1 Hemphill, p. 140 for accolade (1722) and passim for Dicconson, later vicar-apostolic of the Northern District, for whom see Anstruther, 3, pp.48–9; C.R.S., 63, pp.73–4 and works there cited in note 1. For the Giffards and Chillington, see Doyle, Thesis (details in abbreviations-list preceding these notes); V.C.H., Staffs., 5, pp.18–48 (Brewood parish) and for Bonaventure Giffard, Foley, B. C., Some People of the Penal Times (Lancaster, 1991), pp.61–8, 168Google Scholar; Hemphill, passim; Brady, pp.141–161, 203; Anstruther, 3, pp.65–75 (but see infra, notes 6 and 129); M. & C., pp.95–103.

2 Quotations from Mathew, David, Catholicism in England (3rd edn., 1955), p. 135 Google Scholar and from Staffordshire Record Society, 4th series, 2, p.75 respectively. Anstruther, 3, p.67 gives Giffard’s birth date as ‘c. 1643’ apparently based on a conjecture on p.66, and other sources differ as to his age and/or year of birth; however, the latter was recorded as 1642 on his memorial-inscription at St. Pancras cemetery (Notes and Queries, 3rd series, 12, p. 191; Brady, p. 160); one of his own letters written in October 1714 refers to himself as ‘now 72’ (Ibidem, p.153) and a portrait of him dated 1719 gives his then age as 77 (M. &C., illustration no. 3); tentatively, therefore, the present article assumes a natal year of 1742.

3 Staffordshire Pedigrees, ed. SirArmytage, G. & Rylands, W. H. (Harleian Society, 1912), p.104 Google Scholar, showing three sons only, Andrew, omitting (for whom see references and documentation in this article), as does Burke's Landed Gentry (18th edn., 1965–72), 2, p.241 Google Scholar; however, Andrew is in the Giffard pedigree at the end of vol. 1 of Hamilton, A., Chronicles of the English Canonesses Regular of the Lateran at St. Monica’s, Louvain (2 vols., 1904, 1906)Google Scholar and the St. Pancras inscription (see previous note) includes him. For the Giffard-Leveson connection, see also Records S.J., 5, p.428. No further information is available via the International Genealogical Index.

4 Southern, A. C., An Elizabethan Recusant House (1954), p.44 Google Scholar. Sources for the preceding quotations include (i) Doyle, Thesis, pp.44–5 and M. B. Rowlands, “‘Rome’s Snaky Brood”: Catholic Yeomen, Craftsmen and Tradesmen in the West Midlands, 1600–1641’ in R.H., 24, p.155 and (ii) Staffs. Record Soc., 4th series, 2, loc.cit.; Greenslade, M. W. & Stuart, D. G., A History of Staffordshire (1998 edn.), p.63.Google Scholar

5 Doyle, Thesis, chap. 5 & Appendix 3; also note 44 below (Abbess Winefride Clare Giffard). For recent light on a contrasting family member, Gilbert Gifford, ‘the arch-spy’, see Lunn, D., The Catholic Elizabethans (Downside, 1998)Google Scholar, passim.

6 For the parliamentarian capture of Chillington, see Lancs, and Cheshire Record Soc., 19, p.71 whence extracts were published in the Staffs. Record Soc. volume for 1941 (pub. 1942), p.138, in citing which Anstruther, 3, p.66 seems to assume that the Mr. Giffard and his two sons taken prisoner on that occasion (with ‘an old seminary priest’) were Bonaventure’s father and brothers rather than the house’s owner Peter Giffard and his sons. See also Doyle, Thesis, pp.60, 62, note 3 (Andrew Giffard slain at ‘Hampton’), 63–4, 66.

7 C.L.’ (Giffard to his mother, undated), printed in Cath.Misc., 6, pp.12–13. Vols. 5 to 7 of that periodical (1826 and 1827) contain a selection of Giffard’s letters commencing in the 1690s, when he was Midland vicar-apostolic, to recipients both lay and ecclesiastical and often unnamed (perhaps for security reasons). Five of the printed letters, dated after Giffard’s translation to the London vicariate in 1703, have equivalents in A.A.W., i.e. those in Cath.Misc., vol. 6, pp.158–9 (Ep.Var. 4/20) and in vol. 7, pp.33–4 (Paris Seminary Collection 1/247); pp.34–5 (Ep.Var. 2/48); pp.169–170 (Ep.Var. 4/17) and pp.170–171 (Ep.Var. 5/67). MS. versions of other published letters, preceded by some reflections (apparently sermon notes) on the feast of St. Matthew, exist in ‘C.L.’ (unpaginated after p.7). Note: two letters dated February and November 1707 in their printed versions (Cath.Misc., 6, pp.227, 320) are dated 1701 in ‘C.L.’—in the former case at least, correctly since the letter (20 Feb., presumably 1701/2) refers to Bishop John Leyburn (d.June 1702) as then still living, although sick. Another letter, of 25 October, is dated 1698 in its printed form (Cath.Misc., 6, pp.13–14) but two years earlier in ‘C.L.’, and one there dated 14 Nov. 1698 bears no date in Cath.Misc., 6, p.379, while a letter of 1 Oct, 1694 signed ‘A.G.’ in Cath.Misc., 5, p.313, is initialled ‘B.G.’ in the ‘C.L.’ version.

8 Samuel Pepys’s collection of narratives, ed. Matthews, W. as Charles II’s Escape from Worcester (1967)Google Scholar, is augmented by an annotated index elaborating on those involved, including Charles Giffard and individual Penderels. For additional detail and discussion, see Hodgetts, M., Secret Hiding Places (1989), chap. 11.Google Scholar

9 The 1657 list, with Mr. Greenslade’s valuable Introduction, comprises pp.71–99 of Staffs. Record Soc., 4th series, 2. For the pre-Restoration period, see also Smith, T. S., ‘The persecution of Staffordshire Roman Catholic Recusants, 1625–1660’, J.E.H., 30, pp.327–351 Google Scholar. For the Act, see Firth, C. H. and Rait, R. S., Acts and Ordinances of the Interregnum (1911), pp.1170–1180.Google Scholar

10 C.R.S., 6, p.311 and S.C.H., no. 23 (for the 1660s) and, for the ‘Popish Plot’ period (1678–80), Ibidem, nos. 18 & 24; also Doyle, Thesis, pp.89–103. Rowlands, M., Those Who Have Gone Before Us (Birmingham, 1989), pp.31–2.Google Scholar

11 For Augustine Giffard, see Anstruther, 3, p.67; Doyle, cit, p. 186 (his will).

12 Anstruther, 3, pp.65–7; Hemphill, pp.32, note 3; 38–9 and further references in this article. Anstruther hazards ‘c. 1646’ as the date of Andrew Giffard’s birth but his and Bonaventure’s memorial inscription, dating the latter’s birth 1642, makes Andrew the younger by two years (Notes & Queries, loc.cit; Brady, p.160) as does a Douai college catalogue showing him as aged 17 years at a time when Bonaventure was recorded as being 19: C.R.S., 63, pp.28 & 27 respectively.

13 For various aliases, see correspondence etc. cited in Hemphill, pp.80, 101 and passim, including pp.48, 99 (‘Mr Joseph Leveson’ and ‘Mr Leveson’, clearly meaning Giffard himself); also Anstruther, 3, p.73 for clarification re ‘Joseph Leveson’—names of no priest traceable in Bellenger, D. A., English and Welsh Priests, 1558–1800 (Downside, 1984)Google Scholar. For that alias and for Giffard’s use of the initials ‘J.L.’, see later in this article. For Fowler connection, see Armytage & Rylands, Staffs. Pedigrees, p. 104; Gillow, J., St. Thomas’s Priory … Stafford (1894)Google Scholar, passim & Appendix A (pedigree); Hamilton, loc.cit. For the events of 1688 and 1704 involving ‘Joseph Giffard’ and ‘Joseph Giffard, alias Fowler’, see infra, notes 121 & 184 and associated text.

14 C.R.S., 63, p.14 (quotation); pp.24–39, passim. For Douai college and other English establishments in that town, see outline in Three Centuries of English Presence at Douai, 1568–1903, published as the 15th issue of South Western Catholic History (Downside, 1997). C.R.S., 63 (ed. P.R. Harris) contains an illuminating introduction (with chronological table) on Douai records as well as separate Introductions to specific documents.

15 T. A. Birrell, ‘English Catholics without a Bishop, 1655–1672’ comprising R.H., 4, no. 4.

16 B. C. Southgate, ‘White’s Disciple: John Sergeant and Blackloism’ in R.H., 24, p.432.

17 The Grounds of Obedience and Government (1655), on which see Southgate, ‘“That Damned Booke” … and the Downfall of Thomas White’, R.H., 17, pp.238–253. White/Blacklo made John Sergeant the principal beneficiary under his will (Southgate, in R.H., 24, p.434) and the former’s priest-brother Jerome White left him a legacy towards the publication of works of controversy: Albion, G., ‘The Old Chapter and Brotherhood, 1623–1973’, Clergy Review, 58, p.686 Google Scholar, note 1; Anstruther, 2, p.348. See also note 19 below.

18 Quotations, respectively, from C.R.S., 11, pp.547 & 546 and from Bradley, R. I., ‘Blacklo and the Counter Reformation …’ in From Renaissance to Counter Reformation (ed. Carter, C. H., 1966), p.364 Google Scholar. The continuing controversy over Jansenism is touched on later in this article.

19 Anstruther, 2, pp.288–9; C.R.S., 72, pp.173–6 (and Sharratt, M., ‘Bishop Russell and John Sergeant’, Ushaw Magazine, 253, pp.22–37)Google Scholar; Southgate in R.H., 24, pp.431–6. For White/Blacklo, and Sergeant, , there are bibliographies in Southgate, Covetous of Truth, the Life and Works of Thomas White, 1593–1676 (Dordrecht, 1993)Google Scholar and Krook, D., John Sergeant and his Circle (Leiden etc., 1993)Google Scholar. The grave charges against the latter (as an obsessively anti-Jesuit ‘discoverer’ of matters connected with the Oates Plot, receiving government money for services rendered) levelled by Hay, M. V. in The Jesuits and the Popish Plot (1934)Google Scholar are toned down somewhat in Anstruther, 2, pp.283–7 and more than somewhat in Krook, op.cit., Appendix and Additional Note. For briefer treatment of both men, see their entries in N.C.E. and The Routledge Encyclopaedia of Philosophy (1998).

20 Hemphill, pp. 159–161: ‘The Occasion of the Assembly’, paragraph 2.

21 C.R.S., II, p.550, within a trenchant review of the Chapter’s personnel (English version of the original Latin document printed, Ibidem, pp.532–9).

22 Pugh, R., Blacklo’s Cabal … (1680; 1970 facsimile reprint with Introduction by Birrell, T. A.), pp.110, 113Google Scholar. For aspects of Montagu’s career, see Gillow, 5, p.73–78 and works there cited (the then MS. ‘Diary of the Blue Nuns’ is now C.R.S., 8); Birrell in R.H., 4, no. 4, passim; D.N.B.; Blacklo’s Cabal, pp.119–126 (letters to and from Montagu, 1667). For Robert Pugh, compiler of that work, see Anstruther, 2, pp.258–9; Gillow, 4, pp.372–4.

23 C.R.S., 11, pp.536 (Latin), 549 (English); C.R.S., 63, pp.38, 39; Birrell in R.H., 4, pp.158, 169 (re Lutton and Shepherd). See also next note.

24 For Thomas Shepherd, vere Prance, see list of Douai professors in C.R.S., 11, pp.539–540. He was a brother of Miles Prance, informer against Catholics at the time of the ‘Popish Plot’: see Anstruther, 2, p.254 and, for ‘Miles Prance, perjuror’, D.N.B.; also Kenyon, J., The Popish Plot (1972)Google Scholar, passim, etc. There is much information on Edward Lutton (or Coldham, vere Elrington) in Allison, A. F., ‘The English Augustinian Convent of Our Lady of Syon at Paris, 1643–1713’ in R.H., 21, pp.451–496 Google Scholar, where his eloquence and his financial acumen (qualities perhaps not incompatible) are noted on pp.469 and 485. See also Dodd, 3, p.478 (Lutton), p.527 (duties of Douai procurator, set out more fully in C.R.S., 28, pp.322–6). Lutton’s sepulchral inscription at the Augustinian canonesses’ Paris convent is printed in Collectanea Topographica & Genealogica, 8 (1843), p.30.

25 On this matter, see Sharratt, art.cit., pp.27–9; Birrell, art.cit., pp.152–6, 168–170.

26 From the subsequent Latin report by Philip Thomas Howard, O.P. (later Cardinal), 3 July 1668, printed with English translation, in C.R.S., 25, pp.36–49 (p.48 for words quoted). For Howard, see also infra, note 53. John Sergeant tendered his resignation in January 1668 and it was formally accepted by the Chapter two months later. For the irritation felt by some of the Chaptermen at Sergeant’s obstructiveness, see Birrell, in R.H., 4, p. 155 Google Scholar and, on Sergeant’s resignation and his movements in the subsequent decade, Allison, A. F. in R.H., 21, p.25 Google Scholar note 29. See also infra, note 155 (Rouen visit, 1674–5 and in the 1690s, Sergeant’s chaplaincy at the Hammersmith convent).

27 C.R.S., 63, pp.24, 27 (1661 and 1663 respectively; also p.37 for 1667 description as ‘Iuvenis acris ingenii’).

28 Ibidem, (1667 list).

29 C.R.S., 19, p.102 and, for George Leyburn’s remarks, Anstruther, 3, p.56 sub Elrington (Lutton); M. & C., p.96 (‘troublemakers’).

30 C.R.S., 63, p.37 (1667 list). For Betham, see D.N.B.; Anstruther, 3, pp.13–14; Hemphill, passim; C.R.S., 8, p.325; Clark, pp.226–8 (with correction in ‘R.U.’ p.296, note 3); Scott in, G. Revue de la Bibliothèque Nationale, 46 (Paris, 1982), pp.32–39 Google Scholar (with colour portrait) and, for Betham as one of Bishop John Leyburn’s vicars-general, responsible for six English counties and south Wales, A.A.W., A series 34, no. 218; C.R.W., pp.120–1.

31 C.R.S., 19, p.102; Anstruther, 3, pp.160–1 (Paston then aged 26); C.R.S., 11, pp.539–540 (Douai professors).

32 Cited in A. F. Allison’s valuable account of the origins of Gregory, St.’s (transferred in 1685 to the Rue des Postes) in R.H., 21, pp. 11–25 Google Scholar (p.19 for words quoted). See also C.R.S. 19, pp.102, 107.

33 C.R.S., 19, section 2 (‘Register Book’, 1667–1786), pp. 129, 131 for Giffard’s Benefactions. The Introduction to the printed edition of the ‘Register Book’ (C.R.S., 19, pp.93–100) is augmented by Allison, art.cit., by M. & C., pp.97–8 (Sorbonne course) and, on the college’s devotional régime, by Duffy, E., ‘The English Secular Clergy and the Counter Reformation’, J.E.H., 34, pp.229–230.Google Scholar

34 Brockliss in M. & C., p.95. For the proportion of residents named in Gregory, St.’s ‘Register Book’ who received Sorbonne doctorates (rather under one third), see C.R.S., 19, p.96.Google Scholar

35 Ibidem, pp.102, 104; Allison, ‘English Augustinian Convent …’, p.496, note 117. See also supra, note 24 for further Lutton documentation.

36 C.R.S., 19, p. 103; C.R.S., 11, p.540 (Giffard and Paston, the latter a future president of Douai, 1688–1714); Allison, in R.H., 21, p.19.Google Scholar

37 C.R.S., 63, p.47,also including Paston (under the alias of Everard).

38 C.R.S., 19, pp.103–5; M & C., pp.92–5, 98 (words quoted).

39 C.R.S., 19, p.105 (‘some few days at Douai’); The Gentleman’s Magazine, 1734 (i.e. vol. 4), p.164 (heart bequest, for which see also C.R.S., 28, pp.xiv, 192, 194); Anstruther, 4, p.237 (portrait seen by the antiquary Cole, William, as recorded in his Journal of my Journey to Paris in the Year 1765, 1931, p.18)Google Scholar; also Ward, B., Menology of St. Edmund’s College, Old Hall (1909), p.v for affection for Douai.Google Scholar

40 Barclay, A., ‘The Rise of Edward Colman’, Historical Journal, 42, p.109 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Kenyon, Popish Plot, p.50. Oates had been briefly at the English colleges at Valladolid and Saint Omer. On the ‘Plot’, see Kenyon, op.cit., also N.C.E. as ‘Oates Plot’ and on Oates himself, Lane, J., Titus Oates (1949)Google Scholar; D.N.B.

41 Hemphill, p. 134 (undocumented) refers to ‘his first chaplaincy in the house of Sir John Arundel at Lanherne in Cornwall’, but see last sentence of this paragraph (and note 43).

42 C.R.S., 19, pp.105–6 (entries under dates cited).

43 From the MS. account by Giffard’s near contemporary William Hals, the Cornish antiquary, incorporated in Gilbert, Davies (or Giddy), The Parochial History of Cornwall founded on the MS histories of Mr. Hals and Mr Tonkin (1838), 3, p.143 Google Scholar. For this and associated works and for Oliver’s comment etc., see respectively Curtis, C. R. J. and Lewis, C. P. (ed.), English County Histories: A Guide (1994), pp.87–9Google Scholar; Collections Illustrating the History of the Catholic Religion in Cornwall, Devon, Dorset, Somerset, Wiltshire and Gloucester (1857), pp.220–1; also pp.206–7 for the Arundells of Lanherne. The other ecclesiastic was almost certainly the secular priest Martin Pearce (or Pearse or Percy), a Chapterman and capitular archdeacon of Cornwall, who is known to have used the aliases of Bishop and Giffard: Anstruther, 3, pp.161–2; MacGrath, K. M., ‘Devon and Cornwall Catholics in 1705’, Buckfast Chronicle, 32, p.36 Google Scholar & note 99. He had studied at the English College, Rome, not at Douai as stated by Hals (in Gilbert, loc.cit.) and appears as Mr. Martin Giffard in a 1710 roll of Chaptermen cited by Kirk, p. 142.

44 Calendar of State Papers, Domestic, 1679–80, p.347 (Thomas Gifford of Cock Street, Wolverhampton, 28 June 1679); Cal. S.P., Dom., 1678, p.614 (Charles Gifford, travel pass for Rouen, 6 Nov. 1679). For Walter Giffard of Chillington, living in France in 1680, see Staffs. Pedigrees, p.104 and, for the exodus of Catholics from England at the time of the ‘Popish Plot’, Kenyon, op.cit., pp.224–5. Unless noted otherwise this paragraph is based on (i) A. M. C. Forster’s selective version, with added annotation and appendices, of ‘The Chronicles of the English Poor Clares of Rouen’ in R.H., 18, nos. 1 and 2 (pp.96, 178, 196 for Giffard data here cited) and (ii) additional information, chiefly from the ‘Chronicles’ now at St. Clare’s Abbey, Darlington, kindly provided by the archivist, Sister M. Michael, and here gratefully acknowledged. Abbess Winefride was one of four daughters of Peter Giffard who became Poor Clares at Gravelines whence the Rouen convent was founded in 1644 with her as one of the community: C.R.S., 14, pp.27, 62, 63, 65–7; also R.H., 18, pp.59–99 for events at Rouen during her lifetime, including a vivid plague narrative. She died, aged 89, in 1706 (obit in C.R.S., 14, p.67), not in 1701 as stated in R.H., 18, p.99 (but pp.165 and 167 give the correct date). The compiler of the Rouen ‘Chronicle’ for many years was Sister Cecily Joseph Cornwallis, a sister of Mother Cecily Cornwallis, I.B.V.M., mentioned elsewhere in this article: see R.H., p.170 (also infra, note 150).

45 C.R.S., 19, p.106 (Rouen sojourn); P.R.O. P.C. 2/67. p.130 (14 March 1678/9), also cited by Anstruther, 3, p.68.

46 For these two nuns, Sisters Brigid Joseph (Barnwell) and Lucy of St Bruno (Tucker), particulars in R.H., 18, pp.168 & 178 respectively are here amplified by ‘Chronicle’ data supplied by Sister M. Michael (see note 44 above)—also the source of the next quotation in this paragraph.

47 C.R.S., 19, loc.cit. (named as preaching to English Catholics in Paris are Giffard and Drs. Godden and Betham); Hay, op.cit., p.142 (re oath of supremacy), citing Giffard. For Godden, vere Tilden, see note 66.

48 C.R.S., 63, p.70 (Giffard’s signature to Douai document, with Bonaventure as his Christian name); Hay, op.cit., p.144. On the question of oath-taking, involving the oaths of allegiance and/or supremacy, see Birrell, T. A., Catholic Allegiance and the Popish Plot (Nijmegen, 1950), p.5 Google Scholar and passim; C.R.S., 47 and 48, passim (via index in vol. 48); Kenyon, op.cit., pp.219, 229–234. On these and other affirmations affecting Catholics, see also Forster, A. M. C., ‘The Oath Tendered’ in R.H., 14, pp.86–96 Google Scholar; Miller, J., Popery and Politics in England, 1660–1688 (1973), pp.28–33 CrossRefGoogle Scholar & passim; N.C.E., 10, pp.596–9.

49 C.R.S., 19, loc.cit.; also, for example, Cragg, G. R., Puritanism In The Period Of The Great Persecution, 1660–1688 (1957)Google Scholar.

50 Anstruther, 3, p.68 (29 May 1681, at St. Gregory’s).

51 Kirk, p.180; C.R.S., 47, p.73, note (see also p.74, note and p.xiv). For Howard, see infra, note 53 and, for oaths and oath-taking, supra, note 48.

52 A.A.W., A series 34, no. 219; Kirk, pp.84–5 (account of Chapter assembly, June 1684, based on Giffard’s minutes; Anstruther, 3, p.68. For lists of capitular archdeaconries, see C.R.W., pp.241–2; Kirk, pp. 142–3.

53 For Bishop John Leyburn, see Brady, passim (via index); Hemphill, passim; Anstruther, 2, pp195–200. Concise treatment of Cardinal Howard with references to other sources of information including his Life by C. F. Raymund Palmer (1867), is provided in Some Other People …, chap 2 & pp.190–1 and in Sewell, Brocard, The Cardinal of Norfolk (Royal Stuart Papers, no. 15, 1980)Google Scholar, reprinted in the author’s Like Black Swans (Padstow, 1982), pp.1–30. See also Bellenger, D. A. and Fletcher, S., Princes of the Church (2001), pp. 96–101 Google Scholar and passim; Robinson, J. M., The Dukes of Norfolk (1982), pp. 133–141 Google Scholar; Birrell, ‘English Catholics without a Bishop’, passim.

54 Sergeant, J., An Account of the Chapter … (1853 edn., ed. Turnbull, W.), pp.99–104 Google Scholar; Berington, J., The Memoirs of Gregorio Panzani (Birmingham, 1793 Google Scholar; facsimile reprint, 1970, with Introduction by T. A. Birrell), pp.337–341, 375 (Chapter resolution, 2 Dec. 1685). These two works are nos 2526 and 249 respectively in B., B., K. & S., the former being originally An Abstract of Transactions relating to the English Secular Clergy (1706). For Dr. Thomas Godden (vere Tilden) see note 66. The dean of the Chapter was John Perrott (alias Barnesley) for whom see Anstruther, 2, pp.241–2; Kirk, pp. 179–180; C.R.S., 72, pp.142–4 & passim. Both he and Godden, like Giffard, had been in the Chapter’s 1684 list of nominees for bishop (Kirk, p. 84).

55 Hemphill, pp. 10–11; C.R.W., pp. 111–2; also Hemphill, p.20, citing Kirk (a) correcting Dodd as to the date of Giffard’s consecration and (b) mentioning the latter’s presence as Chapter-secretary at a meeting on 5 March 1688. For the Old Chapter and its eventual transformation (following the restoration of a Catholic diocesan hierarchy in 1850) into a trust concerned with the administration of charitable funds and renamed the Old Brotherhood of the English Secular Clergy, see Albion, art.cit. (Clergy Review, 58, pp.679–688; 59, p.135).

56 Berington, op.cit., pp.378 (quotation)—391; Sergeant, op.cit., pp.109–119, both treating of the Chapter’s approaches to the three vicars-apostolic in 1693 and 1694. See also Hemphill, pp.164–170 (and C.R.W., p.111, note 133).

57 Some Other People …, p.187, note 15; also Ibidem, p.vii.

58 Dodd, 3, p.349 and, for the counties comprising Giffard’s Eastern district, B.A.A.. A 107a; they were Essex, Suffolk, Norfolk, Lincolnshire, Derbyshire, Staffordshire, Northamptonshire, Rutland, Nottinghamshire, Leicestershire, Huntingdon, Bedfordshire, Buckinghamshire and Cambridgeshire. For the four vicars-general and for Leyburn’s lengthy letter of guidance to them following James II’s first Declaration of Indulgence (April 1687, see Hemphill, pp. 11, 13–14.

59 D.N.B., C.P., 4, p.406 & note e; Kenyon, J. P., Robert Spencer, Earl of Sunderland, 1641–1702 (1958), p. 129 Google Scholar. Lacking in beauty and as heartily disliked by Catholics as they were by her, she had inspired Charles II’s conjecture that James’s confessor must have imposed her on him as a penance.

60 Cited by Kenyon, loc.cit.

61 Ogg, D., England in the Reigns of James II and William III (1955), p.185.Google Scholar

62 Anstruther, 3, pp.123–4; C.R.S., 3, p.105; B. Bassett, , The English Jesuits from Campion to Martindale (1967), p.261 Google Scholar (for Dodd’s words, below). Although briefly in the hands of the secular priest John Brian or Bryan, alias Price, the chapel passed to the Jesuits at the wish of Queen Mary of Modena—‘by open force’, according to Dodd, involving a dispute over access. Brian/Bryan/Price has two entries in Kirk (pp.34 & 37) and is in Anstruther, 3, p.23. For notes on Holywell clergy and for the registers of the two missions there centred on inns (the Jesuits at the Old Star and the seculars at the Cross Keys), see C.R.S., 3, section 9. For aspects of the history of the shrine, see Blundell, M. & A., St. Winefride and her Holy Well (1954)Google Scholar and Thomas, D., ‘Saint Winifred’s Well and Chapel, Holywell’, Journal of the Historical Society of the Church in Wales, 8 (1958)Google Scholar, especially the former, pp.48–56 and Appendix 2; also E. & P., pp.357–8 and Records S.J., 4, p.529 (vol. 4, pp.528–537 and vol. 5, pp.934–940 contain further Holywell data). For local Giffard connections, including suggestion of recourse to Bishop Bonaventure in connection with confidential financial arrangements, see Doyle, P. J., ‘The Giffards of Nerquis’, Journal of the Flintshire Historical Society, 24, pp.79–85 (pp. 79–80 re financial proposal, c.1727).Google Scholar

63 A Select Collection of Catholick Sermons Preach’d before their Majesties — (2 vols., 1741), 2, p. 155. This collection (B., B., K. & S., no. 2522) also includes, inter alia, sermons by others mentioned in the present article: Bishop Ellis, John Betham, Sylvester Jenks and Thomas Godden (vere Tilden).

64 Ibidem, The work cited contains one Giffard sermon in each volume; the two here mentioned were originally printed in 1687 and 1688 respectively (Clancy, nos. 416, 417). I am grateful to Dr. Judith Champ for details of the copies at Oscott College, the ’Infallibility’ sermon being A Sermon Preach’d before the King and Queen at Whitehall on the Fourth Sunday after Easter in the Year 1687 (followed by the more revealing quotation, ‘Spiritus veritatis docebit vos omnem veritatem’); the other A Sermon on the Nativity of Our Lord — 1687. Giffard’s thoughts for a St. Matthew’s Day sermon (‘C.L.’, pp.3–5) are cited in Doyle, Thesis, pp. 148–9.

65 Speck, W. A., Reluctant Revolutionaries: Englishmen and the Revolution of 1688 (1988), p.64. See also next note.Google Scholar

66 The printed account is A Relation of a Conference before his Majesty and the Earl of Rochester, Lord High Treasurer, concerning the Real Presence and Transubstantiation, Nov. 30, 1686 (1722; no. 2451 in B., B., K. & S.). For Giffard’s authentication, see penultimate page of unpaginated preface. For Laurence Eachard (or Echard), Godden, Jane and Patrick, see D.N.B.; also for Godden, Anstruther, 2, pp.321–2 (sub Tilden, not mentioning his part in this happening, though it is referred to under Giffard in vol. 3, p.69). For the ‘conference’ and Eachard’s treatment of it, see Dodd, 3, pp.419–420 (misdating the event 1688).

67 Cal. Treasury Books, 1685–9 (i.e. vol. 8), pt.3, p.1484.

68 Further references to Giffard’s connection with the Hammersmith convent will be found later in this article, with annotation commencing at note 239. For the Institute of the Blessed Virgin Mary, its English houses and its members in this country, see the I.B.V.M. Biographical Dictionary compiled by Sister M. Gregory Kirkus and published as C.R.S., 78.

69 Cai Treasury Books., cit. (Henry Guy to the Customs Commissioners, appending Giffard’s letter). For the chapel, see Little, B., English Catholic Churches Since 1623 (1966), pp. 22–3Google Scholar and, for Guy, Baxter, S. B., The Development of the Treasury, 1660–1702 (1957)Google Scholar, passim., also D.N.B. For Evelyn’s description and reaction, see his Diary (ed. E. S. de Beer, 1955), 4, pp.534–5. The Whitehall Chapel Royal was destroyed by fire in 1698; on this, see D. Baldwin, The Chapel Royal (1990), pp. 104–5.

70 Anstruther, 3, p.69; L. Brockliss in M. — C., p.98 (quotation).

71 Anstruther, loc.cit.; B.L., Sloane 3929, no. 21 (newsletter of Saturday 28 April 1688). Excerpts from this and other MS. newsletters in that collection are printed in Muddiman, J. G., ‘Ralph Randall, Newswriter to James II’ in The Month, 142, pp. 152–7 (p. 156 for this item)Google Scholar. Such dissemination of news to private subscribers antedated the expiry in 1695 of licensing legislation forbidding the circulation of domestic news in printed form. The Midland vicariate included eleven of the fourteen Eastern district counties (see note 58), omitting Beds., Bucks. and Essex, and added four others: Oxfordshire, Shropshire, Warwickshire and Worcestershire (Brady, p.203).

72 On this question, see Lunn, D., The English Benedictines, 1540–1688 (1980), p. 139 Google Scholar. For Bishop James Smith, see Aveling, J. C. H., Catholic Recusancy in York (Monograph, C.R.S. no. 2), passim; Anstruther, 3, pp. 205–7Google Scholar; Hemphill, passim; Brady, pp.243–8 and further references in this article, where Ellis is also referred to (see notes 76 & 122). Ellis’s and Smith’s consecrations are noticed in newsletters of 12 and 19 May 1688 respectively in B.L., Sloane 3929 (also cited in Muddiman, art.cit., pp. 156–7).

73 Akerman, J. Y., Moneys Received and Paid for Secret Services of Charles II and James II (Camden Soc., old series, vol. 52), pp. 208–9.Google Scholar

74 C.R.S., 43, p.21 (among Hampshire Clergy Fund documents).

75 H.M.C., 12th Rep., Appendix, part 5, vol. 2, p.120. The York vacancy lasted more than two years, from the death of John Dolben (1683–86) to the appointment, at the end of James II’s reign, of Thomas Lamplugh (1688–91): see D.N.B. and assessments by Aylmer, G. E. in A History of York Minster (ed. Aylmer, and Cant, , 1977), pp. 443–6.Google Scholar

76 H.M.C. Rep., loc.cit (with index entry, p.408, as ‘Giffard, Bishop of Oxford’). Before ‘going towards Wales’ Ellis had, in mid-July 1688, confirmed ‘some hundreds of youth (some of them were new converts)’ in the Savoy chapel in London, many of them doubtless pupils at the school recently opened by the Jesuits: Ellis, H. (ed.) Original Letters Illustrative of English History …. second series (1827), 4, p. 117 Google Scholar; also B.L., Sloane 3929, letter no. 33 (21 July 1688). On this and a second Jesuit school in London, see Holt, T. G.: ‘A School in the Savoy, 1687–88’ and ‘A Jesuit School in the City in 1688’, Transactions of the London and Middlesex Archaeological Soc., 41, pp. 21–27 and vol. 32, pp.153–8Google Scholar respectively; also F. Beales, A. C., Education Under Penalty (1963), pp.250–253.Google Scholar

77 Bloxam, J. R., Magdalen College and James II (Oxford Historical Society, 6), p.253 Google Scholar & note re Leyburn; p.271 re James II, citing Burnet, G., History of His Own Times (1833 edn.), 3, p.353 Google Scholar. The quotation preceding these references is from M. & C. p.95. For valuable recent accounts of the Magdalen College episode, see chapters by MacIntyre and Brockliss in the last cited work and Beddard, R. A. in The History of the University of Oxford, 4 (ed. Tyacke, N., 1997)Google Scholar, chap. 19. Dr. Bloxam, above, a close friend of Cardinal Newman, presented Magdalen with a copy of Richard Van Bleeck’s portrait of Bonaventure Giffard at Archbishop’s House, Westminster; for Cardinal Manning’s permission to have it copied, see Poole, Mrs. Lane, Catalogue of Portraits in the Possession of the University, Colleges, City and County of Oxford, 2 (Oxf.Hist.Soc., 81), p.221 Google Scholar. The original portrait (reproduced in Burton, 1, facing p.76; in V.C.H. Staffs., 3, facing p. 132 and elsewhere) is overlooked in Davies, A., Dictionary of British Portraiture, 1 (ed Ormond, R. & Rogers, M., 1979), p.51 Google Scholar. Magdalen College also possesses another likeness, less austere and more robust-looking, in the form of an engraving dated 1719 (the portrait referred to supra, note 2). For Van Bleeck and his son Pieter, both of whom received much Catholic patronage, see Stewart, B. and Cutten, M., Dictionary of Portrait Painting in Britain up to 1920 (1997), p.461 Google Scholar; for Bloxam, , Middleton, D. H., Newman and Bloxam: An Oxford Friendship (1949)Google Scholar; D.N.B. Supplement, 1, pp.224–5; Oxford Dictionary of the Christian Church (1998 edn.), p.216.

78 Quotation from V.C.H., Oxfordshire, 3, p.198 (on Anthony Farmer, for whom see MacIntyre in M. & C., pp.38–9; also, for him and for Parker, D.N.B.) On changes during Parker’s presidency, see MacIntyre in M. & C., pp.59–65.

79 i.e. until after the Atterbury Plot and its aftermath (1722–1725); see Bishop Stonor’s euphoric opinion, expressed in 1723, and Giffard’s remark of 1726, both cited later and documented in notes 394 and 396; also Haydon, passim on the phenomenon itself and p. 124 on the improved situation ‘in the twenty years preceding the ’Forty-five’.

80 Quotation from Wood, pp.192–3. For Walker, see D.N.B.; for Massey, infra, note 115.

81 V.C.H. Oxfordshire, 4, p.413. On 20 Sept. 1679 those so honoured were ‘the Rev. Dr. Titus Oates’, his brother Samuel and Miles Prance the informer, brother of two priests and two nuns: M. and Hobson, G. (ed.), Oxford Council Acts, 1685–1701 (Oxf.Hist.Soc., 2nd series, vol. 2), pp. xvi, 121Google Scholar. See also supra, note 24 and works there cited; Anstruther, 3, p. 175 (Charles Prance).

82 Cal. State Papers, Domestic, June 1687-Feb. 1689, p. 176 (no. 952), supplementing the item printed in Bloxam, op.cit., p.243.

83 Cal. S.P. Dom., June 1687-Feb. 1689, p.207 (no. 1144), augmenting the version in Bloxam, pp.244–5; M. & C., p.84.

84 For Hawarden, alias Birtwistle (variously spelt), see Gillow, 3, pp.167–182 (pp.169–170 for the other Douai arrivals); Anstruther, 3, pp.94–5; ‘R.U.’ pp.294–5; D.N.B. and, for his publications, B., B., K. & S., nos. 1362–1382 (see also 2546, note). For Jones, see Gillow, 5, pp.374–5 (sub Pugh, his alias—not to be confused with the Robert Pugh mentioned supra, note 33); Anstruther, 3, p. 119.

85 Beddard, in Tyacke, (ed.), Hist.Univ.Oxford, 4, p.947 Google Scholar; Luttrell, Narcissus, A Brief Historical Relation of State Affairs (1857), 1, p.426.Google Scholar

86 See Holt, ‘A School in the Savoy …’ (p.25 for Chinese student); also, for relevant comment, the same author’s ‘Two Seventeenth Century Hebrew Scholars …’ in R.H. 22, p.484.

87 The Journeys of Celia Fiennes (ed. Morris, C., revised edn. 1949), p.35.Google Scholar

88 For an account of the intruded fellows, see M. & C., pp.83–95.

89 Holt in R.H., 22, p.485; also pp.482–7 for more on Fairfax, alias Beckett, and C.R.S. 70, p.90 for career outline.

90 Thus Crichton, J. D., ‘Jansenism and the English Catholic Community’ in North West Catholic History, 7, p.30 Google Scholar (and in ‘Jansenism in the Midland District’ Worcester Recusant Journal, No. 33, p.4) echoing the description of Dr. Short as ‘a Jansenist without restriction’ cited in Clark, p.164. Short is further documented infra, note 230.

91 The remainder of this paragraph apart from the concluding quotation (see next note) draws on Wood, pp.254, 257, 264, 265, 268 and 271–2, plus Luttrell, op.cit., 1, p.436 (‘fitting up’ of Magdalen chapel, April 1688) and H.M.C., 14th Rep., Appendix, pt.2 (Portland MSS., 3), p.411: ‘Great doings at Magdalen for the birth of the Prince of Wales’.

92 Bennett, G. V., ‘The Seven Bishops: a Reconsideration’ in Studies in Church History, 15 (ed. Baker, D., 1978), p.284.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

93 Wood, p.272.

94 Ibidem. For the vice-chancellor, Gilbert Ironside the younger, see D.N.B.

95 B.L., Sloane 3929, letter no. 33: ‘Bishop Gifford … before he left the city …’.

96 Beddard in Tyacke (ed.), Hist.Univ.Oxford, loc.cit., H.M.C., cit., p.417 (14 Aug. 1688: unfounded rumour re cardinalate). The bishop who was later considered for such an award, in the Holy Year of 1700, was James Smith of the Northern District: A.A.W., A series 36, no. 197. See also Hemphill, pp.27–8; Anstruther, 3, p.206.

97 The lengthy subscription list and a contemporary account of the events next mentioned (4–6 Sept. 1688), both in the Birmingham Franciscans’ register in B.A.A., are printed in Warwicks. Parish Registers, 2 (ed. W. P. W. Phillimore, J. L. Whitfield & P. E. Williams, 1904), pp.5–14. Converts (Reconciliati) since 1658 constitute a separate record, in Warwicks. Par. Reg., 3 (ed. Phillimore, Whitfield & Bloom, 1906), pp.1–24, followed by confirmations (post-Giffard), marriages, deaths and other data. For this centre, see Champ, J., ‘The Franciscan Mission in Birmingham, 1657–1824’ in R.H., 21, pp.40–50 Google Scholar; also V.C.H., Warwicks., 7, pp.398–9.

98 Hilton, J. A., Mitchinson, A. J., Murray, B. & Wells, P., Bishop Leyburn’s Confirmation Register of 1687 (Wigan, 1997), pp.234–240 Google Scholar, listing 499 confirmation candidates at Edgbaston, 7 Sept. 1687 followed by the figure 582). A good many members of the Franciscans’ congregation have entries in the register of Edgbaston parish church as well as in the friars’ own records (see previous note); such items are mentioned in footnotes to Dugdale Society Publications, vol. 8 (1928). For the Edgbaston Mass-house, see Hodgetts, M., Midlands Catholic Buildings (Birmingham 1990), pp.8, 18Google Scholar. That work (a ‘Popish Pevsner’) describes and illustrates many Catholic sties in the old Midland District.

99 B.L., Sloane 3929, newsletter no. 44 (15 Sept. 1688), also cited by Muddiman in The Month, 142, p.157. For Worcester’s Catholic chapels, see Holt, T. G. in Worcester Recusant journal, 20, pp. 65–72 Google Scholar; Zimmerman, B., Carmel in England (1899), pp. 334–6Google Scholar; also Doolan, B., St. George’s Worcester, 1590–1999 (Birmingham, 1999), pp. 3–4.Google Scholar

100 For Stafford’s confirmandi, numbering 422, and their places of residence, see M. B. Rowlands (ed.), English Catholics of Parish and Town (C.R.S. Monograph no. 5), pp.71, 72 (map). For that and other places mentioned in this paragraph and for numbers confirmed, see Hilton et al, op.cit., passim (place index, pp.vii-viii; chronological sequence by counties, giving numbers confirmed, Appendix 1).

101 The second Viscount Carrington died in 1701 and his brother, without heirs, in 1706; the latter and his Jacobite sister-in-law, as ‘Lady Dowager Carington’, are named in an early eighteenth century survey of Catholic pastoral provision, of considerable relevance to Giffard’s Midland vicariate, in A.A.W., A series 38, no. 1 (pp.47 & 42 respectively in printed version in R.H., 12, no. 1: ‘The Distribution of Catholic Chaplaincies in the Early Eighteenth Century’—the version cited henceforth); Records S.J., 5, pp.859–860 & note 19; C.P., 3, p.67.

102 This extensive establishment is described in Records S.J., 5, p.450.

103 A ‘Mr Thimelby’, listed among Gentlemen of Considerable Estates’ employing secular priests, occurs in the survey cited supra, note 101 (R.H., 12, p.44). Later references to Thimelby/Giffard connections are documented infra, notes 356 & 357.

104 C.P., 10, p.499 (the impeachment was soon dropped and he appears to have remained a Catholic but to have kept his options open, refusing to permit the churchwardens of St. Margaret’s, Westminster to dispose of his pew: ‘no, no’, he protested, ‘one does not know what may happen’: Ibidem, note f).

105 Wake, J., The Brudenells of Deene (2nd edn., revised, 1954), p. 188 Google Scholar: bequests of ‘ten broad pieces of gold’ plus £50 ‘to be disposed of as he should think fit’ in the will, made two years before his death in 1703, of the 96 year old Earl. Another bequest to Giffard while Midland vicar-apostolic was from Catherine Winford of Worcester and London of ‘my great silver crucifix, humbly begging his remembrance of my father and my mother’: Payne, p. 112.

106 B.A.A., A414 (12 Jan. 1694/5).

107 Leach, A. F., History of Warwick School (1906), pp. 140–4Google Scholar and the same authority in V.C.H., Warwicks., 2, pp.310–11; Thaddeus, Fr. [Hermans], The Franciscans in England, 1600–1850 (1897), p. 183 Google Scholar; also Hilton et al., op.cit. (Leyburn’s 1687 itinerary, not including Warwick); Beales, op.cit., pp.238–9—but apparently placing Giffard’s visit in September 1687 (before he was a bishop) instead of a year later. For nationwide anti-Catholic lawlessness towards the end of 1688, see my ‘No Popery Violence in 1688: Revolt in the Provinces’ in Janssen, G. A. M. & Aarts, F. G. A. M. (ed.), Studies in Seventeenth Century English Literature, History and Bibliography (Amsterdam, 1984), pp. 245–259.Google Scholar

108 M. & C., pp.75–6: detailed refutation of Luttrell, op.cit., 1, p.469.

109 Records S.J., 5, pp.822, 956.

110 Wood, p.281.

111 Anstruther, 3, p.143.

112 wood, pp.285, 287; Records S.J., 5, p.956 (Jesuit report).

113 A.A.W., A series 36, no. 97: Massey to Hales, 15 June 1693. For the latter (Earl of Tenterden in the Jacobite peerage), see D.N.B.Beddard, R. A., A Kingdom Without a King (1988), p.194 Google Scholar, note 79 & passim and, especially, Szechi, D., ‘A Blueprint for Tyranny? Sir Edward Hales and the Catholic Jacobite Response to the Revolution of 1688’, English Historical Review, 116, pp.342–367 CrossRefGoogle Scholar. The title page of Edward Gee’s 1690 edition of Parsons’s work reads, The Jesuit’s Memorial for the Intended Reformation of England Under their First Popish Prince. Published from the Copy that was Presented to the Late King James II. … On this, see Clancy, T. H., ‘Notes on Persons’s “Memorial for the Reformation of England” (1596)’ in R.H., 4, p.18 Google Scholar and Scarisbrick, J. J., ‘Robert Persons’s Plans for the “true Reformation of England”, in McKendrick, N. (ed.), Historical Perspectives (1974), p.42 Google Scholar. For further proposals for a Jacobite Revolution Settlement, see Szechi, in Eng.Hist.Rev., 108, pp.610–628.Google Scholar

114 A.A.W., cit. For unsuccessful Jacobite attempts to secure Louis XIV’s co-operation in that year (1693), for the failed invasion attempt of the year before and for other efforts to restore James II between 1689 and 1696, see Cruickshanks, E. and Childs, J. in Cruickshanks, & Corp, (ed.), The Stuart Court in Exile and the Jacobites (1995), chaps. 1 & 4 respectively.Google Scholar

115 Having gone first to Saint-Germain and then proceeded to Douai and received major orders, Massey went on, two years later (Aug. 1695), to become confessor to the Paris community of Sisters of the Immaculate Conception of Our Lady—the ‘Blue Nuns’—whose ‘Diary’ contains numerous references to him (C.R.S., 8, with a useful ‘Index and Elucidation’). See also Anstruther, loc.cit.

116 Wood, p.299. In fact Walker was sent to the Tower of London, not Newgate: Beddard, op.cit., pp.162, 164; D.N.B., etc.

117 For Oxford, see Wood, pp.286–7; V.C.H. Oxfordshire, 4, pp.413, 437. On the London violence, the since published vivid account in Beddard, op.cit., pp.41–5 should be added to the references given in note 7 to my ‘No Popery Violence in 1688 …’, q.v. for other targets mentioned in this paragraph.

118 Warwicks. Par. Reg., 2, p.16; Hodgetts, Midland Catholic Buildings, p.17. Fr. Leo Randolph, O.F.M., here cited, was over-optimistic; a century was to elapse before the Franciscan mission was again established in Birmingham itself: Champ, art.cit., p.47.

119 Records S.J., 5, p.420; Rowlands in English Catholics of Parish and Town, p.73 (man accidentally killed).

120 H.M.C., 15th Rep., Appendix, pt. 1, p.138 (the unnamed bishop, if only one was involved, need not necessarily have been Bonaventure Giffard; John Leyburn, likewise heading for the south coast, was also captured in Kent and so prevented from boarding an escape vessel).

121 Beddard, op.cit., pp.32, 47, 99, 198, note 209 (Clayton, for whom see also Anstruther, 3, pp.35–6); also pp.162 (‘Joseph Giffard’ detained at Faversham) and 164 (‘Joseph Giffard’ sent to Newgate).

122 See my ‘Bishops Giffard and Ellis and the Western Vicariate’, J.E.H., 15, pp.218–228; Scott, G., Gothic Rage Undone (Downside, 1992) pp. 65–67 Google Scholar and Abbot Scott in O.S., pp. 10–11. For anti-Catholic Violence in the Western District, see ‘No Popery Violence …’ passim and, for Ellis’s second episcopal appointment, to the Italian see of Segni, , Hay, G., ‘An English Bishop in the Volscians’ in The Venerabile, 19 (Rome, 1959) pp. 398–405 Google Scholar, reprinted in Bellenger, D. A. (ed.) Fathers in Faith: the Western District, 1688–1988 (Downside, 1991) pp. 23–30 Google Scholar; Navarra, B., Filippo Michele Ellis: Segni e la sua Diocesi nei primi decenni del ’700 (Rome, 1973)Google Scholar. See also D.N.B.

123 Kirk’s account, p.241, contains the quotation and is inexplicit about dating, as is the somewhat fuller entry in Croft, W., Historical Account of Lisbon College with Register compiled by J. Gillow (1902) pp. 261–2Google Scholar. In Anstruther, 3, pp.237–8 and originally in Vane’s career-record in the Annales of the college, the conversion story conflicts with his admission date as recorded in the same source: October (probably new style) 1688, at least ten weeks before Giffard was consigned to Newgate. That such confusion exists is due to shortcomings in the Lisbon register-record for the relevant period, the entries relating to more than four decades (1667–1710) being disconcertingly described as ‘generally defective in order, period, age of alumni and other circumstances …’: C.R.S., 72, pp.ix, 203–4. For Vane’s activities in London in the first decade of the eighteenth century, see ‘R.U.’, pp.305–6 and, for his subsequent position as capitular archdeacon of Hants., Wilts, and Somerset, C.R.W., pp.113–4.

124 Turner, F. C., James II (1948), pp. 418–9Google Scholar & note 1. See also [ Somers, ’s] Collection of Scarce and Valuable Tracts (1748–51), 1, pp. 290–291 Google Scholar; Autobiography of Sir John Bramston (Camden Soc., old series, 32), p.323; Dodd, 3, pp.532–3.

125 Quotations, respectively, from Hughes, P., ‘The Return of the Episcopate to England’, Clergy Review, 10, p. 194 Google Scholar and from Magalotti, L., Travels of Cosmo III, Grand Duke of Tuscany through England in the Reign of King Charles II … (1821), p.462 Google Scholar (also cited by Professor Birrell in R.H., 4, p.159).

126 Luttrell, , Brief Historical Relation …, 2, p.73 (10 July 1690).Google Scholar

127 Newsletter of 29 Nov. 1690, cited by Wood, p.346; Routledge, F. J., Cal. Clarendon State Papers, 5, p.690 (17 Sept. 1690) respectively.Google Scholar

128 Cal. State Papers, Domestic, 1690–91 (both entries, dated 5 Aug. 1691). For papers abstracted from Leyburn’s London lodgings and passed on to the Archbishop of Canterbury, Thomas Tenison, see C.R.S., 56, section 2 (i). Unfortunately pt. ii of that section (intercepted Catholic correspondence, similarly diverted) contains mistranscriptions detracting from the meaning of certain passages and generating erroneous entries in the volume index; see criticism by Birrell, T. A. in A Newsletter for Students of Recusant History, no. 7 (Nijmegen, The Netherlands, 1965), p.43.Google Scholar

129 Dodd, 3, p.469; Anstruther, 3, p.70 is no more informative on that period of Giffard’s life, stating that ‘from 1690 till after 1700 there is no reference anywhere to John Leyburn or to Giffard’. For the latter, however, a few gleanings and relevant references are embodied in the present article (see next two paragraphs of text).

130 On the subsequent cult of James II, promoted particularly by the English Benedictines, see Scott, G., Sacredness of Majesty (Royal Stuart Papers, no. 23, 1984)Google Scholar and, for a convent tribute to ‘Holy King James II of blessed and glorious memory …’, R.H., 21. p.484. For the abundant iconography of the exiled dynasty-portraits ‘collected and highly prized’—see Corp, E., The King Over the Water (exhibition catalogue, Scottish National Portrait Gallery, Edinburgh, 2001: p.17 Google Scholar for words quoted). Bishop Ellis, having gone initially to Saint-Germain, then moved to Rome, later becoming Bishop of Segni: see note 122 for relevant sources.

131 V.C.H., Staffs., 3, p.109 (Wolverhampton house, Cock Street); Dodd, loc.cit. (London); Berington, Memoirs of Panzani, p.387.

132 C.R.S., 56, pp.121–2, involving Dom Augustine Llewellin (for whom see infra, note 144 and associated text) in connection with matters relating to Bro. Thomas or William Short, O.S.B., for whom see [P.] Allanson, A., Biography of the English Benedictines (Ampleforth, 1999), p. 154 Google Scholar and further references in C.R.S., 56 (pp.113, 124–6).

133 D.N.B. (Hales, Sir Edward). As well as Giffard, Dr. Thomas Witham was involved in administering the £5,000 bequest (Ibidem.). For him, see Anstruther, 3, pp.254–5.

134 Both in 1700; see notes 160 & 161 respectively and text associated therewith.

135 C.L.’/Cath. Misc., 6, p.83 (‘Hon’d Dear Sir …’, 25 Feb. 1702, presumably old style). Leyburn had died on 9 June 1702 and Giffard succeeded him in the following March.

136 To two existing funds, the Common Fund and the Common Purse, was added a third, known as the Johnson Fund; it was the two last named which gained from the reallocation of the assets of the Institute’s Staffordshire District. Much valuable information on matters covered by this paragraph will be found in Rowlands, M. B., ‘Catholics in Staffordshire, 1688–1791’ (M.A. thesis, University of Birmingham, 1965), pp.44–61 Google Scholar and in the same author’s contributions to R.H., 9, pp.219–241 and to the University of Birmingham Historical Journal, 10, pp.147–8. See also Greenslade, M., ‘The Association of Staffordshire Clergy’ in S.C.H., no. 2, pp. 13–18 Google Scholar; Anstruther, 3, pp.ix, 66; V.C.H., Staffs., 3, pp. 108–111 (including note 39 on the four counties comprising the Institute’s Staffordshire District: Staffs., Derbys., Shropshire and Worcs.)

137 For full title, see Abbreviations list under L.M.P. Kirk, p.192, mentions but slightly mistitles this Letter …, for which see Wing, D., Short-title Catalogue of English Books, 1641–1700 (New York; 1988 Google Scholar edn., ed. J. J. Morrison, C. W. Nelson & others), 3, p.637 (W.95-W.96); also Early English Books, 1641–1700: A Cumulative Index (Ann Arbor, Michigan, 1990), 4, p.2974.

138 Journal of the House of Commons, 13, pp.225–6, 278 (Feb. & March 1700); infra., notes 179 & 180 for statute and proclamation.

139 L.M.P., p.1 for this and the preceding quotation. Although no particulars of this visitation appear to survive, it would doubtless have reflected some of the pastoral arrangements set out in the near-contemporary survey printed in R.H., 12, pp.42–48. On the contrast between the eastern and western counties of the Midland vicariate, see Bossy, p. 100. Other early eighteenth century documents demonstrating a Catholic presence in Giffard’s vicariates (he moved from the Midland to the London District in 1703) are among the Anglican returns of papists compiled in 1705 and 1706, of which printed editions are listed in R.H., 16, p.440, note 91, since augmented by MacGrath, art.cit. (Devon and Cornwall); Fendley, J. in Gloucestershire Catholic History Society journal, 26, pp. 18–22 Google Scholar; Clark, R., Derbyshire Papist Returns of 1705–6 (Derbys. Record Soc., Occasional Paper no. 5)Google Scholar; Catholic Ancestor journal, 8, pp.138–144 (Diocese of Oxford, supplementing other returns for that area, of differing provenance, printed in H.M.C., 10th Rep., Appendix 4, pp.176–182 and in Oxoniensia, 13, pp.76–82). A further return, for Wiltshire, is to be included in a forthcoming Wilts. Record Society volume.

140 For the document, see Some Other People …, Appendix 10; another visitation description is given in Burton, 1, p. 147 (also chaps. 9, 11 and 13 for details of places visited).

141 Brady, p.246 and A.A.W., Ep.Var. 4/41, both written in August (1709 and 1711), reflecting travels in the summer months; in winter many roads would have been impassable. For Bishop Smith’s account of the 1709 visitation and for a letter about it from the vicar of Blackburn, Lancs., see respectively Brady, pp.246–7 and Payne, J. O., Old English Catholic Missions (1889), pp. xv–xvi (also Anstruther, 3, pp.206–7).Google Scholar

142 Some Other People …, p.168.

143 L.M.P., p.4 re Dom Augustine or Austin Llewellin, O.S.B. (see next note).

144 For Llewellin’s career, see Allanson, op.cit., p. 127. He was in charge of the Bath mission from 1693 to his death in 1711. For the title of cathedral prior, commemorating the Benedictines’ pre-Reformation association with a dozen foundations enumerated in the papal bull Plantata … of 1633, see Ibidem, p.iii and Birt, H. N., Obit Book of the English Benedictines, 1600–1912 (Edinburgh, 1913; 1970 reprint with Introduction by Lunn, D. M.), pp.xxiv–xxv Google Scholar and note, xxxi-xxxii; Appendix 7 (p.350 for Bath).

145 Quotations from Stonor, J., Stonor: a Catholic Sanctuary in the Chilterns (Newport, Mon., 1951), p.289 Google Scholar and from Bishop Laurence York, O.S.B. (see below), second vicar-apostolic of the Western District, whose Benedictine successors Charles Walmesley and Gregory Sharrock also made Bath their headquarters. For the Bath mission, see my Bath and Rome, the Living Link (Bath, 1963) and introductory section to C.R.S., 65, including (pp.51, 53) early references to the Benedictine-run Bell Tree lodging house and (pp. 113–177, with corrigenda in C.R.S., 66, p.244) its later accounts of receipts and expenditure, 1746–1776. See also Scott, Gothic Rage Undone, passim, and, for Laurence York, New D.N.B. (in preparation) and my ‘“No Ordinary Residence”: Bishop York and the ’Forty-five’ in R.H., 16, pp.217–9. For Catholics associated with the city, see Davey, E. C., Notable Catholics Who Lived and Died at Bath between 1678 and 1823 (1912).Google Scholar

146 The quotations are from the 1702 letter as printed in Brady, pp.283–4, 285–6 (‘family’ means the Catholics of the Western vicariate).

147 A.A.W., Ep.Var. 2/28 & 72 (letters to Mayes from Giffard, 2 June 1708, and from Ellis, writing from Segni, 20 April 1709, respectively). For other documentation see supra, note 122.

148 Matthew Prichard, for whom see Brady, pp.291–5; Hemphill, passim; also Infra, note 202 and works there cited.

149 Gilbert, loc.cit. (italics mine).

150 See C.R.S., 78, pp.3–5, 65–6. Three of Mother Cecily’s sisters became Poor Clares at Rouen (one of them the convent’s ‘Writer’ or chronicler) and a fourth died there as a student during the plague of 1668: see R.H., 18, pp.69–77, 170, 182 (also supra, note 44).

151 A.A.W., Ep.Var. 4/26 (28 May 1711, lamenting ‘the loss of my most dear brother Brown, who died on the 13th, the anniversary of his consecration’). For Smith’s aliases, see next note.

152 Coleridge, H. J., St Mary’s Convent, Micklegate Bar, York (1887), p. 100 Google Scholar. For another document of Smith’s signed ‘Brown’, see Some Other People …, p.183. Coleridge, op.cit., p.99, Hemphill, pp.28 … 29 and Bellenger, English and Welsh Priests …, pp.219, 224 & 236 mention ‘Harper’ and ‘Tarlton’ as further Smith aliases. For revelations concerning the authorship of St Mary’s Convent …, see C.R.S., 78, p.95.

153 Coleridge, , op.cit., pp. 99–100 Google Scholar (and for Mother Frances Bedingfield, C.R.S., 78, pp.43–4, 180–1; also, for the Bar Convent, Ibidem, pp.5–10).

154 For Ingleby, see D.N.B., Kirk, p.136 as ‘Inghilby … Clergy lawyer’; Payne, pp.xiv-xv, 78, 108 (‘Jesuits’ councel’); [J.C.] Aveling, H. in Proceedings of Leeds Philosophical and Literary Society: Literary & Historical Section, 10, pt. 6, p.254 Google Scholar; C.R.S., 62, p.87 (glimpse of Ingleby in a Jesuit context, with two other Catholic lawyers).

155 A.A.W., A series 39, no. 134 (pasted on verso of first page): two lists of Hammersmith chaplains, both with ‘Serg.’ between 1695 and 1697, while Sergeant, John is named as (spiritual) ‘Director of the House’ from 1694 to 1697 in an internal record printed in Evinson (i), p.31 Google Scholar; (ii), p.69, both superseding the list in Kelly, B. W., Historical Notes on English Catholic Missions (1907), p.200 Google Scholar. This appointment does not feature in the account of John Sergeant in Anstruther, 2, pp.280–289. The linking of Sergeant with an earlier convent chaplaincy, to the English Poor Clare nuns of Rouen (in R.H., 18, p. 186), appears to be erroneous. He is recorded at Rouen, 1674–5, while the nuns’ regular confessor was absent but the latter’s locum was his uncle ‘Mr Eliot’ (mentioned Ibidem as Clifford), not Sergeant, who ‘did not meddle with the community’: Poor Clares’ ‘Chronicles’ at St Clare’s Abbey, Darlington (kindly communicated by the archivist, Sister M. Michael).

156 Anstruther, 2, p.287 (travel-pass, 17 Feb. 1689); C.R.S., 48, p.531 (1693 Chapter meeting).

157 Berington, Memoirs of Panzani, p.384 (words quoted). See also supra, note 56 and associated text.

158 Anstruther, 2, pp.288–9, citing Gillow, 3, p.619 re unanimous Chapter resolution, Oct. 1714, concerning Sergeant’s books.

159 A.A.W., A series 39, nos. 25 & 26 (20 Oct. 1707), also cited by M. W. Hay, op.cit., p. 199.

160 Ward, Dawn, 1, p.19. The child was Bridget Petre, later a nun (E.R., 12, p.63). Ward, loc.cit., also mentions an infant confirmation by Giffard while London vicar-apostolic, that of the Hon. James Talbot, born in 1726, who was himself to occupy that position in the 1780s as successor to Challoner: Brady, pp. 176–8; Anstruther, 4, pp.268–9.

161 Hemphill, p.27 and ‘C.L/Cath. Misc., 6, pp.229–230 (Leyburn’s age and infirmity, the latter reference misdated in its printed form; see note 7); Some Other People …, p. 167 (18 Nov. 1700; see also note 375).

162 A.A.W., A series 38, no. 12: testamentary instructions supplementing John Leyburn’s will, itself A.A.W., A series 38, no. 11.

163 After Leyburn’s death, and at the exiled queen’s behest, George Witham, then the English bishops Roman agent, had been consecrated in Italy as Bishop of Marcopolis, in partibus, but her majesty’s desire that he should succeed to the London District was baulked by Witham’s strong aversion to doing so: Hemphill, pp.28–30; Anstruther, 3, pp.251–2; also Brady, pp.204–6; D.N.B.

164 Thus his report to Rome in 1746 by Petre, Bishop Benjamin: Brady, p.163 Google Scholar; also, for Dr Eamor Duffy’s view of the figure as an underestimate, C. & C., p. 13. The London vicariate compriseo Middlesex (incorporating much of the capital), Bedfordshire, Berkshire, Buckinghamshire, Essex, Kent, Surrey, Sussex, Hampshire (with the Isle of Wight) and Hertfordshire, Jersey, plus and Guernsey, : Brady pp. 146–7Google Scholar. The London vicar-apostolic also exercised jurisdiction in North America and the West Indies; see note 166.

165 A.A.W., Ep.Var. 6/117 (partly cited by Hemphill, pp.48–9): Giffard to Lawrence Mayes, 10 July 1719. For Mayes, then Roman agent of the vicars-apostolic and addressee of letters classified under Ep.Var. in A.A.W., see Anstruther, 3, p.146; Hemphill, pp.151–2 & passim. On conversions to Catholicism in early eighteenth century England, see Duffy, E., ‘Poor Protestant Flies …’ in Baker, D.: (ed.), Studies in Church History, 15 (1978), pp. 289–304.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

166 Giffard’s developing involvement with these territories (not included in the 1688 Brief setting up the four vicariates), amounting to ‘jurisdiction by devolution from a negation’, is touched on by Guilday, P., The Life and Times of John Carroll (New York, 1922), pp. 138–141 Google Scholar (p.140 for words quoted); his references to Hughes, T., The London Vicariate Apostolic and the West Indies’ should, however, cite The Dublin Review, vol. 134 (Jan.-April 1904)Google Scholar, not ‘vol. cxxiv (Jan 1914)’. For the Jamaica mission under the Chapter and under Bishop Leyburn, see C.R.W., p.104 & note 77 thereto; also Anstruther, 2, pp.54–8 (Thomas Churchill).

167 Letters from Giffard on this point (addressees unnamed) are in ‘C.L.’/Cath.Misc., 6, pp.379–380—one (undated in printed version but 14 Nov. 1698 in ‘C.L.) beginning, ‘I was much troubled for your leaving France, and I am much more uneasy since your coming to England’; the other (undated in both versions) a severe reproof, referring to ‘the ill lives of some of our priests’, including the addressee.

168 Cited by Anstruther, 3, p.203. The rest of this paragraph draws on Anstruther’s account of Simpson which, however, goes astray over his death-date and his West Indies years, documented in the next two notes. See also Duffy, E., ‘Over the Wall: Converts from Popery in 18th Century England’, Downside Review, Jan. 1976, p.23, note 93.Google Scholar

169 Lambeth Palace Library: Gibson 2, ff.83–4 (Giffard’s commission to William Simpson, 22 March ‘1729’—presumably 1730, n.s.), apparently the subject of a misleading entry, dating it Sept. 1733, in H.M.C., Various Collections, 7, pp.7–8, noticed but dismissed by Anstruther, cit., on the grounds of Simpson’s death ‘about 1730’ (but see next note). As in Anstruther, Simpson’s death is misdated 1730 in Bellenger, English and Welsh Priests, p. 108.

170 Lambeth Palace Library: Pulham Papers, 19, ff.237–8 (22 Sept., 1735, from the Governor of St Kitts) for Simpson’s recent death, Nevis incumbency and final reversion to Catholicism; see also Manross, W., Fulham Papers in Lambeth Palace Library, American and Colonial Section: Calendar and Indexes (1965), p.200.Google Scholar

171 See C.R.S., 19, pp.118. 120, 122, 129 and passim for other Giffard involvement with St. Gregory’s.

172 See C.R.S., 72, passim for Giffard’s association with the English College of SS. Peter and Paul at Lisbon; also Croft, Historical Account of Lisbon College, pp.8, 266; Kirk, p.212 (sub John Smith, alias Warham).

173 These two cases involved William Green, confessor to the Duchess of Richmond (for whom see C.P., 2, pp.90–91; 10, pp.837–8) and William Mawdesley, assigned to Goa by Giffard but died on the voyage: Anstruther, 3, pp.86 & 145 respectively and C.R.S., 72, pp.68 (Green) and 123 (Mawdesley), for whom see also Croft, op.cit., pp.229–230.

174 John Ingleton, cited by S. Foster in O.S., p.126. Anstruther, 3, pp.111–2 gives a brief outline of Ingleton’s career, for which see also Kirk, p. 136; Hemphill, passim. For Ingleton on Giffard, see final page of this article.

175 For some such letters—to Cardinal Sacripanti, Prefect of Propaganda, and to Lawrence Mayes (see note 165)—see Brady, p. 151; C.R.W., pp.50, 61, 127; Hemphill, chaps. 4 & 6, passim (p.47 for Betham’s remark, 15 June 1705).

176 Anstruther, 3, p.70; A.A.W., Ep.Var. 6/117 (10 July 1719) respectively. Descriptions of London Catholicism containing details appertaining to Giffard’s time are provided in Burton, 1 chaps. 5 & 6 and by Duffy in C. & C., pp.6–14.

177 Sachse, W. L., ‘Da Cunha’s Account of the Condition of Catholics in the British Isles in 1710’, Catholic Historical Review, 49, p.24 Google Scholar. See also Holt, T. G., ‘The Embassy Chapels in Eighteenth Century London’ in London Recusant, vol. 2, no. 1, pp. 19–37 Google Scholar and Walsh, E. on The Spanish Chapel … 1713–1788’, ibidem, vol. 2, no. 2, pp. 72–84 Google Scholar. Don Luis Da Cunha was Portuguese ambassador in London from 1696 to 1712 (Sachse, art.cit., p.20). The relevant part of his report is also printed in Williams, E. N., The Eighteenth Century Constitution (1960), pp. 340–341.Google Scholar

178 L.M.P., (a hostile source, Jan. 1700), p.2; 1759 quotation from Burton, 2, p. 19. For the Sardinian embassy chapel and its predecessors, see Survey of London, 3, pp.79, 81–4 and A. Farrell, J. K., The Church of St. Anselm and St. Cecilia (the Sardinian Chapel) …: A Short History (1967)Google Scholar. See also C.R.S., 19 (section 6) and 38 and relevant Introductions therein, amplified as regards the Portuguese connection in the time of Da Cunha (see preceding note) by the other two works here cited and by Holt, art.cit., pp. 19–24.

179 Henry Humberston, S.J. (for whom see C.R.S., 70, pp.124–5), cited in Records S.J., 5, pp.159–160 on the statute 11 & 12 Wm. III, c.4: An Act for Further Preventing the Growth of Popery.

180 For difficulties of travel after the resumption of hostilities in May 1702, see Hemphill, pp.323–4. The Act (see previous note) begins, ‘Whereas there has been of late a much greater resort into this Kingdom than formerly of popish bishops, priests and jesuits …’. The ensuing proclamation is no. 4278 in Steele, R. R. (ed.), Bibliography of Royal Proclamations … 1485–1714 (1910), vol. 1. In L.M.P., p.l Google Scholar we read, ‘50 Priests are known to have come over in one week’.

181 Vernon, J., Letters Illustrative of the Reign of William III from 1696 to 1708 addressed to the Duke of Shrewsbury (ed. R. James, G. P., 1841), 2, p.431 Google Scholar; Diary and Correspondence of Samuel Pepys (ed. Lord Braybrooke, 1833 edn.), 4, p.290. For criticism of the first, see English Historical Review, 48, pp.624–630.

182 P.R.O., P.C.2/78 (Privy Council order, 8 May 1700), See also Craster, O. E., Hurst Castle (leaflet, Dept. of the Environment, 3rd impression, 1982), pp. 2–3 Google Scholar, referring to Paul (Matthew) Atkinson, O.F.M., confined there from Oct. 1700 to his death 29 years later and mentioned in Da Cunha’s 1710 report (Sachse, art.cit., p.25), for whom see McDonagh, H., Paul Atkinson, Franciscan Prisoner in Hurst Castle (1960)Google Scholar. For the Hull prisons and fortifications, see Hirst, J. H., The Blockhouses of Kingston-upon-Hull and Who went There (1913)Google Scholar and Cross, C., The Puritan Earl (1966), pp. 230–1, 238Google Scholar; also Howes, A. and Foreman, M., Town and Gun: the 17th Century Defences of Hull (Hull, 1999)Google Scholar, chap. 1 & passim.

183 A.A.W., A series 38, no. 24 (their surname was Baker). The arrests of Giffard and the two priests are reported in Luttrell, op.cit., 5, p.469. See also next note.

184 See Anstruther, 3, p.70 for more about the cases of Giffard and the two priests: William Cowley, alias Martin, and Thomas Matthews, perhaps an alias of Thomas Grange, or Yaxley. For them see Anstruther, 3, pp.41–2; 72, 84–5.

185 A.A.W., Paris Seminary Collection, no. 247 (30 Jan. 1704/5, also Cath.Misc., 7, pp.33–4 (partly printed in Hemphill, pp.46–7; Anstruther, 3, pp.71–2). Giffard’s trial was to have been on 8 Dec. 1704. For Thomas Witham, at that time superior of St. Gregory’s seminary in Paris, see also supra, note 133 and, for Giffard’s Leveson alias, supra, note 13.

186 Hemphill, p.47 (Betham, 15 June 1705, referring to ‘the great trouble Bp. Giffard has lain under, and is not as yet quite clear’.

187 Brady, p.151: Giffard to Cardinal Sacripanti, 7 Feb. 1706. The dates of this and the next letter may be old style, therefore 1707 n.s.

188 ‘C.L.’/Cath.Misc., 6, p.87, from Giffard, headed ‘Dear Sir’ (from the context, a recent convert), 8 Feb. 1706—perhaps 1707; see previous note.

189 A.A.W., Ep.Var. 2/48 (29 Oct. 1708, partly printed in Cath.Misc., 7, pp.34–5), on which the remainder of this paragraph is chiefly based; also Foley, Some People of the Penal Times, p.66 (thanks of the Holy See, via Propaganda, for the Venetian ambassador’s harbouring of Giffard).

190 Payne, p.107; the term occurs in an informer’s report.

191 This matter was finally settled in 1753 by the papal bull Apostolicum Ministerium, subjecting the regulars to the vicars-apostolic: see C.R.W., pp.145–7 and sources there cited; Scott, Gothic Rage Undone, pp.63–82 and in O.S., pp.84–99 (p.96 for quotation); Some Other People …, pp.181–3.

192 A.A.W., Ep.Var. 5/67 (7 Oct. 1714; also in Cath.Misc., 1, pp.170–2): reference to ‘the great number of Irish priests who came in upon us at the first publishing of the peace’. See also Hemphill, pp.99–100; O.S., p.89.

193 A.A.W., Ep.Var. 4/41 (31 Aug. 1711).

194 Hemphill, p.42. A.A.W., Ep.Var. 4/41 (31 Aug. 1711).

194 Hemphill, p.42.

195 A.A.W., Ep.Var. 4/51 (21 Oct. 1711).

196 Hemphill, pp.35–40; also, on the Western District vacancy, J.E.H., 15, pp.218–228; C.R.W., pp.123–8.

197 A.A.W., Ep.Var. 1/83 (18 June 1707).

198 Hemphill, p.40.

199 Kirk, p.205; Gillow, 5, p.480; C.P., 11, p.30 (and pp.28–9 & note e for the previous earl and his will).

200 Brady, p.247. In a letter of 17 April 1711 Giffard mentions having visited ‘three parts of the Kingdom’ (three of the four vicariates) but the context, that of ‘thirty years on the mission’, suggests that the third District referred to may have been his earlier Midland vicariate rather than the Northern: A.A.W., Ep. Var. 4/17 (and Cath.Misc., 7, p.170) and, for his western (Wardour, Wilts.) visit, notes 278–281 and associated text.

201 A.A.W., Ep.Var. 4/51 (21 Oct. 1711).

202 Hemphill, p.56 (Giffard to Mayes, 15 Oct. 1715); Brady, pp.291–2: delays between Prichard’s election, Aug. 1713, and his consecration as Bishop of Myra, in partibus, and reference to ‘two newly made Vicars-Apostolic in England’; that the other was Sylvester Jenks is clear from Brady, pp.248–9 (and see also infra note 208). Prichard, who died in 1750, was succeeded by three Benedictines and another Franciscan; these were Laurence York, O.S.B. (d.1770); Charles Walmesley, O.S.B., F.R.S. (d.1797); Gregory Sharrock, O.S.B. (d. 1809) and Peter Bernardine Collingridge, O.F.M. (d.1829). For these and later bishops, see Brady, pp.291 ff.; Bellenger (ed.), Fathers in Faith, pp.9–21 for the editor’s ‘The Vicars-Apostolic of the Western District, 1688–1850’—a topic also covered by Hemphill in The Clergy Review 32, pp.38–45 and 249–256. See also Harding, J. A., The Diocese of Clifton, 1850–2000 (Bristol, 1999), passim.Google Scholar

203 ‘E.V., p.345 (quotation); for the Jansenist issue in early eighteenth century England, see ‘R.U.’; also C. & C., chaps. 1 & 5 (M. Sharratt on Douai repercussions); Clark, chaps. 11 & 12 and passim and, for concise treatment of Jansenism itself, N.C.E. and Doyle, W., Jansenism (2000, with bibliography)Google Scholar. Also relevant are the informative outline in C.R.S., 63, pp.74–7 and three contributions by J. D. Crichton: in Worcs. Recusant, no. 33, pp.3–9; Ibidem 41, pp.1–28 and in North West Cathlic History, 7, pp.29–32; and it is worth following up the leads given in Gillow, 3, p.51 (end of note 1) and in the Gillow index volume (comp. J. Bevan, Ross on Wye, 1985).

204 See Macdonald, G., ‘The Lime Street Chapel’, parts 1 & 2, in The Dublin Review, 180, pp. 253–265 Google Scholar; 181, pp.1–16; also Holt, ‘A Jesuit School in the City …’ as cited supra, note 76. See Kirk, pp.98–9 and Gillow 2, pp.453–4 for Andrew Giffard’s own forthright account, vouched for many years later by his brother the bishop (Macdonald, art.cit., pt.l, p.258).

205 Myles Davies, for whom see ‘R.U.’, p.293 and Duffy’s ‘Over the Wall …’ pp.7–8, 12, 16, 20–21.

206 Cited by Kirk, p.77. There appears to be doubt as to whether Fairfax was the translator of The Secret Policy … (see B., B., K. & S., no. 53 & note thereto). See also no. 465 & note re A Case of Conscience and, for a contribution by Fairfax to a reprint of another work, Clancy, 922.3.

207 ’R.U.’, pp.297–8, 301 (words quoted).

208 ‘J.S. is dead. But I had rather his faction had been dead’; also Jenks, writing to Fairfax: ‘You and I, who are, perhaps the chief anti-Jansenists in this country, or the next to it …’ (Anstruther, 2, p.289 and Gillow, 3, pp.620–1, respectively). For Jenks, see Gillow’s account; Brady, pp.249–9; Anstruther, 3, pp.114–7; Crichton, J. D., ‘Sylvester Jenks, a Worcester Priest’ in Worcs. Recusant journal, 48, pp. 26–30 Google Scholar. Like Bonaventure Giffard, Jenks had been a royal preacher in James II’s reign and features in the sermon collection cited supra, note 63. In 1709 he had been mentioned in connection with the Western District vacancy (Hemphill, p.40) and two years later, on Giffard’s recommendation, he was approved by Rome to succeed Bishop James Smith of the Northern District who died in 1711, but himself died before consecration. For Jenks’s published works, see Clancy, nos. 541–549.3; B., B., K. & S., nos. 1520–1525. He occurs in the letter book of Lewis Sabran, S.J. as Ginks (C.R.S., 62, pp.31, 241, corrected in index). His own letter book, so-called but by no means confined to correspondence, is B.L., Add. 29612.

209 Dodd, 3, pp.524–5; also Brady, p.247 for a similar report, signed ‘Brown’, from the Northern vicarapostolic James Smith (summer 1709). For his aliases, see note 152.

210 Kirk, p. 119.

211 A.A.W., Ep.Var. 4/17 (and Cath.Misc., 7, p.170).

212 The adjective occurs in the assessment of Dodd in Anstruther, 3, pp.230–1. For this and the other two works mentioned in the same paragraph, see B., B., K. & S., nos. 1491 & 1492, 2771 & 2772, 2773 & 2774. A fuller title of Hunter’s work is A Modest Defence of the Clergy and Religious against R.C.s [Dodd’s] History of Doway …. For Hunter, see C.R.S., 70, p.125; Gillow, 3, pp.483–6.

213 C.R.S., 62, pp.261–2.

214 Gillow, 3, p.620 (quotation); also supra, note 208 (Northern District vacancy).

215 B., B., K. & S., p.xviii (quotation, in a concise summary of this controversy). See also N.C.E., 14, pp.397–8 (Unigenitus).

216 Clark, pp.175, 211; W. Doyle, Jansenism, pp.69–70.

217 A.A.W., Ep.Var. 5/67 (also Cath.Misc., 7, pp. 171–2). Legislation against the introduction of papal pronouncements was still on the statute book and sixty years after Unigenitus Bishop Challoner opposed Propaganda’s plan to issue to every ex-Jesuit a copy of the brief Dominus ac Redemptor … (July 1773) suppressing their Society, considering the proposal ‘positively dangerous, as the publication of papal decrees was unlawful’: Burton, 2, p. 165. For the proclamation probably referred to, ‘for enforcing the laws against Popish Bishops, Priests, Jesuits and Rebels and all who are in the Kingdom contrary to law’, see Steele, , Tudor & Stuart Proclamations, 1, nos. 4541 & 4542 (19 April 1714).Google Scholar

218 Anstruther, 3, p.253 (Robert Witham): … you would swear they were resolved to drown and choke all Jansenism with good cheer’ (repeated Ibidem, p.103).

219 Scott, Gothic Rage Undone, pp.59–60.

220 A.A.W., Ep.Var., 2/48 (and Cath.Misc., 7, pp.34–5: 29 Oct. 1708).

221 B.A.A., A1; C 163.

222 Echoing St. Paul, I Corinthians 9:16, cited in Hemphill, p.55.

223 Ibidem.

224 For these two points, see Ward, B., History of St. Edmund’s College, Old Hall (1893) p. 11.Google Scholar

225 A.A.W., Ep.Var. 7/135 (29 Oct. 1722) for this and other quotations in this paragraph. Further citations from the same document are given in C.R.W., p. 127.

226 Hemphill, p.99 & note 1; also Bossy, p.221. ‘A tendency for priests to concentrate on London’ had also been noted earlier; see Hughes, P., ‘The Return of the Episcopate to England’, Clergy Review, 10, p.194 Google Scholar; Birrell in R.H., 4, p.163.

227 ‘C.L.’/Cath.Misc., 5–7, passim. St Francis de Sales is mentioned in vol. 6, p.83 (25 Feb. 1702, probably old style); p.229 (20 Feb. 1707, but 20 Feb. 1701, probably o.s., in ‘C.L.’; see supra note 7); p.382 (undated, ‘To my Lady’, unnamed). See also Duffy, E., ‘Richard Challoner and the English Salesian Tradition’, Clergy Review, 66, pp. 449–455.Google Scholar

228 ‘C.L.’/Cath.Misc., 6, p.381 (‘To a Lady of Quality’, undated); 7, p.30 (written in Lent, 19 March, year not stated: ‘Hon’d Dear Lady … I have now been eleven days in my little solitude’). Note: ‘C.L.’. has ;twelve days’.

229 A.A.W., Ep.Var. 7/135.

230 Much more information about Short is given in ‘R.U.’, pp.303–6 (Fairfax complaint) and Clark, pp.164–170, 173. See also Bloxam, op.cit., pp.239–240 & notes; Krook, op.cit., pp.161–3 (Short on the Jesuits); Munk, W., The Roll of the Royal College of Physicians of London (1878), 1, pp. 516–7Google Scholar (Short’s admission, 22 Dec. 1696); P. J., & Wallis, R. V., Eighteenth Century Medics (Newcastle on Tyne, 1985) p. 1004 Google Scholar. Dr Short’s sense of professional insecurity because of his Catholicism is expressed in remarks cited in Krook, p. 161.

231 Jenks, ’s ‘antidote’ was A Short Review of the Book of Jansenius (1710; B., B., K. & S., no. 1524)Google Scholar; see Gillow, 3, p.620. For Short’s involvement with Jansenist literature, see ‘R.U.’,p.304.

232 Burton, 1, p.370, note 2; Duffy, ‘Poor Protestant Flies …’. pp.297–8; Gilley, S., ‘English Catholic Charity and the Irish Poor in London, 1700–1814’ in R.H., 11, p. 184 Google Scholar; B. Ward, History of St Edmund’s …, pp. 11–12 (convert ladies in London assisting poor families and contributing to English colleges and convents overseas).

233 Cited by Foster in O.S., p. 126 (words of John Ingleton, writing in 1723); see also supra, note 174.

234 Hemphill, p.91.

235 Dodd, 3, p.469. For one such bequest (£35 in 1728) from Dame Anne Throckmorton, see Payne, P.71.

236 Rowlands, M., ‘The Building of a Public Mass House at Wolverhampton, 1723–34’ in S.C.H., 1, pp. 27–8Google Scholar; also, for list of Wolverhampton Catholic clergy, Rowlands, (ed.) Roman Catholic Registers, 1720–1830 (Staffs. Parish Register Soc., 1959) p.14 Google Scholar, superseding the list in Kelly, Historical Notes on English Catholic Missions, p.442. The Wolverhampton Mass house, called Giffard House because of that family’s crucial role in its erection, is the subject of colour plate no. 6 in Hodgetts, Midlands Catholic Buildings.

237 Giffard had guaranteed £1,000 and Savage/Rivers had offered £2,000 in return for an annuity of £200. On the latter proposal, see C.R.S., 28, pp.318–9 (also mentioning other benefactions); Burton, 1, pp.55–6; Guilday, P., English Catholic Refugees on the Continent (1914), pp. 337–8Google Scholar. On Brockholes, see also Kirk, p.35; Anstruther, 3, p.25; Rowlands, M., ‘The Staffordshire Clergy, 1688–1803’ in R.H., 9, pp. 224–6Google Scholar. For Savage/Rivers, see Burton and Guilday, as above; Gillow, 5, p.480 (his laying of Douai foundation stone); Anstruther, 3, pp. 196–7 (mentioning that Bishop Smith had wanted him as coadjutor in the Northern District—as Giffard had wanted him to become Western vicar-apostolic: see text associated with note 198, above).

238 A.A.W., Ep.Var. 4/20 (and Cath.Misc., 6, p. 158): Giffard to Mayes, 27 April 1711 (addressee not named in printed version).

239 Fuller particulars of developments outlined in this and subsequent paragraphs are given by Sister Kirkus, M. Gregory, ‘“Yes, My Lord”: Some Eighteenth and Nineteenth Century Bishops and the Institute of the Blessed Virgin Mary’ in R.H., 24, pp. 171–8Google Scholar (also C.R.S., 78, pp.3–5 for a more summary account).

240 She wanted him to secure the recall to Hammersmith of Mary Portington, a highly esteemed colleague: see Coleridge, op.cit., pp.92–6; C.R.S., 78, pp.149–50.

241 Kirkus, ‘Yes, my Lord …’, p.175.

242 A.A.W., Ep.Var. 4/20 (and Cath.Misc., 6, pp. 158–9).

243 Ward, Dawn, 1, p.38.

244 On this episode, see Lane, Titus Oates, pp.230–232; Zimmerman, Carmel in England, pp.319–322 (within a longer account of the chaplain George Travers, in religion Fr. Lucian of St. Theresa); Kenyon, Popish Plot, p.221; also Kirkus, , ‘Great Aunt and Great Niece …’ in R.H., 25, p.32 Google Scholar (‘the house was constantly watched by spies’).

245 Evinson (i), p.25; (ii), p.9.

246 Kirkus, art.cit., pp.34–5 (correcting Coleridge, op.cit., pp.81–2 re Mother Bedingfield’s letter from prison, addressed to Archbishop John Sharp of York but probably never sent).

247 C.R.S., 26, p.59.

248 L.M.P., p.3.

249 The London Post, 28 June—1 July 1700, cited by Lane, op.cit., pp.359 & 382, note 68.

250 Huelin, G., ‘Some Early Eighteenth Century Roman Catholic Recusants’, J.E.H., 7, pp. 65–6Google Scholar. At about the same time a Catholic survey mentioned ‘A Scool at Hamersmith for young Girls directed by a C.Pst.’ (i.e. a Clergy Priest; a secular]: R.H., 12, p.46. The priest—if he was the ‘Mr Browne’ (1699–1705) in the list of convent chaplains published by Evinson: (i), p.31; (ii), p.69—may perhaps have been the Thomas Brown, alias Day, in Anstruther, 3, p.28.

251 Payne, p.xiv (quotation); 11 & 12 Wm.III, c.4: ‘… if any papist or person making profession of the popish religion shall keep school or take upon themselves the education or government or boarding of youth …’. But no informer’s reward is offered.

252 Betham, writing to Lawrence Mayes in Rome (Hemphill, p.81): ‘none have suffered much [of late] but here and there one, among whom B. Giffard had the greatest share’.

253 Sachse, art.cit., p.26; Evinson (i), p.26; (ii), p. 10 (re Cupola House, the ambassador’s rural retreat).

254 Mary Cramlington, for whom see C.R.S., 78, pp.4–5, 42–3, 66, 68. This paragraph is largely based on the account in Kirkus, ‘Yes, my Lord …’ pp.174–8. See also C.R.S., 78, pp.4, 179–180 (Babthorpe Family Notes).

255 Kirkus, art. cit., p. 175 for this quotation and, for further words cited in this paragraph, p. 177 (both quotations).

256 For the convent’s dissolution and an outline of subsequent uses of the property, see Evinson (i), pp.30–37, passim; (ii), pp.13–31; also C.R.S., 78, p.5.

257 R.H., 18, p.98 (and p.99 for suggestion of relevant factors); see also pp.166–7 and C.R.S., 14, pp.66–7 (obituary, not illuminating on this point, though referring to her ‘deposeing her self … Notwithstanding the opposition of her religious …’).

258 R.H.., 18, p.153.

259 A.A.W., A series 38, no. 175 (the preceding quotation is from the Poor Clares’ ‘Chronicle’: R.H., 18, p.153). For this abbess, see R.H., 18, pp.99, 149 (with Gillow’s attribution of her printed Life to Alban Butler, now corrected as in next note), 153, 162–3 (notes 2–4).

260 By ‘A.B.’ (Anne Bedingfield, not Alban Butler as earlier supposed): B., B., K. & S., no. 222 (1767).

261 Hemphill, pp.118–121; Brady, pp. 250–253 (also supra, note 208 re Jenks). For Dicconson, see supra, note 1.

262 Bossy, p. 114.

263 The episode is discussed and documented in Bishop Foley’s account of Tootell in Some Other People …, pp.98–103, 197–8.

264 Dominic Williams, O.P., for whose appointment and Giffard’s attitude, see Hempill, chap. 8, passim. Dr Williams had been consecrated in July 1726 but did not arrive until the end of 1727. See also Brady, pp.253–5; Gumbley, W., Obituary Notices of English Dominicans, 1555–1952 (1955) pp.57–8Google Scholar; C.R.S., 25, pp.111–7 (confirmation list, 1728–9, editorially amplified) & passim.

265 On fast and feast, see particularly Bossy, pp.110–121; also Hemphill, Appendix 7.

266 Ibidem, pp. 184–5 for Giffard’s proposals, including remarks quoted in this paragraph.

267 B.L., Sloane 3929, no. 5 (newsletter of 7 Jan. 1688, also cited in The Month, 142, p.155) reports this devotion in James II’s reign, while L.M.P., p.2 later (Jan. 1700) deplores ‘the Papists resorting publicly in Crowds, as it were in Processions … last October 13th into the Cathedral [sic] of Westminster itself, and there … paid their Superstitious Devotions at the Shrine of Edward the Confessor’. That date was his principal feast day (Oxford Dictionary of Saints, p.151). For the Jacobite associations of this cult, see Scott, Sacredness of Majesty …, pp.4–5, 8.

268 See the chapter on Britannia Sancta … in Burton, 1, (ch. 14), i.e. Britannia Sancta, or the Lives of the most celebrated British, English, Scottish and Irish Saints who have flourished in these Islands from the earliest times of Christianity to the Change of religion in the sixteenth century, etc. (2 parts, 1745).

269 See Gillow, 1, p.587, note 4.

270 Ibidem, pp.586–8 (Crathorne); vol. 2, pp.540–546 (Gother) and, for the latter’s numerous publications, Clancy, nos. 431–473; B., B., K. & S., nos. 1217–1334 (and p.xii). See also Sister Norman, M., ‘John Gother and the English Way of Spirituality in R.H., 11, pp. 306–319 Google Scholar; Crichton, J. D., Worship in a Hidden Church (Dublin, 1988), chap. 5Google Scholar; Bossy, passim; Duffy, ‘Poor Protestant Flies’, pp.293–6; Anstruther, 3, pp.81–84; C.R.S., 72, pp.66–7.

271 Quotations, respectively, from Duffy, E., Peter and Jack: Roman Catholics and Dissent in Eighteenth Century England (Friends of Dr Williams’s Library, 36th Lecture, 1982), p.13 Google Scholar and from the Rev. Joseph Berington (born 1743), writing in 1793: Memoirs of Gregorio Panzani, p.380, note. There is a brief biographical sketch of Berington in Anstruther, 4, pp.29–30, and much more information in Duffy, , ‘Ecclesiastical Democracy Detected’ in R.H., 10, pp. 193–209, 309–331; 13, pp.123–148Google Scholar passim; see also Birrell, Introduction (unpaginated) to 1970 facsimile reprint of Panzani; D.N.B.

272 Hemphill, p.55.

273 Ibidem.

274 A.A.W., Ep.Var. 6/134 (‘Dec. the last’ 1719).

275 C.R.S., 40, p.172. See also C.R.S., 14, sections 8 & 9 for much valuable material (p.314 for confirmation, citing Records S.J., 6, p.474); also Anstruther, 4, pp.130–1 (as Harvey); Duffy, ‘Poor Protestant Flies …’, pp.300–302.

276 Hemphill, p.56; also p.64: ‘He often walks from one end of the City to another’ (dated 1717, when Giffard was seventy-five).

277 A.A.W., Ep.Var. 4/26 (28 May 1711): ‘I happened to be in the country … till lately’.

278 Oliver, Collections …, pp.299, 389 (note) and, more generally, C.R.W., chaps. 5 & 6 passim. Thomas, 4th Lord Arundel also resided at Breamore House, just over the Hampshire border, where he died aged c.80 years in 1713—not 1711/2 as stated in printed works, including C.P., 1, p.265 (not corrected in vol. 14): Wiltshire and Swindon Record Office, 812/7 (‘Buried in woollen’ register, 17 Feb. 1712/13). Lord Arundell was still granting leases months after his hitherto supposed death date; a dozen such are recorded in the 5th baron’s Wiltshire estate registration of 1717: Wilts. & Swindon R.O., 2667/11/305 (rough draft); Al/310/2 (enrolled version thereof, with contemporary copy in P.R.O., FEC 1/1294). The relevant leases and copyholds appertain to properties there listed under the manors of Donhead (St. Andrew and St. Mary: six), Tisbury and Bridzor (2 and 1 respectively), Ansty (2), Sutton Mandeville (1).

279 Fairfax’s proselytising prowess is recorded in the Jesuits’ English Province Annual Letters (1710), cited in Records S.J., 5, p.822.

280 Wilts. & Swindon R.O., 2667/8 (unlisted): testamentary arrangements involving Fairfax.

281 The ‘bodies of saints’ had been a gift to Lord Anrundell’s mother (d.1676) from Pope Alexander VII (1655–1667): see Records S.J., 5, pp.822–3 for fuller particulars. Wardour House stood close to the original Wardour Castle, rendered uninhabitable in the Civil War, and was itself superseded by the mansion known as Wardour Castle erected nearby in the 1770s, to whose chapel, in the sarcophagus of Quarenghi’s altar, Ss. Primus and Secundus were transferred: Rowan, A., ‘Wardour Castle Chapel, Wilts.’, Country Life, 10 Oct. 1968, p.912 Google Scholar. See also, for the old and new Wardour Castles, V.C.H., Wilts., 13, passim; Pevsner, N., The Buildings of England: Wiltshire (2nd edn., revised by Cherry, B., 1975), pp. 548–554.Google Scholar

282 A.A.W., Ep.Var, 4/17, printed in Cath.Misc., 7, p.170 (17 April 1711).

283 Oliver, op.cit., p.73 (quotation, referring in the 1850s to the congregation of the chapel mentioned supra, note 281). For this important mission and its ‘catchment area’, see C.R.W., frontispiece map and chaps. 5 & 6; also pp.257 (note 21), 258–9 (tabulated figures). V.C.H. Wilts., 13 contains a wealth of information on that part of the county.

284 See Scott, Gothic Rage Undone, pp. 114, 119 for conversions and for the chaplain, Dom Obed Alban Dawney, O.S.B. (also mentioned infra, note 343). For the Cottingtons and Fonthill, including the Jacobite peerage awarded to Francis, see V.C.H. Wilts., 13, pp.155–169; C.R.W., p.175 (malicious prosecution for priest-harbouring), 176, 189–190, 246 (section 9: chaplains, overlooking Dawney), 258 (26 Fonthill papists in 1706); Pevsner, op.cit., pp.246–9 (with Cottingham for Cottington).

285 Wilts. & Swindon R.O., Dl/9/1/3: parish of Fonthill Gifford, 1767.

286 The eccentric William Beckford (1759–1844), author, traveller and builder, who has inspired a copious literature; the New D.N.B. should provide up to date coverage (and likewise for his father and namesake).

287 This paragrpah, including the Aubrey and Defoe references, is based on C.R.W., pp.170–4, 207–14 and figures tabulated on p.259. As G. D. H. Cole observes in his Introuction to the 1927 edition of A Tour Through the Whole Island of Great Britain, p.v., ‘No one is likely to accuse Defoe of a passion for accuracy’. The Stourtons’ family fortunes later recovered through the 15th baron’s marriage to the wealthy widow of the 7th Lord Petre; for her, see note 306 and associated text and, for the ancient and recusant Stourton family, C.P., 12, pt.1, pp.296–316, correcting C.B.J., Mowbray, Lord, Segrave, and Stourton, , History of the Noble House of Stourton (2 vols., 1899)Google Scholar but acknowledging that the latter ‘contains much useful and well documented information about the later history of the family’.

288 Wilts. & Swindon R.O., Dl/9/1/2 (returns of papists, 1706: Berks, parishes). Gilbert Burnet was Bishop of Salisbury from 1689 to his death in 1715: D.N.B., etc. Pope (born 21 May 1688) was aged eighteen at the time of this papist return. For some of his Berkshire contemporaries, see Fitzgerald, L., ‘Alexander Pope’s Catholic Neighbours’ in The Month, 145, pp. 328–333 Google Scholar. For Catholicism in that county, see T. Hadland, Thames Valley Papists (1992), passim.

289 A.A.W., Ep.Var. 4/41.

290 Kirk, p.205, referring to events following the death of Richard Savage, Earl Rivers, which occurred on 18 Aug. 1712: C.P., 11, p.29.

291 Trappes-Lomax, R., ‘In the Footsteps of Challoner’ in Richard Challoner, the Greatest of the Vicars-Apostolic (Westminster Cathedral Chronicle, commemorative issue, 1946), pp. 43–49.Google Scholar

292 Hemphill, pp.56 (1715) and 48 (1714) respectively.

293 A.A.W., A series 38, no. 2, printed in R.H., 12, pp.42–48.

294 See supra, note 139 for printed editions of such returns.

295 Burton, 1, chaps. 9, 11 & 13; also relevant, for places where English Jesuits were stationed towards the end of Giffard’s episcopate (1727–34) and for other data, including the bishop’s own address (see note 403) are the lists printed and annotated in C.R.S., 13, section 5.

296 i.e. the Hampshire Secular Clergy Fund; see section 1 of C.R.S., 43, one of many C.R.S. volumes involving that county. For clergy finances in another area, Yorkshire, see Gooch, L., Paid at Sundry Times (Ampleforth, 1997)Google Scholar; also Kirkwood, D., A History of the Society of Yorkshire Brethren (Leeds, 1990)Google Scholar and, for Lancashire and Westmorland, Kirk, pp.259–262 and B. Alger in North West Catholic History (1971 issue), pp.75–87. For the Midlands see supra, note 136. Early efforts to establish clergy funds are considered by Foley, Bishop B.C., ‘Secular Clergy Common Funds: the First Attempt to form One’, Clergy Review, new series, 53, pp. 114–125 Google Scholar. See also Bossy, pp.243–9.

297 Martin Hounshill (1717–83), for whom see C.R.S., 72, p.93; Anstruther, 4, p.144. For Twyford school, attended for a time by Alexander Pope, see Beales, Education Under Penalty, pp. 217–223 (note); B. Ward, History of St Edmund’s College [Ware], its successor.

298 C.R.S., 43, p.19; C.R.S., 44, p.2; Records S.J., 3, p.534, note 1. For the family, see Trenqualéon, M. de, West Grinstead et les Caryll (2 vols., 1893)Google Scholar; Records S.J., 3, pp.534–543, including pedigree. For the two Caryll Jesuits and for the Society’s personnel at both Ladyholt and West Grinstead, see C.R.S., 70, passim. For West Grinstead, see also note 301 below and, for Catholicism elsewhere in Sussex, Caplan, N., ‘The Sussex Catholics, c. 1600–1800’, Sussex Archaeological Collections, 116, pp. 19–29 Google Scholar; Abercrombie, N., ‘From Counter-Reformation to Bourgeois Catholicism: Recusansy in Seventeenth and Eighteenth Century Sussex’ in Kitch, M. J. (ed.), Studies in Sussex Church History (1981), pp. 125–40.Google Scholar

299 B.L., Add. 28618, f. 110b (printed in Anstruther, 3, p.72). John Caryll is the subject of chaps. 2 & 3 in Erskine-Hill, H., The Social Milieu of Alexander Pope (1975)Google Scholar; see also D.N.B.

300 Probably Levinius Brown, S.J. (for whom see C.R.S., 70, pp.44–5), mentioned in Pope’s letter to Caryll, John, 19 July 1711, printed in The Correspondence of Alexander Pope (ed. Sherburn, G., 1956), 1, p.129 Google Scholar. That work contains no evidence of any acquaintance between Giffard and Pope, though they moved in the same circle; nor does Erskine-Hill, op.cit.

301 B.L., Add. 28618, f. 111 (5 Sept. 1717): ‘Tho Grinsted was the last place I visited …’. For the history of that mission, see McCann, T. J., ‘West Grinstead: A Centre of Catholicism in Sussex, 1671–1814’ in Sussex Arch. Coll., 124, pp. 193–212 Google Scholar, supplemented by the same author’s ‘Henry Hoghton, S.J., Chaplain to the Caryll Family at West Grinstead, Sussex, 1736–1750’ in O.S., pp.100–114.

302 Erskine-Hill, op.cit., pp.80–82 for Pope’s Christmas letter (printed by Sherburn, op.cit., 1, pp.457–8) and discussion of seigneurial benevolence within the Carylls’ ‘Little Commonwealth’.

303 A.A.W., Ep.Var. 2/46 (also Cath.Misc., 7, p.34) and B.L., Add. 28618, f.91 for first and second quotations respectively.

304 The seventh Lord Petre and John Caryll (the latter persuaded Pope to defuse the situation arising from Petre’s unauthorised snipping-off of a lock of Arabella Fermor’s hair). The Rape of the Lock was originally published in 1712 and an enlarged version appeared two years later; meanwhile Lord Petre, the venturesome ‘Baron’ of the poem, had died of smallpox in 1713, aged 23, ‘much lamented tho’ a Papist’, leaving a posthumous son and heir: C.P., 10, pp.509 & note d (quotation)—510.

305 B.L., Add. 28618, f.91.

306 Quotations from C.P., 10, p.509, note e and H.M.C., Cal. Stuart Papers, 1, p.348 respectively, both re Lady Petre, née Catherine Walmesley, a devout and philanthropic Lancashire heiress of whom there is an account in Some Other People …, pp.1–22. After twenty years of widowhood she married Charles, 15th Lord Stourton (see also supra, note 287).

307 SirClutton, G., ‘Chaplains at Ingatestone and Thorndon, 1707–42’ in E.R., 13, p.109 Google Scholar. For Talbot, who did not assume the title although officially it was his, see C.P., 11, p.724; Some Other People …, pp. 12–22; C.R.S., 70, p.240; also [T] Holt, G., ‘Gilbert Talbot and the Talbot Case’ in R.H., 24, pp. 166–170.Google Scholar

308 England’s Conversion and Reformation Compared (‘Antwerp’, 1725); on the Meighan case (1726) and the book’s probably English production, see Mitchell, C. J., ‘Robert Manning and Thomas Howlett: English Catholic Printing in the Early Eighteenth Century’, R.H., 17, pp. 40–41 Google Scholar. The Ingatestone sermons were published posthumously in 1742 as Moral Entertainments on the Most Important Truths of the Christian Religion; this was dedicated to the eighth Lord Petre, with its profits bequeathed to the secular clergy fund known as ‘Big M.’: Gillow, 4, pp.453–7; Anstruther, 3, p.141 (also p.ix and vol. 4, p.viii for ‘Big M.’). For Robert Manning and his duties at Ingatestone, see Foster, S., The Catholic Church in Ingatestone from the Reformation to the Present Day (Great Wakering, 1982), pp. 39–42 Google Scholar and, for his publications, B., B., K. & S., nos. 1737–1768; Mitchell, art.cit.

309 For Benjamin Petre, see sources cited infra, note 366.

310 Gooch, L., The Desperate Faction: the Jacobites of North-East England, 1688–1745 (Hull, 1995), p.92 Google Scholar (quotation); Cath.Misc., 5, pp. 131–2 (letter). See also Arnold, R., Northern Lights, the Story of Lord Derwentwater (1959), pp. 156–7, 161, 164Google Scholar (excerpt, with comment, from Giffard’s letter to the Earl’s widow).

311 A.A.W., Ep.Var. 5/67 (letter of 7 Oct. 1714, also cited in the next two paragraphs), printed in Cath.Misc., 7, pp. 170–173.

312 For Viscount Stafford, executed in 1680, see also note 404. For the ‘Dugdale Plot’ and those involved, see Kenyon, Popish Plot, passim (p. 140 for that description). For Catholicism at Standon Lordship and in Hertfordshire, see Knell, P. R. in E.R., 9, pp. 87–102 (reprinted in London Recusant, 2, no. 3, pp.109–124)Google Scholar; Worrall, E. S. in E.R., 11, pp. 32–38 Google Scholar. The third and fourth Lords Aston of Forfar held that title from 1678 to 1748: C.P., 1, pp.286–7.

313 Sachse, W. L., ‘The Mob and the Revolution of 1688’ in The Journal of British Studies, 4, p.31 Google Scholar (reprinted in Straka, G. M., ed., The Revolution of 1688, 1973 edn., pp. 26–41 Google Scholar); V.C.H., Herts. 3, p.354 (dovecot episode, from Burton, 1, p.215); also B. Ward, History of St Edmund’s College …, p. 19 & note; p.20 (ground plan showing location of dovecot)—but these accounts do not associate the episode with the 1688 attack on Standon Lordship. For dovecotes, or pigeon houses (substantial structures then still a feature of most country estates; demonstrating the dietary importance of their denizens), see Robinson, J. M., The English Country Estate (1988) p.21 Google Scholar; P., & Hansell, J., Doves and Dovecotes (Bath, 1988).Google Scholar

314 R.H., 12, p.43.

315 See Holt’s, Father valuable contribution, ‘Two Chaplaincies in Hertfordshire in the Eighteenth Century’, E.R., 12, pp. 77–88.Google Scholar

316 P.R.O., SP36/84, f.31 (5 June 1746); see also Duffy, ‘Poor Protestant Flies’, p.298.

317 A.A.W., Ep.Var 5/67; Cath.Misc, cit. On anti-Catholicism at this time, see Haydon, chap. 3 and, for Giffard’s Leveson alias, supra, note 13.

318 Andrew Giffard, who had fled into the country while already ill and had died of fever exacerbated by the experience: A.A.W., Ep.Var. 5/67; Cath.Misc., 7, pp.170–1. For Mottram himself, also armed with a warrant against Bonaventure Giffard, see Anstruther, 3, p. 154 and, for Hitchmough, next note.

319 E. & P., p.349. On Hitchmough, see Appendix (unindexed) of that work; Payne, passim; C.R.S., 6, p. 114, note 3; Records of the Forfeited Estates Commission (P.R.O. Handbook no. 12, 1968), p.6, plus references in its ‘Index of Persons’—but since its publication the documents have been re-numbered as in the ‘List of Forfeited Estates Commission Papers: FEC 1’ at the P.R.O. See also Anstruther, 3, p.103 (Hitchmough) and, on ‘The Priest and Informer Hitchmough’, Alger, B.’s three-part contribution to North West Catholic History, vol. 1, nos. 1, 2 & 3Google Scholar. For the proclamation, see note 217.

320 Kirk, p.261.

321 Hemphill, p.47 (Giffard quotation); for 1651 and later years, see Hodgetts, Secret Hiding Places, chaps. 11 & 12.

322 A.A.W., Ep.Var. 5/67; Cath.Misc., 7, p.171 (reference to ‘Mgr. Bianchini and Marcolini’ calling at Giffard’s humble abode, the former no doubt ‘the domestick prelate of his Holiness’ [Pope Clement XI] mentioned by Giffard in another letter (of 15 Oct. 1715, cited by Hemphill, p.55); the latter perhaps the papal diplomat Pier Paolo Marcolini referred to in the previous year by the rector of St Omer’s college, Lewis Sabran, S.J. (C.R.S., 62, pp.35, 36).

323 Hemphill, p.99 (Giffard to Mayes, 26 July 1708).

324 Ibidem, p.48 (see infra, note 352 and associated text).

325 A.A.W., Ep.Var. 9/17 (also cited, without reference, by Hemphill, pp.92–3). For the crucifix bequest, see supra, note 105.

326 C.R.S., 62, p.258; also p.35, note 14 re the writer, Augustine Newdigate Poyntz, persistent in alleging Jansenist teaching at Douai college where he had been known as the ‘turbulent gentleman’; see also ‘R.U.’, pp.295–6, 298–9 & note 1 thereto; C.R.S., 63, p.87, note 69 & passim; C.R.S., 70, p.204; Anstruther, 3, p. 174.

327 Hemphill, p.55.

328 Ibidem, p.57: ‘All by the post are opened’. Official interception and retention of Catholic correspondence are documented in C.R.S., 56, section 2, on which see also note 128 above.

329 Hemphill, pp.55, 57.

330 The so-called Registration Act was 1 Geo. I, st. 2, c.55; the original estate registers and/or enrolled versions thereof can be found, with ancillary documentation, in local record repositories while contemporary copies and associated material exist in P.R.O. class FEC 1, for which see Records of the Forfeited Estates Commission (re-numbered as indicated supra, note 319). For brief summaries of the copy registrations, usefully annotated, see E. & P., pp.1–336 and, for fuller versions of individual counties’ estate enrolments, R.H., 16, p.425, note 177 (to be augmented, for Wiltshire, by a forthcoming Wilts. Record Soc. volume).

331 A.A.W., Ep.Var. 6/95 (5 Aug. 1715).

332 Erskine-Hill, Social Milieu …, p.70. On double taxation of Catholics, see note 346.

333 1 Geo. I, st. 2, c.13 (1714). The Registration statute of 1715 (see note 330, above) incorporated affirmations laid down in the 1714 Act as well as the 1678 Test declaration disavowing Catholic beliefs (in 30 Car. II, st. 2, c.l).

334 For an important study of this subject (also touched on later in the present article), see ‘E.V.’; also Holt, T. G., The English Jesuits in the Age of Reason (1993), pp. 48–58 Google Scholar; Hemphill, chaps. 4 & 7 passim and, for contemporary Douai comment, C.R.S., 28, pp.40–48, 65–66. For Stonor, see Brady, pp.206–8; R. J. Stonor, Stonor…, passim; D.N.B. For Strickland, see Anstruther, 3, pp.213–4; D.N.B. and the comprehensively documented three-part study by Gürtler, G. O. in Transactions of the Cumberland and Westmorland Archaeological and Antiquarian Society, vol. 89, pp. 207–231 Google Scholar (note 114 on p.224 corrects Anstruther and Kirk on genealogical points); vol. 90, pp.217–234, and vol. 94, pp.143–163.

335 Charles Talbot (1660–1718), only Duke. Originally 12th Earl and a Catholic, he apostatised at the time of the ‘Popish Plot’, intermittently held high office and died leaving no son, his immediate successor being the Jesuit 13th Earl (for whom see note 307): C.P., 11, pp.720–724 and pedigree on p.731 (misdating the Duke’s death 1717).

336 Hemphill, pp.54–57 (p.55 for words quoted). A later letter (7 Sept. 1717) and a testimonial from his clergy likewise lauded the labours of ‘this Apostolic Prelate’ in rebuttal of ‘representations made against him’: Ibidem, p.64 & note 3.

337 Ibidem, p.57.

338 Cited by Brady, p.206.

339 Latin text in Hemphill, Appendix 2.

340 ’E.V.’ p.354; Payne, p.x.

341 Holt, op.cit., chap. 5 (words cited, p.55); also Fr Holt in R.H., 25, p.49 (for Giffard’s earlier prosubmission attitude).

342 For Strickland’s scheme, see ‘E.V.’, pp.357–362. B.L., Stowe 121 comprises associated documentation, virtually duplicated in MS. 2667/25 in the Wilts, and Swindon Record Office (Arundell of Wardour muniments) and a printed version is available in Butler, C., Historical Memoirs of English, Irish and Scottish Catholics (3rd edn., 1822), 3, pp. 171–8Google Scholar. Further relevant references are given in Gürtller, part 1 (as cited supra, note 334), p.230, note 112.

343 One such Lambspring monk was Dom Obed Alban Dawney, mentioned supra, note 284: Allanson, op.cit., p.160). Lambspring details from J.C.H. Aveling in C.&C., p.171 and Scott, G. in Monks of England (ed. Rees, D., 1997), pp. 192–3.Google Scholar

344 ‘E.V.’ p.358. Strickland, long known as the Abbé Strickland, had in November 1718 become abbot of a rich religious house in Normandy on the recommendation of ministers of George I: Gürtler, pt.l, p.218; D.N.B.

345 For Craggs (d. 1721), a friend of Alexander Pope, see D.N.B.

346 ‘E.V.’ p.357. Double land tax was a grievance which an earlier Catholic group had sought to redress by oath taking in 1696, after the Assassination Plot (Ibidem, p.346). For this tax and some local sidelights on it, see C.R.W., pp.53–55 and sources there cited, notably Rowlands, , ‘The Iron Age of Double Taxes’ and in S.C.H., no. 3, pp. 30–46 Google Scholar; also Thomas, M. & Mills, D., Land and Property: The English Land Tax, 1692–1832 (Gloucester, 1986) pp. 3–4 Google Scholar and, on this and earlier double taxing of Catholics, R.H., 16, pp.382–5, 414.

347 Williams, B., Stanhope (1932), p.398.Google Scholar

348 ‘E.V.’, p.362.

349 Mahon, Lord (later Stanhope), History of England …, 1713–1783 (3rd Edn. 1853–4), 1, p489.Google Scholar

350 B.L., Stowe 121 (also Butler, op.cit., 3, pp.175, 178). See also references in note 307. Talbot accompanied his young patroness, Lady Petre, on the Grand Tour in 1719–20: Some Other People …, p.14.

351 B.L., Stowe 121 (and Butler, op.cit., 3, p. 175).

352 Hemphill, p.48 (undocumented; extracted from the source next cited).

353 A.A.W., Ep.Var. 6/117 (10 July 1719).

354 E. & P., p.166 (upward adjustment of estate-register valuation).

355 Payne, p.34; Records S.J., 5, pedigree facing p.597; p.600, note 7.

356 ‘Lived constantly at Mr Thimelby’s, in Red Lion Square, in 1709’: Kirk, p.100 (note under Andrew Giffard).

357 Ibidem, p.102 (sub Thomas Giffard I); S.C.H., no. 34 (p.304 of Catholic Magazine and Review reprinted therein); Doyle, Thesis, pp.105–7 (Giffard/Thimelby marriage settlement, 1688–9); Hamilton, loc.cit.

358 Mathew, D., The Jacobean Age (1938), p.240 Google Scholar. This and the next quotation are as applicable to Giffard’s as to their own period.

359 Fraser, A., The Gunpowder Plot (1996), p.35.Google Scholar

360 London Recusant, 1, no. 3, pp.113–6: information etc. of George Gillibrand, Aug. & Sept. 1719.

361 See Scott, Gothic Rage Undone, pp.51–63. (‘The Fenwick Schism’; p.57 for words cited).

362 Hemphill, p.64 (words quoted: Robert Witham to Lawrence Mayes, 7 Sept. 1717). The question of coadjutors, with right of succession, is among various aspects of the vicar-apostolic period considered by Hemphill in ‘The Vicars Apostolic of England: Miscellanea’, Clergy Review, 32, pp.323–330. That article (Nov. 1949) concludes Hemphill’s serialised treatment in The Clergy Review, vols. 31 and 32, of both the early and the later vicars-apostolic (to 1850), the former covered in book form by the volume next cited.

363 Hemphill (Early Vicars-Apostolic …), pp.67–9 for a lengthy eulogy of Howard (p.67 for words quoted); see also Anstruther, 3, p. 105; Brady, pp. 155–7.

364 Ibidem, p. 157. ’

365 Hemphill, p.68, note 2.

366 Foster, S., ‘The Reluctant Shepherd: the Episcopal Appointment of Benjamin Petre’ in O.S., p.124 Google Scholar (Petre refers to Giffard under the alias of Fowler); Hemphill, p.72. See also Ibidem, pp.68–77; Brady, pp. 161–3; Anstruther, 3, pp.165–8 (p.167 corrects Hemphill, p.77); Shanahan, D., ‘Benjamin Petre, Bishop of Prusa …’ in E.R., 17, pp. 39–41Google Scholar. The rest of this paragraph draws on these authorities, especially Fr. Foster’s major contribution (O.S., pp.115–134).

367 Hemphill, pp.76–7.

358 Ibidem, p.44, note 1 calls attention to the longevity of these vicars-apostolic and (p.66) remarks on the contrast between the earlier and later phases of Stonor’s career, also summed up very favourably by Bossy, p.213 and Aveling, J.C.H., The Handle and the Axe (1976), p.326.Google Scholar

369 For Strickland’s political and ecclesiastical career after the breakdown of the toleration discussions (he became Bishop of Namur in 1727), see Gürtler, parts 2 & 3 as cited supra, note 334. Appointment of Catholic Englishmen to continental posts in Giffard’s time also included the Benedictine bishop Ellis (see note 122) and Richard Russell, a secular who had taught English to the Portuguese infanta Catherine of Braganza, was an intermediary in the negotiations over her marriage to Charles II and held successive Portuguese bishoprics between 1671 and his death in 1693: Anstruther, 2, p.274; C.R.S., 72, pp. 166–7; Sharratt, M., ‘Bishop Russell and John Sergeant’ in The Ushaw Magazine, 253, pp. 22–37Google Scholar. For English Catholic clergy with continental careers, see also Duffy, E., (i) ‘The English Secular Clergy and the Counter Reformation’, J.E.H., 34, p.217 Google Scholar, note 12 and (ii) Peter and Jack …, p.20.

370 Hemphill, p.68, note 2.

371 Cited by Foster, , ‘The Reluctant Shepherd …’, O.S., p.121.Google Scholar

372 Hemphill, p.71; Foster in O.S., p.122, citing letter of Aug. 1722 re ‘violent inflammation fal’n upon one of his legs’ (? leg ulcer).

373 A.A.W., Ep.Var. 7/135.

374 A.A.W., Ep.Var. 9/17.

375 A.A.W., Ep.Var. 4/51. Giffard wrote thus in 1711. However, the three secular vicars-apostolic had already received some financial assistance from Rome; they recalled the generosity of the ‘devout and charitable’ Pope Innocent XII (d. Sept. 1700) and the archives of Propaganda contain Giffard’s acknowledgment of a small subvention received in that year (he also forwarded receipts from himself and his two confrères): Some Other People …, Appendix 9; The Oxford Dictionary of Popes, p.290 (description of Innocent XII).

376 A.A.W., Ep.Var. 9/17 and other references given in C.R.W., p.127–8; also Hemphill, p.92 (three impoverished Catholic gentlewomen pathetically grateful for Giffard’s gift of half a crown).

377 A.A.W., Ep.Var. 7/135.

378 Hemphill, pp.91–3 (p.92 for quotation at end of paragraph).

379 A.A.W., Ep.Var. 7/138; Hemphill, p.92.

380 9 Geo. I, c.18.

381 Fritz, P. S., The English Ministers and Jacobitism between the Rebellions of 1715 and 1745 (Toronto, 1975), p. 105 Google Scholar for both quotations, the first from Arthur Onslow, Speaker of the House of Commons, the second from Walpole himself.

382 This made clear in a justificatory letter from Carteret, 19 Nov. 1722, for which see H.M.C. Polwarth MSS., 3, pp. 202–3Google Scholar (pp.199–200, 204, 210 are also relevant), also printed in English Historical Documents, 1714–1783 (ed. Horn, D. B. & Ransome, M., 1957), pp. 398–400 Google Scholar. Blundell’s description occurs in Tyrer, F. (ed.), The Great Diurnal of Nicholas Blundell, 1720–28 (i.e. vol. 3; Lancs. & Cheshire Record Soc., 1972), pp. 118 & notes, 131Google Scholar. On double land tax, see references given supra, note 346 and, on the £100,000 levy, Ward, W. R., The English Land Tax in the Eighteenth Century (1953), pp. 69–70Google Scholar; C.R.W., pp.60–62; Haydon, pp.120–124; The Parliamentary Diary of Sir Edward Knatchbull (ed. A.N. Newman; Camden Soc., 3rd series, 94), passim, under ‘Papist Tax’; also Rowlands as cited in note 392, below.

383 See Plumb, J. H., Sir Robert Walpole, the King’s Minister (1960), pp. 40–49)Google Scholar, Fritz, op.cit., chaps. 79; G. V. Bennett in N. McKendrick, Historical Perspectives, chap. 4 and Bennett, The Tory Crisis in Church and State (1975), chaps. 11 & 12; Cruickshanks, E. in The Jacobite Challenge (ed. Cruickshanks & Black: Edinburgh, 1988), chap. 6.Google Scholar

384 P.R.O., PC 3/87, pp.580–4, 586–590 (May 1722); Plumb, op.cit., p.43. On the local impact of these measures, see Haydon, pp.120–1.

385 Fritz, op.cit., p. 105, note 23, again citing Onslow.

386 Roebuck, P., Yorkshire Baronets, 1640–1760 (1980), p.184 Google Scholar, citing Cuthbert Constable of Burton Constable, Yorks. See also Haydon, p. 121 (Hants, and Oxfordshire).

387 C.R.S., 28, p.xi (also, however, p.xii, reporting £400 received from England in 1725). Further particulars of benefactors and references to the Registration Act and the £100,000 levy as ‘reasons of less contributions’ are printed Ibidem, pp.318–9.

388 H.M.C., Portland MSS., 7, p.339 (from Oxford, 8 Nov. 1722).Google Scholar

389 Postlethwaite, J., History of the Public Revenue, 1688–1758 (1759), pp. 127, 131, 243, 284, 288Google Scholar; Knatchbull Diary, p.41 (quotation, 4 March 1725).

390 P.R.O., E369/125, ff. 134–147 for payments (f. 147 records Devon’s, 24 June 1743).

391 P.R.O., E369/125, ff. 138, 144 (Nov. 1725 & Sept. 1728).

392 This point is made by Rowlands on p.35 of her study of the impact of the 1723 levy on Staffordshire, in S.C.H., no. 2, pp.33–38. Persons assisting Charles 11 after the Battle of Worcester (1651) had been awarded pensions and exemptions from recusancy proceedings, and their descendants (Peter Giffard, the Penderels and others) were excused from contributing to this tax. See also Rowlands, in Univ. Birmingham Hist. Jnl., 10, p.143.Google Scholar

393 University of Hull, Brynmor Jones Library (Archives), DDEV 68/101b: Cuthbert Constable to Sir Marmaduke Constable, 3 Dec. 1722, plus other items in the same collection (100a & b, 101a, 102a & b) and Roebuck, loc.cit., also Plumb, op.cit., p.46; Haydon, pp.122–3.

394 Cited by Hemphill, p. 114, note 1.

395 Thompson, E. P., Whigs and Hunters, the Origin of the Black Act (1975), p.21 Google Scholar (and p.287 for earlier quotation); also Appendix 1 for text of statute, 9 Geo. I, c.22. For Commons’ consideration, on the same day (26 April 1723), of measures against ‘the blacks of Waltham’ and of the £100,000 levy on papists, see Knatchbull Diary, p.21. The ‘blacks’ were so-called from their blackened faces during illegal night hunting of deer.

396 Hemphill, p.76.

397 Rowlands, , Univ. Birmingham Hist. Jnl, 10, no. 2, p.150 Google Scholar; V.C.H., Staffs., 3, p.108.

398 Quotation from Rupp, G., Religion in England, 1688–1791 (1986), p.180 Google Scholar. See Haydon for extended treatment of eighteenth century anti-Catholicism.

399 Butler, , Historical Memoirs …, 3, p.179 Google Scholar. However, George II’s reign did produce in 1753 Hardwicke’s Act against clandestine marriages (26 Geo. II, c.33), described by Kirk (p. 126) as ‘a greater grievance … than all the penal laws put together’—a telling reflection on the then effectiveness of the latter. On the Act, see Bossy in C. & C., pp.126–136; Holmes, J. D., ‘Some Cases of Conscience with Particular Reference to the Marriage Act of 1753’, R.H., 10, pp. 350–355.Google Scholar

400 Charles Dickens, Barnaby Rudge: A Tale of the Riots of ’Eighty (1841 and innumerable reprints). The first Catholic Relief Act, which precipitated the Gordon Riots, was 18 Geo. Ill, c.60 (1778). For Challoner’s experience of the Riots, see Burton, 2, chap. 33, preceded by notes on pp.230–2. Burton’s account of an earlier upheaval, forcing Challoner’s ‘retirement from London’ (to Douai) in the late 1730s, repeated by Anstruther, 4, p.60, is demolished by Duffy in C. & C., pp.11–12.

401 Hemphill, p. 133, citing Robert Witham, 1729 (‘he is not pleased that most of the Gentry and Priests apply themselves to Bishop Petre’).

402 Ward, Dawn, 1, p.39.

403 C.R.S., 13, p.160 & note 2 (Giffard recorded in a Jesuit address book begun in 1727 as residing ‘at Stafford House on the backside of St James’s Park’). For his presence there six years earlier and for the circumstances of Witham’s 1721 visit, see C.R.S., 19, pp.124–7; C.R.S., 28, pp. 104–9.

404 The (second) Earl and his Countess (née Anne Holman) were grandchildren of William Howard, Viscount Stafford, executed at the time of the ‘Popish Plot’, whose forfeited title had been replaced by an earldom conferred upon his son by James II as one of his few peerage-creations prior to his exile. The Stafford children at the time of Giffard’s residence at Stafford House were the future third Earl (probably born Feb. 1718/9) and three daughters born between 1721 and 1725, when their mother died, and who were then sent to the Hammersmith convent accompanied by a nurse, ‘Mrs Cooper’: C.R.S., 8, p.415 (at the date ‘Mrs’ did not necessarily indicate a married woman); C.P., 12, pt.l, pp.192–4; Ibidem, 4, p.224, note a; Burke’s Peerage and Baronetage (1999 edn.), 2, pp.2680–1; C.R.S., 8, pp.414–6. For the martyred viscount, see ‘S.N.D.,’ [Rose Mears], Sir William Howard, Viscount Stafford (1929); Ronalds, F.S., The Attempted Whig Revolution of 1678–81 (Illinois Studies in the Social Sciences, 21, nos. 1 & 2, Urbana, 111., U.S.A., 1937) chap. 7Google Scholar; Challoner, R., Memoirs of Missionary Priests … and of Other Catholics … 2, (1742) pp. 453–460 Google Scholar (also pp.569–574 in J. H. Pollen’s revised and corrected edition, 1924); D.N.B.

405 Hemphill, p.91. For the nurse, see previous note and, for the will, mentioning Cooper’s presence at Stafford House, note 406 below.

406 A.A.W., A Series 38, no. 173 (will, printed in Hemphill, p.182); A series 37, no. 101 (notes relating to will).

407 B.A.A., A061 bl; also A9 & A475 (from Bishop Stonor and Thomas Brockholes respectively, both mentioned earlier in this article).

408 C.R.S., 8, p.98.

409 C.R.S., 19, p. 191 (italics mine).

410 B.A.A., A570; P.R.O., C54/5520, no. 13.

411 Ward, loc.cit.

412 A.A.W., A series 38, no. 174 (27 Oct. 1733). This letter defended Giffard and his coadjutor. Bishop Benjamin Petre (more closely involved) against Sir Richard’s grievance that they had brought about the separation of his wife and himself without his consent. On this protracted feud, see Scott, G., ‘A Berkshire Benedictine Mission in the Eighteenth Century’, South Western Catholic History journal, 1 (1983), pp. 22–4Google Scholar; Hadland, op.cit., pp. 124–5; Gillow, 5, pp.91–2; C.R.S., 8, pp.390–1.

413 Burton, 1, p.92, citing a letter of 14 March 1734 from Benjamin Petre reporting Giffard’s death two days earlier. (Strangury: a distressing urinary complaint).

414 Burial instructions in will cited in note 406 above. Many Catholic inscriptions are printed in Cansick, E T., A Collection of Curious and Interesting Epitaphs … in the Ancient Church and Burial Grounds of St Pancras, Middlesex (1869)Google Scholar and are discussed by O’Leary, J. G. in London Recusant, 7, pp. 13–23.Google Scholar

415 Brady, pp.159–161, overlooking Cansick’s earlier and slightly differing reproduction of the St Pancras inscription (op.cit., p.29) and using a copy preserved at Chillington, as printed in Notes and Queries, 3rd series, 12, pp.190–1 (where the contributor describes Giffard as ‘a perfect man’). The Douai inscriptions—both Giffard’s desired wording and the expanded version subsequently adopted—are in C.R.S., 28, pp.xiv, 192, 194. See also Cath. Misc., 7, p.172.

416 Burton, 1, p.297.

417 Hemphill, p.63 (criteria spelled out by Giffard to highlight the contrasting deficiencies of Strickland).

418 Ibidem, p.54, citing biship George Witham (Midland vicar-apostolic, 1703–16; Northern, 1716–25).

419 Mathew, , Catholicism in England (1955 edn.) p. 129.Google Scholar

420 A.A.W., Ep.Var., 4/17 (and Cath.Misc., 7, p.170).

421 Sister Norman, M. in R.H., 11, p.311 Google Scholar; also Anstruther, 3, p.83: They are constantly mentioned in Catholic wills and seem to have been handed down as a precious heirloom’.

422 Granger, Rev. James, A Supplement… to a Biographical History of England … (1774), p.459 Google Scholar; also cited by Brady, p. 160 from a later edition of that work.

423 Hemphill, p. 133.