¹ Watts, J., Scalan: The Forbidden College, 1716–1799 (East Linton, 1999), pp. 250–1.Google Scholar The first James Maclachlan who entered Scalan in 1782 came from the Cabrach and the second, six years later, from Strathavon. Both places are close to Glenlivet in upper Banffshire.

² Anderson, W. J., ‘The College for the Lowland District at Scalan and Aquhorties: Registers and documents’, IR, 14 (1963), pp. 175, 184–5.Google Scholar

³ Taylor, M., The Scots College in Spain (Valladolid, 1971), pp. 176–8, 327.Google Scholar

⁴ Johnson, C., ‘Secular clergy of the Lowland District, 1732–1829’, IR, 34 (1983), p. 76.Google Scholar

⁵ SCA/BL, Charles Robertson, Toronto, to Paul Maclachlan, 3 Jan. 1757. Among family-related items in this archive it appears that a brother Charles was at Blairs College in 1848; brother George joined the Australian gold rush at Geelong, before working on the Melbourne railway and then moving to a Ceylon coffee plantation; brother Robert, at Arbroath in 1856, was ‘too much with worthless companions’; and there was a sister Maggie. She and the parents were still at Belachknockan in the mid-fifties.

⁶ Moran, P. A., ‘Grisy, the Scots College farm near Paris’, IR, 63 (1992), p. 63.Google Scholar

⁷ One of his fellow-students became an influential priest among Gaelic-speakers. See Roberts, A., ‘William McIntosh in the West Highlands: changing the practice of religion’, IR, 54 (2003), pp. 111–41.Google Scholar

⁸ Glenlivet students William Stuart and Peter Forbes left St. Sulpice in 1830 because of the revolution which took place in Paris that year. Johnson, C., ‘Scottish secular clergy, 1830–1878: the Northern and Eastern Districts’, IR, 40 (1989), p. 38 Google Scholar; ‘Western District’, p. 120.

⁹ CDS (1885), p. 175.

¹⁰ Turner, M., Life and Labours of John Menzies Strain, first Archbishop and Metropolitan of Saint Andrews and Edinburgh in the Restored Hierarchy of Scotland (Aberdeen, 1922), p. 83.Google Scholar

¹¹ Scott, I., St. Francis Xavier Church, 1843–1993 (Falkirk, 1993), p. 5.Google Scholar

¹² Macleod, D., A Memoir of Norman MacLeod, vol. 2 (Glasgow, 1876), p. 27 Google Scholar. The Rev. Norman Macleod’s father was minister of Campsie between 1825 and 1835. He was editor of The Gaelic Messenger and joint-compiler of an 1830 Gaelic dictionary.

¹³ Handley, J. E., The Navvy in Scotland (Cork, 1970), p. 11 Google Scholar.

¹⁴ Alexander MacDonald went to Rome in 1772 from the Highland seminary in Morar. The last ten years of his life were spent between Balloch on Loch Tay and Crieff, where he died in July 1837 aged 82. Forbes, F. and Anderson, W. J., ‘Clergy lists of the Highland District, 1732–1828’, IR, 17 (1966), pp. 156–7.Google Scholar

¹⁵ Scottish Catholic Archives, SCA/GP/1. Historical Sketch of the Parish of Campsie supplied by the Revd. Paul Maclachlan of Stirling on the 27th April 1872.

¹⁶ Aspinwall, B., ‘Scots and Irish clergy ministering to immigrants, 1830–1878’, IR, 47 (1996), pp. 45–68.Google Scholar

¹⁷ An Irishman called Loughrey brought men over to work with minerals ‘shortly after the battle of Waterloo… When he came first to Torrance he was an object of curiosity and something like aversion. On Saturday or Sunday afternoons parties would be formed in the Newtown, as Lennoxtown was then called, to walk down and stare at this stranger and hear him speak in his native brogue.’ Cameron, J., The Parish of Campsie (Kirkintilloch, 1892), p. 39.Google Scholar

¹⁸ CDS (1835), p. 47. Among several accounts of early post-Emancipation chapels in this edition of the Directory is that of Huntly, under Paul’s brother John Maclachlan.

¹⁹ CDS (1885), p. 176.

²⁰ A Principal of Edinburgh’s Free Church College recalled that Fort William’s ‘Romanists were not extreme. They disclaimed sympathy with the Jesuits. This showed the survival of the old quarrel between the Jesuits and the secular clergy of Scotland,’ MacLeod, J. F. M., ‘A Boyhood in An Gearasdan: Notes by the Late Principal John MacLeod’, Transactions of the Gaelic Society of Inverness, 57 (1992), p. 239.Google Scholar

²¹ Robert Kennard (see below) assumed Maclachlan’s membership from the dedication of his church: ‘You, Sir, if I mistake not, are a Jesuit—a Xavierian brother…’ Kennard, Controversial, p. 232.

²² Records of Scots Colleges (Aberdeen; 1906), p. 256. For the high death rate in ‘the stricken monastery’, see Roberts, A., Regensburg and the Scots (Aberdeen, 2005), p. 20.Google Scholar

²³ SCA/BL. Rev. Robert Stuart, Tombae, to Maclachlan, Falkirk, 18 Jan. 1848.

²⁴ Bishop Gillis yielded to Irish clergy pressure in 1853 by agreeing that all who made the annual collection for the St. Andrew’s Society and attended the meetings should have a say in its distribution. Gordon, J. F. S., The Catholic Church in Scotland from the Suppression of the Hierarchy to the Present Time (Aberdeen, 1874), p. 487.Google Scholar

²⁵ Much of Maclachlan’s correspondence in the 1860s was on behalf of the St. Andrew’s Society. Among those who sent letters (and money) from England were Philip Howard of Corby Castle; Sir Michael and Lady Bruce, Torquay; Major Charles Stapleton, Tichbourne Park; William Constable Maxwell, Dearborough; and Mr. and Mrs. James Hope Scott, St. John’s Wood.

²⁶ Anderson, W. J., ‘Sir William Drummond-Steuart and the chapel of St. Anthony the Eremite at Murthly’, IR, 15 (1964), pp. 151–70Google Scholar. Maclachlan informed Sir William that the Falkirk chapel site was where General Hawley’s army had camped in 1746. Four Banffshire Maclachlans served in Gordon of Glenbucket’s regiment, but all were in the Carlisle garrison and took no part in the fighting round Falkirk. Livingstone, A. et al., Muster Roll of Prince Charles Edward Stuart’s Army, 1745–46 (Aberdeen, 1984), p. 123.Google Scholar

²⁷ About this time missionary effort in the area was made more difficult by a short-lived ban on Sabbath railway travel. In the Witness of 18 October 1846 journalist (and geologist) Hugh Miller mocked Bishop James Gillis for being unable to get a Sunday train from Edinburgh to Falkirk.

²⁸ CDS (1885), p. 179. A branch of the Protestant Association was founded in Stirling soon after the 1835 start in Glasgow, with two lecture courses given over successive winters on the evils of Popery. Maclachlan had local prejudices to overcome, but no sectarian incidents were recorded for Stirling or Falkirk in Handley, Irish.

²⁹ Handley, Irish Modern, pp. 217–8. The Revised Code of 1862 ended the system of Catholic inspectors for Britain. When education on the rates was introduced by the 1872 Education (Scotland) Act, Catholic schools were not inspected or aided. Their continuing voluntary efforts were rewarded by the Education (Scotland) Act of 1918 which brought denominational schools fully into the state system.

³⁰ Born at Blairnamarrow near Glenlivet, MacPherson was the first editor of the Catholic Directory which he produced for forty-two years. McRoberts, D. R., The Catholic Directory for Scotland, 1829–1975 (Glasgow, 1976)Google Scholar.

³¹ CDS (1877), p. 82. Earlier Maclachlan had estimated a Catholic population around Doune of ‘considerably over 300’. CDS, 1873, p. 92.

³² The new Archdiocese of St. Andrews and Edinburgh took in Maclachlan’s first posting at Campsie, with Loch Lomond the boundary, but Doune (his last) was in the Diocese of Dunkeld.

³³ CDS (1885), p. 180. Maclachlan was the third Scottish Supernumerary Privy Councillor to be so honoured after the restoration of the Hierarchy. Darragh, J., The Catholic Hierarchy of Scotland: A Biographical List, 1653–1985 (Glasgow, 1986)Google Scholar.

³⁴ CDS (1885), p. 179.

³⁵ Regarding Scots priests; ‘We hesitate not to say that the poverty and privations to which the clergy of that church dedicate themselves in Scotland is almost incredible, and is hardly surpassed in any country’. Lawson, J. P., The Romish Church in Scotland (Edinburgh, 1836), p. 299 Google Scholar. The New Statistical Account of 1838 showed Falkirk’s parish minister with an average annual stipend of £400, depending on the price of grain, on top of his free house and ground.

³⁶ CDS (1885), p. 177.

³⁷ The Stirling mission was taken over by another Banffshire clergyman of letters, William Bennett, who spent most of his career as a college teacher and ended up at the University of Ottawa. Johnson, , ‘Northern and Eastern Districts’, p. 44.Google Scholar

³⁸ Glenlivet learned of these publications by handbill: ‘I have ordered half-a-dozen copies of the Opera Omnia from your agent Mr Griffins. We are not, many of us, a reading people, especially when money has to be paid for our reading. Hence the smallness of the order’, SCA/BL. Rev. Robert Stuart, Tombae, to Maclachlan, Falkirk, 28 Oct. 1847.

³⁹ CDS (1885), p. 177. Stonyhurst-educated Charles Waterton wrote Wanderings in South America (six editions 1825–66) and Natural History Essays (1838–57).

⁴⁰ Chambers’s Encyclopaedia (Edinburgh, 1888), p. 164. Alison was responsible for the ten-volume History of Europe during the French Revolution (1833–42). ‘Alison, the historian, installed as Lord Rector of Glasgow University in 1851, could find no more suitable material for his inaugural address than the alleged intolerance of the Catholic Church throughout the ages.’ Handley, , Irish Modern, p. 94.Google Scholar

⁴¹ Lee stirred up controversy within the Church of Scotland when he introduced harmonium music and kneeling to pray at Greyfriars. Cameron, , Parish of Campsie, pp. 56–7.Google Scholar

⁴² The Rev. John McCorry, a fellow-priest of the Eastern District, also responded to Dr. Lee with Supremacy of St. Peter and his Successors the Roman Pontiffs. Following its publication in 1853, Bishop James Gillis wrote an introduction to a French translation of the work.

⁴³ CDS (1885), p. 177. The same source shows that, through his St. Sulpice connections no doubt, Maclachlan acted for a time as correspondent to the Paris l’Univers.

⁴⁴ The Dublin Review replaced the Catholic Magazine which had become a focus of dispute among English Catholics, See P. Richardson, ‘John Lingard and the English Catholic historical periodical press, 1809–41’, in Phillips, P. (ed.), Lingard Remembered: Essays to mark the Sesquicentenary of John Lingard’s Death (London: Catholic Record Society, 2004)Google Scholar.

⁴⁵ The publisher was Partridge, Oakey and Co., Paternoster Row, in the shadow of St. Paul’s Cathedral.

⁴⁶ Maclachlan’s book was published jointly by Marsh & Beattie, 13 South Hanover Street, Edinburgh, and Charles Dolman, London. The publisher’s summary included ‘issued also in Weekly Numbers, Three Half-Pence each’.

⁴⁷ At the Disruption, Lewis Hay Irving was minister of rural Abercorn in West Lothian. As a leading light of the Free Church (he was painted with other ministers signing the deed of demission) Irving moved to Falkirk. His second wife was Catherine Cadell, a great-granddaughter of the founder of the Carron Ironworks near Falkirk. Irving’s controversial writing included a rebuttal of Maclachlan’s Catholicism one in Principle and Tolerant in Practice, published in the Scottish Protestant of 12 July 1851.

⁴⁸ Maclachlan was later accused of ‘palpable misquotation’ for omitting part of Irving’s text: ‘There are nowhere in Spain any roads, except in the immediate precincts of the larger cities. In a territory far larger than Great Britain there are actually no roads. You find at the gate of a Spanish town a piece of road, formed for a short way into the country, but it soon comes to an abrupt end.’ Kennard, Controversial, p. 5.

⁴⁹ Such audiences sought entertainment as well as enlightenment: ‘One of the relaxations of Aberdeen students was to go to the Roman Catholic Chapel on Sunday evenings… Occasionally these attacks produced bursts of merriment from his Protestant hearers,’ Stark, J., Priest Gordon of Aberdeen (Aberdeen, 1909), p. 76.Google Scholar

⁵⁰ ‘The cartage of coal from the pits beyond Falkirk on the east had caused great havoc on the road surfaces of the town, reports showing that at that time many parts were well nigh impassable in winter.’ Stewart, J., Falkirk: Its Origin and Growth (Falkirk, 1940), p. 112.Google Scholar

⁵¹ Maclachlan, , True Religion, p. 4.Google Scholar

⁵² The Falkirk Tryst, which superseded an earlier cattle market at Crieff, was actually held at Stenhousemuir beyond Carron.

⁵³ Carron Company ships took iron goods from Grangemouth to London, with the first steam paddle-ship built in 1851. Campbell, R. H., Carron Company (Edinburgh, 1961), p. 213.Google Scholar

⁵⁴ Groome, F. H. (ed.), Ordnance Gazetteer of Scotland (London, 1891), vol. 3, p. 3.Google Scholar

⁵⁵ Kennard, , Controversial, p. 3.Google Scholar

⁵⁶ Maclachlan, , True Religion, p. 15.Google Scholar

⁵⁷ Kennard, , Controversial, p. 61.Google Scholar

⁵⁸ Burke’s Peerage and Baronetage, 2 vols. (London, 1913).

⁵⁹ Alumni Oxonienses. George Kennard graduated BA in 1829 and MA four years later.

⁶⁰ The arms of Sir Coleridge Arthur Fitzroy Kennard, 1st Bart., were ‘Per chevron gu. and az. a chevron engrailed arg. between two keys in chief, wards downward or, and a sword erect in base ppr. Crest—A cubit arm erect in armour ppr., charged with a buckle gu., grasping in the hand a key in bend, or, and a broken sword in bend sinister ppr’. Born in 1885, Sir Coleridge was Britain’s ambassador to Czechoslovakia during the Munich Crisis.

⁶¹ Beattie, J. M., Policing and Punishment in London 1660–1770: Urban Crime and the Limits of Terror (Oxford, 2001)Google Scholar, ch. 6.

⁶² Alumni Oxonienses.

⁶³ Kennard’s had previously been at 197 Upper Thames Street. The 1851 census confirms both premises as warehouses.

⁶⁴ Davies, E. J., The Blaenavon Story (Torfaen, 1975), p. 37 Google Scholar. Thomas Hill and Samuel Hopkins leased 12,000 acres from the Lord of Abergavenny and built the ironworks at a cost of £40,000.

⁶⁵ While acting as manager Scrivenor wrote a History of the Iron Trade which is one of Blaenavon’s few source books.

⁶⁶ Barber, C., Exploring Blaenavon Industrial Heritage Site (Llanfoist, 2002), p. 27.Google Scholar

⁶⁷ The Burke’s Peerage entry for Sir Coleridge Kennard shows Robert Kennard as a Chevalier of the Order of Leopold of Belgium.

⁶⁸ In Scotland Kennard became President of the Tayport and Fifeshire Railway.

⁶⁹ Based at 25 Great George Street in Westminster, the Institution of Civil Engineers was established in 1818 and incorporated ten years later.

⁷⁰ http://www.dodingtonfamily.or/crumlintop.htm. Thomas Kennard settled at Crumlin while the viaduct was under construction.

⁷¹ The seventh son Edward was a Blaenavon resident when called upon, along with older brother Howard, to prove their father’s will. Robert William Kennard left £140,000.

⁷² http://howdoiwin.com/stpeterschurch/tour.html. There is irony in the fact that during the Crimean War Britain fought to defend Muslim Turkey against Christian Russia.

⁷³ Chambers’s Encyclopaedia, vol. 2 (1889), p. 568.

⁷⁴ See P. B. Nockles, ‘Anglicanism “represented” or “misrepresented”’? The Oxford Movement, Evangelicalism and History: the controversial use of the Caroline Divines in the Victorian Church of England’, Gilley, S. (ed.), Victorian Churches and Churchmen: Essays Presented to Vincent Alan McClelland (Woodridge: The Boydell Press, 2005), pp. 308–369.Google Scholar

⁷⁵ See Ffinch, M., Cardinal Newman: The Second Spring (London, 1991)Google Scholar.

⁷⁶ For an account of the London riots led by Lord George Gordon in June 1780, see Donovan, R. K., No Popery and Radicalism: Opposition to Roman Catholic Relief in Scotland, 1778–82 (London, 1987)Google Scholar.

⁷⁷ Handley, Irish Modern, ch. 4.

⁷⁸ Ibidem, p. 95. Catholic chaplains were the last commissioned officers to be recognised. See Roberts, A., ‘Faith restored: Highland Catholics and the King’s commission’, Journal of the Society of Army Historical Research, 85 (2007), pp. 146–161.Google Scholar

⁷⁹ Kennard quoted Newman’s views from the 1838 Lectures on the Prophetical Office of the Church, ‘while he was a professed minister of the Church of England’, but added a warning that they were ‘to be read with great caution’. Kennard, , Controversial, p. 85.Google Scholar

⁸⁰ Maclachlan, , True Religion, p. 219.Google Scholar

⁸¹ Irish wives and children of Montrose’s soldiers drowned at Linlithgow were not indexed ‘K’ or ‘M’ in the Kennard compendium which included Maclachlan’s discussion of the event.

⁸² Henry Hallam’s two-volume Constitutional History of England from Henry VII to George II (1827) was regularly cited by Kennard, especially in conflict with the Catholic historian John Lingard whose eight-volume History of England appeared between 1819 and 1830.

⁸³ Colley, L., Britons: Forging the Nation 1707–1837 (London, 1992)Google Scholar. Linda Colley’s theme is that Britain was united (or forged) by a renewed emphasis on Protestantism.

⁸⁴ Maclachlan’s changing attitude to his opponent, from courtesy to irritation, is illustrated by a five-point comparison of the priest’s language, ‘Before (The velvet paw of Jesuitism)’ with ‘After (Its talons)’. Kennard, Controversial, p. 366.

⁸⁵ In 1850 Bishop Gillis had himself been embroiled in a ‘controversial discussion’ with the Earl of Denbigh whose son he had received into the Church. This resulted in exchanges before the English public in the Morning Herald. Gordon, , Catholic Church, p. 486.Google Scholar

⁸⁶ Kennard, , Controversial, p. 72 Google Scholar. This was at the start of Kennard’s ‘second series’ of letters or second pamphlet.

⁸⁷ Maclachlan, , True Religion, p. 49.Google Scholar

⁸⁸ Ibidem, p. 126. ‘The “Falkirk Herald”, having declined to allot any more space for our communications, suggested that the controversy should be carried on “by the more ordinary mode of pamphlets”.’ Kennard (though a man of many more words) had earlier suggested that if the two limited their exchanges to one column the editor would doubtless ‘permit their periodical insertion.’ Ibidem, pp. 63, 99.

⁸⁹ Kennard, , Controversial, p. 1.Google Scholar

⁹⁰ Handley, , Irish Modern, p. 49.Google Scholar

⁹¹ Most of Handley’s chapter on the Glasgow Free Press is concerned with the later period when Scots priests were attacked under the slogan ‘Paddy sows and Sandy reaps’. Ibidem, p. 62. Irish priests were often replaced by Scots in established missions and sent to start again with new immigrants. Maclachlan had done his own sowing.

⁹² Ibidem.

⁹³ Kennard, , Controversial, p. 626.Google Scholar

⁹⁴ CDS (1885), p. 177. Letters from the Oxonian owner-editor Robert Walker, starting on 31 August 1856 from a Glasgow address at 20 Dixon Street (he later published from Edinburgh) shows Maclachlan being supportive in a struggle with the Free Press over printers’ equipment. SCA/BL, 13 Aug. 1856 to 22 Dec. 1857.

⁹⁵ Handley, , Irish Modern, p. 50.Google Scholar

⁹⁶ Kennard, , Controversial, p. 160 Google Scholar. The ironmaster’s own reference to the Free Press of 24 June 1854 implies previous publication: ‘Mr. Kennard’s letter arrived too late for insertion this week. It shall appear in our next.’ Ibidem.

⁹⁷ Maclachlan, , True Religion, p. 116 Google Scholar. Kennard’s last letter in the first series of exchanges (there were to be seven) was on 27 March 1854.

⁹⁸ Ibidem, p. 127 (Free Press, 1 July 1854). Maclachlan regretted that the editor had decided against publishing Kennard’s correspondence with the subordinate, despite the fact that it had been set in type. Maclachlan, , True Religion, p. 47.Google Scholar

⁹⁹ Ibidem, p. 116.

¹⁰⁰ The pamphlet has Maclachlan as ‘Jesuit Priest in Falkirk’. Kennard, , Controversial, p. 151 Google Scholar. Kennard’s confusion persisted to the end: ‘I have a real priest of Rome, and a Jesuit too, in my grasp’. (24 April 1855); and in the final letter: ‘You advertise yourself as belonging to “the order of Xavierian Brothers”.’ Ibidem, pp. 632, 689.

¹⁰¹ Kennard, , Controversial, p. 151.Google Scholar

¹⁰² Maclachlan, , True Religion, p. 51 Google Scholar.

¹⁰³ Ibidem, p. 243.

¹⁰⁴ Kennard, , Controversial, pp. viii, 9.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁵ The conversion-to-Protestantism statement of a contemporary French abbe and the Italian lines of Petrarch appear, it must be conceded, alongside English translations. Ibidem, pp. 68–71, 297.

¹⁰⁶ Reference is made to the ‘Doric dialect’, and there is a more serious distinction between Classical and Hellenistic Greek, Kennard, Controversial, pp. 531, 603.

¹⁰⁷ The letter dated 27 March 1854 ends with twelve numbered historical points covering eighteen pages. Footnotes are almost as full as the text.

¹⁰⁸ Kennard, , Controversial, p. 1.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁹ Ibidem, pp. vii–viii. Here fourteen points are made quite briefly.

¹¹⁰ Kennard’s opinions were no doubt shaped by anti-Tractarian writings like the moderate Anglican Evangelical Goode’s, William The Divine Rule of Faith and Practice, or, A Defence of the Catholic Doctrine of Holy Scripture, 2 vols (London, 1842)Google Scholar. See Nockles, The Oxford Movement, Evangelicalism and History, op. cit.

¹¹¹ Crockford’s Clerical Dictionary (London, 1860), p. 354. Kennard went to a new publisher, Bell and Daldy, for the last of these which sold for 1s 6d. The only item produced under his own name during Robert W. Kennard’s Controversial Correspondence was a 2s pamphlet The Admission of Jews into Parliament the Subversion of the British Constitution, a Plea for the Maintenance of our National Christianity, with an Introductory Letter to Sir F. Thesiger (Bell and Daldy, 1855). Sir Frederick Thesiger (1794–1878) was appointed Attorney-General in 1852 and rose to become Lord Chancellor.

¹¹² Kennard, , Controversial, p. 682.Google Scholar

¹¹³ J. Murray Esq. was still patron of Marnhull in 1855.

¹¹⁴ http://www.dorset-opc.com/MarnhullDirectories.htm. In his latter years the Rector rebuilt the chancel at his own expense and had two of the bells recast in (family?) iron.

¹¹⁵ Crockford’s Clerical Directory gives the impression of an even richer living in the 1850s when the gross income was £1,105. By way of comparison a Perpetual Curate called George Kennard (no relation) lived on £50 a year at Speeton near Flamborough Head.

¹¹⁶ New College Library in Edinburgh holds R. B. Kennard’s study of Essays and Reviews: their history… etc. (1863). Kennard earlier intervened on behalf of a fellow-clergyman fifteen miles away at Broad Chalke who was suspended for espousing the higher criticism of Christian Karl Josias Bunsen. Essays and reviews: a protest addressed to the Right Reverend the Lord Bishop of Salisbury, on the appearance of the ‘Episcopal Manifesto’, with a letter to the Rev. Rowland Williams (London: Robert Hardwicke, 2nd edition 1861), pp. 98. Later publications include Apostles and sealing through their ministry (London. Thomas Bosworth, 1871?), pp. 16; Some popular objections to the claims of the, so called, ‘Catholic Apostolical Churches’, considered in a letter to a clergyman of the Church of England (London: Thomas Bosworth, 1876), pp. 16; and Arundines Sturi: sive Ecologae ex Mureto, Buchanano, aliisque recentioris aevi poetis (Oxford: John Parker, 1878), pp. 126.

¹¹⁷ Kennard, , Controversial, p. 681 Google Scholar. An early reference to ‘you and your friend’ is also neutral. Ibidem, p. 153.

¹¹⁸ Kennard, , Controversial, p. 3.Google Scholar

¹¹⁹ Ibidem, p. 9.

¹²⁰ Readers of the book were directed back to this charge on the second last page. Ibidem, pp. 82, 691.

¹²¹ Kennard, , Controversial, p. 579.Google Scholar

¹²² One of the sons, Howard John Kennard (1839–1896), was living around the corner at 57 Cleveland Square when his father died in 1870.

¹²³ Newman, John Henry, Letters and Diaries, Vol. 24, pp. 80, 81, 93.Google Scholar

¹²⁴ William, James Gorman, Converts to Rome (London, 1910), p. 156 Google Scholar. Cardinal Manning had discouraged the attendance of Catholics at Oxford, although there was an underground Newman Society. Partly because of this Kennard (whose time there, mainly at 93 St. Aldate’s, was from 1897 to 1911) had no recognition as a chaplain by the University. The family, however, did not cut off their convert kinsman financially: ‘Canon Kennard… had private means and maintained the [Oxford] chapel at his own expense in his beautiful old house.’ Blundell, Margaret, Francis Nicholas Blundell, 1880–1936 (London: Haggerston Press, 2004), p. 47.Google Scholar

¹²⁵ Kennard, , Controversial, p. 481.Google Scholar

¹²⁶ Ibidem, p. 668.

¹²⁷ CDS (1885), p. 177.