, H. M. and Vessey, Mark, eds., Holy Scripture Speaks: The Production and Reception of Erasmus Paraphrases on the New Testament (Toronto, 2002), pp. 313–59,Google Scholar at pp. 326–28.

⁸⁶ Surtz, Edward, The Work and Days of John Fisher: An Introduction to the Position of St. John Fisher (1469–1535), Bishop of Rochester, in the English Renaissance and the Reformation (Cambridge, Mass., 1967), pp. 205–13;CrossRefGoogle Scholar Rex, Theology, pp. 118–20.

⁸⁷ MacCulloch, Cranmer, pp. 343–47.

⁸⁸ McGrath, Historical Theology, pp. 190–95; Rex, Theology, pp. 88–89, 121, 187; Eleven of Watson's thirty sermons were on penance; it was here that he addressed the most difficult problems of soteriology. The key sermon, which steered most closely to the Tridentine decrees, was ‘On Satisfaction’. When he remarked: ‘Whereby appeareth that the penaunce of a Christian man sinning deadly after baptisme, conteyneth satisfaction by fastinge, alms, prayer, and other godly exercises of spiritual life, not for the eternal pain of hel, which with the synne is remitted in the using of the sacrament of penaunce, or els if the sacrament cannot be had, in the desire of ful purpose to use it, when it may be had, but for temporal payne which (as the scriptures teache) is not holly alwayes remitted to theim that take the grace of God in vayne’, this was a translation of the Council of Trent's fourteenth chapter, session six, which concluded in January 1547, on justification. See: Schroeder, Canons and Decrees, pp. 39–40; Watson, Catholyke doctryne, fols. 139r–52v, at 143r; For a cleartreatment of the problems connected with satisfaction, see: Chadwick, Owen, The Early Reformation onthe Continent (Oxford, 2001), pp. 74–81.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁸⁹ See: McCoog, T. M., ‘Ignatius Loyola and Reginald Pole: A Reconsideration’, Journal of Ecclesiastical History 47 (1996), pp. 257–73.CrossRefGoogle Scholar