¹ For Haller's earlier career in Germany see Duhr, B., Geschichte der Jesuiten in den Ländern deutscher Zunge (1907),Google Scholar etc., Bd. 1 and 2 passim. For the opposition between the Queen and Lerma see von Ranke, L., Fürsten und Völker von Süd-Europa (edition of 1836), Bd. 1, pp. 197,Google Scholar et seq.; C. Pérez, Bustamente, Sembianza de un monarca (1950), pp. 84–92;Google Scholar Pérez Martin, M. J., Margarita de Austria (1961), pp. 89,Google Scholar et seq. Pérez Martin also cites some contemporary references to Haller's influence on the Queen (op. cit., pp. 203-04); for another contemporary reference see the resport of the Venetian ambassador, Francesco Priuli, in 1608, printed in Barozzi, N. and Berchet, G., Relazioni degli stati europei (1856), etc., ser. 1, vol. 1, pp. 423–4.Google Scholar Further light on Haller's relations with Lerma is provided by Haller himself in a report summarised in Astrain, A., Historia de la Compañía de Jesús de la Asistencia de España (1902), etc., tom. 3, pp. 637–53.Google Scholar

² RA Gent, Jezuieten, 74, ff. 51-54. ‘La causa de la partida de Joseph Cresuelo del’ España’,

³ ARSJ, Anglia 31, I, 453 (microfilm at APSJ, film 26). Copies at Stonyhurst (Anglia A.V. 9); APSJ (formerly Stonyhurst Anglia A.V. 10); RA Gent, Jezuieten, 74. The document is headed: ‘Ex responsione ad calumnias contra P. Josephum Creswelum, scripta ab ipso P. Creswelo’. It is addressed to the Vicar General of the Society after the death of the General, Claudio Acquaviva, which occurred on 31 January 1615. Creswell explains that he had intended to draw up this defence of himself before leaving Madrid but had been prevented by his summons to Rome.

⁴ For their use of diplomatic pressure and their attack on the character of Vitelleschi, see Cretineau-Joly, J., Histoire … de la Compagnie de Jésus (1844), etc., tom. 3, p. 178.Google Scholar

⁵ ARSJ, Anglia 31, II, 513, 515 (microfilm at APSJ, film 31). Alcalá is eighteen miles northeast of Madrid on the road to Zaragoza. We learn from the ‘Responsio’ (see note 3) that the horse was a present to him from his old friend Juan de Idiáquez, Comendador of León.

⁶ It is possibly Uriarte no. 6218, Breve modo de rezar el rosario de Nuestra Señora, 1613, pliego en folio. Uriarte does not himself appear to have seen a copy of this pamphlet which he describes from an entry in a MS. history of the ‘Colegio de Montesion’.

⁷ A&R, 334. STC, 11315.

⁸ Creswell mentions this in the ‘Responsio’ (see note 3).

⁹ Copies at: Milan², Paris, Chant.

¹⁰ There is a copy of Sacra Tempe at Chant. A modern edition, with introduction by H. Watrigant, S.J., has been published in Collection de la Bìbliothèque des Exercises de Saint Ignace, no. 26 (1910).Google Scholar I have not seen the Italian translation mentioned by Frolich. Libellus primum in Hispania scriptus, turn Mediolani editus; turn Italice versus Bononiae evulgatus, nunc in Germania merito lucem aspicit; quia eius libelli scribendi suasor primus & hortator Germanus fuit. Nam R.P. Richardus Haller Societatis Iesu olim Congregationis nostrae praeses & Collegii Ingolstadiensis Rector magna & virtutis & sapientiae opinione, rebusque gestis clarissimus, cum ex ilio secessu videret in Htspanicam iuventutem ac nobilitatene tot emolumenta redundare, industria P. Guilielmi Bathei Hiberni viri sanctitatis fama apud Hispanos Celebris, auctor fuit, ut Doctor Petrus Manrique eum Iaborem sumeret, quaequae vidisset aut cognovisset insigniora mutatae vitae exempla totamque adeo rationem, qua P. Batheus usus fuisset, litteris consignaret atque evulgaret.

¹¹ In his entry under Bathe.

¹² This is the ‘Responsio’ (see note 3).

¹³ Printed in TD, vol. 5, pp. cxcvii-ix.

¹⁴ AV Borgh, II, 403, f. 36v. (Photocopy in APSJ. French summary in Meerbeeck, p. 412)

¹⁵ AV Borgh, II, 428, ff. 236v-237r (microfilm in APSJ. French summary in Meerbeeck, pp. 25-26).

… ho per Pre di buon zelo et sara caro che sia veduto et ascoltato volentieri ma non si resta di dire a V.S. che si ha per Pre un poco ardente corno ella scoprira meglio trattando con lui et mi basta pero haver solamenti accennato questo alla sua prudenza.

¹⁶ PRO 31/9, 128, ff. 184-5 (from BV Barb. Lat. 8618).

… cui sum notus, et per quern a praedecessore vestro felicis recordationis Paulo Quinto multa beneficia accepi.

¹⁷ For the text of the letters to the nuncios at Brussels and Cologne, see AV Borgh, I, 914, ff. 186r-187r. Both letters are dated 7 February 1615. Borghese mentions the papal brief inhis letter to the nuncio at Brussels. For a reference to the letter to the nuncio at Paris, alsodated 7 February, see the nuncio's acknowledgment in AV NF, 56, ff. 227v-228r.

¹⁸ For Acquaviva's regulations, see Hicks, Fitzherbert, p. 129. Biographies of the individualoffice-holders named here will be found in Foley, but I have silently made good mistakesand omissions in Foley by reference to the General's letters and other primary sources.

¹⁰ There is a general account of them in Guilday, ch. 5. This should be corrected and supplemented by reference to Chadwick, chs 1-5.

²⁰ For this see Creswell to Cardinal Borromeo, 25 August 1615 (note 21 below).

²¹ PRO 31/2, 1, ff. 100-01. Cal. SP. Milan, p. 652, no. 1048.

²² HMC Purnell's Transcripts (from Downshire MSS., Misc. 2, 97).

²³ For Fitzherbert's career, see Hicks, Fitzherbert, pp. 1-3. That Creswell remained Vice-Prefect after Fitzherbert's arrival in Flanders is abundantly clear from Owen's letters to Creswell. James Wadsworth the younger, who arrived at St Omer in 1618 when Creswell was living in the College, says in The English Spanish Pilgrim, 1629, that Creswell lost the position of Vice-Prefect in 1619 when the mission became a Vice-Province.

²⁴ The first letter from the General to be addressed to him at Ghent is dated 5 November1622 (ARSJ, Epist. Gen. Anglia I, 1. Photocopy at APSJ).

²⁵ Foley, vol. 7, p. 182, citing the Jesuit Necrology.

²⁶ RA Gent, Jezuieten, 74, ff. 167-8, 192-3, 204-06, 189-91, 183-6, 222-3, 247-8, 249-51 (micro-film at APSJ). I also have typescripts made from the originals kindly given to me by Professor W. Schrickx of the University of Ghent.

²⁷ See A. F. Allison, ‘John Gerard and the Gunpowder Plot’ (RH, April 1959), pp. 43-63.

²⁸ PRO 31/9,131 A, ff. 134-8 (from AV Borgh, II, 448). CSP Milan, p. 653, no. 1050.

²⁹ Thomas Sackville (1571-1646) was the fourth son of Thomas Sackville, first Earl of Dorset, Lord Treasurer (Phillips, C. J., History of the Sackville Family [1930], vol. 1, pp. 242–5).Google Scholar He appears to have spent much of his early life abroad. The Jesuit annual letters for the English Mission, 1614, refer to his having been recently imprisoned in England at the instance of Archbishop Abbot and then sent into exile (Foley, Vol. 7, pp. 1068-9). From May 1614 to April 1615 he was at Brussels where his advice on English Catholic affairs was welcomed by the Nuncio, Guido Bentivoglio (Belvederi, vol. 2, pp. 327, 347-54). Matthew Kellison, the President of Douai College, reporting in October 1622 to the Nuncio, Guido del Bagno, on the English colleges in Flanders, said he had been told that Thomas Sackville had given 70,000 florins to found the Jesuit scholasticate at Louvain (DD3, p. 201), a figure that agrees well enough with that of 40,000 escudos (about £11,000) mentioned by Creswell. For conversion tables see Loomie, Spanish Elizabethans, p. 240.

³⁰ For the Spanish noblewoman, Luisa de Carvajal (1566-1614), who devoted the later years of her life and much of her fortune to helping the Catholic cause in England, see Abad, C., Una misionera espanola en la Inglaterra del siglo XVII. Dona Luisa de Carvajal (1966).Google Scholar

³¹ For this proposed legislation and the gift of Phillip II see Chadwick, pp. 11-13, and Loomie, Spanish Elizabethans, pp. 99-100.

³² The ‘new law’ to which Creswell refers was the royal proclamation of 23 March 1615, ‘…against sending over of children and relief to seminaries’ (STC, 8512), which included aprohibition against sending money to the colleges abroad on pain of Star Chamber proceedings. Creswell gives no details of the mortgage that the College had found itself compelled totry to obtain: “… de yr tomando un censo sobre la poca renta que tienen para su sustentoordinario”. Owen, wrote to Creswell on 21 May 1616: “If Fa. Silisdon can find means tosell the censo which he hath upon the Seminary of St Omers [i.e. obtain a loan against thesecurity of the College property] I pray you assist him therein, for so at least our Collegeshall be the more secure, although we bind ourselves de evictione by way of surety for theSeminary” (RA Gent, Jezuieten, 74, ff. 204-06).

³³ Reference as for note 28.

… no dexando (con este) de descubrir la necessidad a las personas que podemos razonablemente pensar sean mas capaces y dispuestos para semejantes ocasiones por no parecer que queremos obligar Dios a milagros. Quien acudiere entenderemos que lo haze movido de Dios y quien no acudiere entenderemos que no lo haze porque el Señor la reserva otras buenas obras pues el mundo se govierna por su providencia y sin ella no cae sola hoja del arbol.

³⁴ Jacques Biaise (Blaseus), c. 1540-1618, Franciscan Recollect, Guardian and Professor ofTheology at Douai and Provincial of his order. Bishop of Namur, 1597, and of St Omerfrom 1601 until his death. He was a great friend and benefactor of the English Jesuits. (Biographie nationale … de Belgique (1866), etc., tom. 2, cols. 462-4.)

³⁵ Cal. SP Milan, p. 656, no. 1051. The letter was published by Francisco Peralta, the Rector of the English College at Seville, in Relacion que el P. Francisco de Peralta … escrivio … en que se da quenta del estado que oy tienen las cosas de la religion catolica de Ynglaterra (Sevilla, 1616 [of which the only known copy is at Madrid, pressmark R-Varios, 59-98. Photocopy at EMVP]).

³⁶ James I consistently based his appeal to Catholic governments abroad not to show favour to the English Catholic exiles on the plea that these exiles were disloyal subjects. It was on these grounds that Sir Thomas Edmondes, James's ambassador at Brussels, 1605-09, had applied pressure on the Archduke to disallow the move of the Jesuit novitiate to Watten (see p. 84 of this article, and Chadwick, pp. 50-51). But, as Bishop Blaise points out, this was hardly consistent with James's own attempts to subvert the legitimate government in France in the years following the murder of Henri IV. The extant documents bear out his accusation. On 27 September 1614, the Privy Council instructed Edmondes, now ambassador at Paris, to encourage the Prince de Condé, leader of the rebel factions that included the Huguenots, to ‘assume his rightful place in the conduct of French affairs’ in opposition to the Queen Regent, Marie de Medici, whose policy of maintaining a close Franco-Spanish alliance was obnoxious to James (British Museum. Catalogue of the Stowe Manuscripts, [1895], p. 230). Edmondes's instructions made it plain, however, that he was to be careful to conceal the fact that the move was instigated by James. In the autumn of 1615 Marie de Medici complained to James, through her ambassador in London, that Edmondes's house in Paris was the ‘ordinary resort of all the malcontents and ill-affected persons of the state’ (ibid., p. 229). On this, see also Mémoires concernant les affaires de France sous la régence de Marie de Medicis (1721), tom. 1, p. 175. After the Treaty of Loudun (5 May 1616) which terminated the hostilities begun by Condé, James made another about-turn, commending Edmondes for not asking for Condé's release from prison, on the grounds that the rebellious factions in France were threatening the safety of the state (Catalogue of the Stowe Manuscripts, p. 238).

³⁷ PRO 31/9, 1, ff. 116-21 (from Bibl. Ambrosiana, G. 222, Inf. fo. 185). Cal. SP. Milan pp. 657-9, no. 1052. The MS. in the Ambrosiana (which 1 have not seen) would appear to be a scribal copy, mistakenly naming Cardinal Zapata as the addressee. Creswell's remarks about that Cardinal in the text show clearly that it was not Zapata to whom he was writing. Antonio Zapata y Cisneros (c. 1550-1635), Archbishop of Burgos, was created cardinal in 1604, made Cardinal Protector for Spain in 1606, lived for a number of years in Rome, was appointed Viceroy of Naples in 1620, and later returned to Spain and became a Minister of State and President of the Council of the Inquisition. There was no other Cardinal Zapata at this period. (Hierarchia catholica, vol. 3, p. 216, vol. 4, pp. 7, 123, 271; Pou y Martí, J. M., Archivo de la Embajada de España cerca de la Santa Sede, vol. 2 [1917], p. 6;Google Scholar Migne, J. P., Dictionnaire des cardinaux [1857],Google Scholar col. 1698). The provenance of the MS. suggests that this is a Spanish translation of a letter originally written to Cardinal Borromeo in Latin.

³⁸ Quoted from the English translation in Cal. SP. Milan, pp. 657-9, no. 1052. The calendaristaccepts that Creswell is writing to Cardinal Zapata, but see note 37 above.

³⁹ PRO 31/2, 1, ff. 122-4 (from Bibl. Ambrosiana, G. 222, Inf. fo. 189). Cal. SP. Milan, p. 659, no. 1053.

⁴⁰ Philip announced his intention of making this annual grant in 1600. See Loomie, Spanish Elizabethans, pp. 200-01. Creswell's statement seems to imply that it is being regularly paid.

⁴¹ See Chadwick, pp. 55-56.

⁴² RA Gent, Jezuieten, 74, ff. 249-51 (microfilm at APSJ).

⁴³ PRO 31/9, 121B, ff. 145-8 (from AV Borgh, II, 448).

Florent (per Dei gratiam) in omni pietate et bonis Uteris quae hie habemus collegia Societatis pro Anglis, et seminarium Audomarense.

⁴⁴ These are the figures for editions of which copies can now be found (as recorded in A&R).

⁴⁵ This and the following quotations from Owen's letters are from RA Gent, Jezuieten, 74, folios cited in note 26.

⁴⁶ STC 4744. A bitter personal satire against King James, it was published with a false Londonimprint and a false attribution in the title to Isaac Casaubon. For James's efforts to trace theauthor and printer, see SP 14 (Flanders) and the Downshire MSS. from 1615 onwards. Seealso the references in Meerbeeck, p. 44, footnote.

⁴⁷ A&R 287. STC 6384. STC's attribution of the translation to A. Estienne is an error.

⁴⁸ On Preston, see W. K. L. Webb, ‘Thomas Preston … alias Roger Widdrington’ (RH, January 1954), pp. 216-68; Lunn, M., ‘The Anglo-Gallicanism of Dom Thomas Preston’, Studies in Church History, vol. 9 (1972), pp. 239–46.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁴⁹ For a detailed analysis of Du Perron's oration, see Feret, P., Le Cardinal du Perron, orateur, controversiste, écrivain (1877), pp 110–31.Google Scholar

⁵⁰ Oration, p. 116.

⁵¹ STC 14401, etc.

⁵² He was rewarded with a prebend at Canterbury worth £200 a year, with a fine house, and a prebend in Wales worth the same. On this see Willson, D. H., ‘James I's Literary Assistants’, Huntington Library Quarterly, vol. 8 (1944), pp. 50–51.CrossRefGoogle Scholar Willson cites Du Moulin's autobiography.

⁵³ STC 14367.

⁵⁴ Antoine Le Fèvre de la Boderie, Ambassador to England 1606-09 and (as Ambassador Extraordinary) 1610-11. His personal friendship with King James and his anti-papal sentiments were well known. On his opinions see especially his letters to Puissieulx, 1 July and 14 July 1609 (Ambassade de Monsieur de la Boderie en Angleterre … 1606-1611 (1750), vol. 4, pp. 387, 399-400.

⁵⁵ Quoted in Loomie, Spain and the Jacobean Catholics, vol. 2, p. 73.Google Scholar

⁵⁶ PRO 31/9, 121A ff. 146-50 (from AV Borgh, II, 448). In Spanish. The addressee is not named but the form of address is that for a cardinal. For the identification of the addressee as Borghese see note 96. The Spanish is possibly a translation of a letter written originally in Latin.

Dias ha que recebi de Inglaterra el libro incluso, impresso por orden del Rey: y que enseñe en las escuelas en latin y que cada padre de familia lo comprasse en lengua Inglesa, y pagan un real por libro, que es grande garancia al autor. Visto quan frivola cosa es, no me parecía que era degna del porto de embiarle a nadie: y mientras quedava el danno en solo Inglaterra, el remedio era fácil alia con embiar contrayerva a esta ponchona [?] que ya esta hecho y se va haziendo, con repartir en el reyno la oración del Cardinal de Perona, impressa en lengua Inglesa, con dedicatoria y advertencias al lector, adonde (con razones substanciales y author-idad de los Santos y de la Sagrada Escrittura) se deshazen las ñoñerías deste, y de semejantes libros: que para Inglaterra pudiera bastar.

⁵⁷ STC 14415, etc.

⁵⁸ STC 8531. See Sir Greg, W., A Companion to Arber (1967), pp. 157–61.Google Scholar

⁵⁹ Masson, D., The Register of the Privy Council of Scotland, vol. 10, pp. cvii-cix, 530–1.Google Scholar

⁶⁰ The English is A&R 325 (not in first edition of STC). Copies of the Latin are at L²⁵, O, HP, C, E and elsewhere.

⁶¹ PRO 31/9, 121 B, ff. 141-4 (from AV Borgh, II, 448).

Tertium etiam hie absolvimus librum, qui est sub manu ammanuensis transcribendus, ut Roman mittatur ad Illustrissimam Dominationem vestram, nam eiusmodi opus est, quod non debeat inconsulto Sanctissimo Domino Nostro prodire, quamquam vehentissime petatur a Catholicis Anglis: ut deserviat loco commentarii et expositionis illius libelli, qui inscribitur Deus et Rex: quem edicto regio, iusserunt emi ab omnibus patribus familias, et doceri in omnibus scholis latinitatis, ut teneri animi puerorum et imperitum vulgus praeoccupentur erroribus. Sed spero ita detectos esse brevi opusculo, simili stilo simili (quoad fieri poterai) titulo, similibusque caeteris, quae non continebant errores: ut tutum erit Catholico cuivis habere apud se librum: et adversarius incidet in veritatem Catholicam priusquam animad-vertat: sicque ars prava honesta deludi tur arte.

⁶² AV Borgh, II, 403, f. 180v (photocopy at APSJ).

⁶³ PRO 31/9, 121B, ff. 145-8 (from AV Borgh, II, 448). The Nuncio forwarded them on 30 September (AV Borgh, II, 137, f. 127r, photocopy at APSJ).

⁶⁴ … quo tutius possit a Catholico servari, et alii incidant in antidotum priusquam animad-vertant.

⁶⁵ … et inde in alias regiones transmitti, ut anglicanum exemplar (postquam fuerit simili modo correctum ad latinum) possit etiam simili secreto imprimi et per Angliam Hiberniam et Scotiam ex improviso spargi.

⁶⁶ Quo citius autem expediri utrumque opus possit, eo consultius ad manifestandam veritatem, tollendumque scandalum infirmorum. Quo nomine responsio aliqua ad hunc libellum valde etiam diu a Catholicis desideratur. Hocque habent incommodi delatae responsiones ad similes libros, quod grassetur pestis, et hauriatur passim venenum oblitum melle, interim dum nihil apparet quod detegat dolum malum. Atque ut sunt jactabundi haeretici, ante victoriam triumphum canunt. Quod si eadem diligentia Catholica veritas prodire posset in lucem qua, regia authoritate expedita iniquitas publicatur, defìcerent statim a scribendo adversarii… liti fieri videmus quotidie, ipsorumque libros manere apud bibliopolas, postquam Catholi-corum responsa in lucem prodeunt.

⁶⁷ PRO 31 /9 122B f. 31 (AV Borgh, ref. not given in the transcript).

Tandem misi ad Coloniam ad prelum Responsionem ad libellum Deus et Rex, emendatum et omnibus servatis quae accepi in mandatis, et spero fore in magnum beneficium Catholicorum, ut sciant quid respondere debeant et possint captiosis quaestionibus haereticorum.

⁶⁸ See note 60.

⁶⁹ The ornamental initial S on sig. A2r of Deus et Rex is found (in considerably fresher state) on sig. B4r of Floccus, A. D., L. Fenestellae de magistratibus sacerdotiisque Romanorum, Coloniae, sumptibus Bernardi Gualtheri (1607).Google Scholar For Wolter, see Benzing, J., Die Buchdruckerdes 16, und 17. Jahrhunderts im deutschen Sprachgebiet (1963), p. 234.Google Scholar

⁷⁰ Cal. SP Milan, p. 660, no. 1054.

⁷¹ See note 60.

⁷² See note 17.

⁷³ AVNF, 56, ff. 227v-228r.

⁷⁴ See Ubaldini (Paris Nuncio) to Borghese, 18 June 1613, and Borghese to Ubaldini, 6 July 1613 (AV Borgh, I, 594, f. 127r, and I, 896, ff. 150v-152r).

⁷⁵ Cal. SPD Add. 1580-1625, pp. 410, 412.

⁷⁶ RA Gent, Jezuieten, 74, ff. 167-8 (microfilm at APSJ). Singleton's memorial has not sofar been found.

⁷⁷ See note 76.

⁷⁸ They put their names on behalf of the College to a document dated 10 January 1617, William Smith signing himself William Wright (AAW B24, no. 103). On Arras College, see A. F. Allison, ‘Richard Smith, Richelieu and the French Marriage’ (RH, January 1964, pp. 148-211) especially pp. 167-8.

⁷⁹ A&R 771-2. STC 22809. On this incident, see Hicks, Fitzherbert, pp. 122-3, and T. H.Clancy, ‘English Catholics and the Deposing Power, pt. 2 (RH, April 1962, pp. 202-27) especially pp. 208-9.

⁸⁰ SP 14/63 no. 74. The Examination of W. Bishop. 4 May 1611.

⁸¹ William Bishop to the Pope, 31 July 1612 (PRO 31/9, 131, ff. 5-6, from BV Barb. Lat. 8623).

⁸² Edmond, Richer, Histoire du Syndicat d'Edmond Richer, 1753, pp. 246–7.Google Scholar

⁸³ Bentivoglio to Borghese, 31 August 1613 (Belvederi, vol. 2, pp. 299-302.)

⁸⁴ Bentivoglio to Borghese, 7 March 1615 (Belvederi, vol. 2, pp. 344-5).

⁸⁵ A&R 427-8. STC 14910-11.

⁸⁶ A&R 113. STC 3094.

⁸⁷ Belvederi, vol. 2, p. 338.

⁸⁸ For Bishop's true feelings, see his letter to More, 25 July 1615 (AAW, A. 14, no. 150). For the way the matter was handled, see Bentivoglio to Borghese, 31 January, 1 August and 22 August 1615 (Belvederi, vol. 2, pp. 338, 368, 373).

⁸⁹ Mayler to Bennett, 9 February 1615. (AAW, B. 24, NO. 99).

⁹⁰ Belvederi, vol. 2, pp. 309-13. This is a follow-up to Bentivoglio's letter to Borghese of August (see note 79).

⁹¹ See note 89.

⁹² PRO 31/9, 121 A, ff. 135-8 (from AV Borgh, II, 448).

Accepi nudius tertius ex Anglia adiunctum librum, quern percurri festinanter non sine dolore … Consilium est turbare Galliam hoc eodem veneno, et haec causa nunc divulgandi id, quod conceperunt diu, ut enervent, si possint universam auctoritatem Apostoiicae Sedis. Invenio pagina 160 appendicis nomina quorundam sacerdotum, qui primam fecerunt professionem fidei suae Elizabethae. Ignoscat illis Deus, nam inde desumptum est hoc iuramentum Iacobi Regis, quod nunc turbat Ecclesiam. Doleo Praesidem Duacensem abduci huius-modi hominibus. Duos reliquorum antesignanos habet amicissimos Parisiis, et [alios?] nunc in Anglia, qui vicissim dicuntur communicare sua Consilia cum auctore huius libri. Quod si verum sit diligenter observanda et examinanda est doctrina eorum, qui scholasticam theologiam profitentur, sive in Collegio Anglicano, sive apud Benedictinos Anglos Duaci. Nam audio qaedam, quae nonnihil favent perniciosis opinionibus huius libri. For the attitude of the English Benedictines to the oath, see M. Lunn, ‘English Benedictines and the Oath of Allegiance’ (RH, October 1969), pp. 146-75.

⁹³ … existimo … non esse sine gravi fundamento insignium quorundam Catholicorum opinionem, expediré ut praeficiantur illi Seminario viri, qui omnino sint immunes ab omni commercio istorum, qui huiusmodi libros indunt, vel certe auferantur pensiones, et dissipetur Seminarium potius, quam sit schola huiusmodi opinionum.

⁹⁴ Praeses, dum ante XX annos viveret sub mea cura in Seminario Romano, erat ab huiusmodicogitationibus satis alienus … Sed magistratus ostendit virum, et nonnunquam etiam mutat. Nihitominus existimo ilium potius duci et moveri motu impresso quam suo. Kellison was at the English College, Rome from 1582 to 1589. Creswell was Rector of the College from 1588 to 1592.

⁹⁵ Origo totius huius mali fuit importuna admissio temporalis ambitionis in hanc missionem. Hac enim abusi sunt adversarii politici et nunc abutuntur nixi infirmitatibus humanis quorundam sacerdotum, qui profecerunt non nihil in litteris parum in studio humilitatis.

⁹⁶ PRO 31 /9, 121 A, ff. 146-50 (from AV Borgh, II, 448). This is the letter already cited in note56. Although the only copy that appears to have survived is in Spanish, it is almost certainthat Creswell's correspondent is Borghese. It was Borghese who had authorised him toinvestigate the situation at Douai and Creswell would hardly have sent this highly sensitivereport to any other cardinal. Further confirmation is provided by Creswell's remark at theend of the letter that he has written at such great length because the information is of specialconcern to the Pope.

Preston vive en libro carcel mejor acomodado segun me dizen los que vienen de alia que estubiera en ningun monasterio de su orden, tiene una libreria copiosa y un criado y un ama que le guisa la comida, y sale quando quiere. Antes me dizen que algunos sacerdotes presos de los que son de su opinion y aprueban el juramento salen a veer las comedias … y que los otros companeros que andan libros tienen salvaguardas secretas las quales viendo los alguaziles y pursuivantes les evitan luego predicandolos en alguna casa en la calle.

⁹⁷ … clero santo y digno de toda honra fuera de los pocos ambiciosos que pretenden honra fuera de sazon. Porque no avernos aun acabado il Psalmo Miserere, y estos quieren cantar el Gloria Patri.

⁹⁸ Y para Arzobispo Cantuariense tenemos un prelado aqui, obispo de esta cividad que siestubiera en mi mano le pidiera a nuestro Senor que le honrasse con la mayor dignidadecclesiastica para de especiar otros prelados a seguir su eje [mplo].

For Bishop Blaise see note 34.

⁹⁹ The details are given in the account contained in DD3, pp. 127-30.

¹⁰⁰ Gesualdo to Borghese, 25 June 1616 (PRO 31 /9, 121 A, ff. 38-39. From ‘Carte di Paolo V’).

¹⁰¹ The Nuncio, Gesualdo, sent it to Borghese with a letter of his own on 7 May 1616. Gesualdo's letter is known only from a Roman summary of it (PRO 31 /9, 121A, ff. 27-8. From AV Borgh, II, 448).

¹⁰² This letter, dated 26 June 1616, is printed by Dodd, vol. 2, p. 449.

¹⁰³ Creswell to the Nuncio at Brussels, 14 May 1616 (RA Gent, Jezuieten, 74, ff. 218-9. Holograph. Microfilm at APSJ).

Si docuerint non esse de fide, quod revera temerarium est dicere, hanc opinionem qui admiserint Catholici, non tuebantur authoritatem Sedis Apostoiicae in Anglia iactura honorum suorum, quod nunc faciunt discidio vitae sacerdotes et laici.

¹⁰⁴ It appears to have been the opinion of the celebrated Jesuit theologian, Leonardus Lessius, that they would be under no grave moral obligation to do so. See ARSJ, Anglia 31, I, no. 509, APSJ film 26.

¹⁰⁵ The information about the decision by the Holy Office is provided by Borghese's notes written on the verso of Creswell’s letter of 4 April to the Brussels Nuncio (see note 92 above) which the latter had forwarded to Rome.

¹⁰⁶ DD3, p. 570.

¹⁰⁷ Copies at L.O.C., and elsewhere.

¹⁰⁸ See DD3, p 47.

¹⁰⁹ Cal. SPD, Add. 1580-1625, pp. 410-12.

¹¹⁰ See Hicks, Fitzherbert, pp. 44-46, 105. For Weston's being at Cowdray we have Abbot's statement (see note 119). See also the list cited in note 111 bracketing Weston's name with that of Birkhead and others in Sussex in c. 1609-10.

¹¹¹ OBA I, 26. There are two lists under this reference, both undated but probably drawn up in 1609 or 1610 for Smith's use at Rome (see ‘Narrative of Dr Smith's Agency in Rome’ in Hicks, Fitzherbert, pp. 102, et seq.). In the first (which, according to a note by M. A. Tierney, is in Birkhead's hand) the order appears to be roughly by seniority: Weston's name comes twelfth, following those of Birkhead himself, nine assistants, and William Harrison who was later to be Arch-priest in succession to Birkhead. Further down the list we find ‘D. Westonus junior’, i.e. Edward Weston's younger brother Roger. The second list is arranged by counties. Here Roger (referred to as ‘Mr Weston’) appears under Yorkshire, Edward (referred to as ‘Dr Weston’) under Sussex in a group apart comprising the Arch-priest Birkhead, Smith, More, Weston himself, and Robert Pett. Anstruther's statement that Edward Weston ‘worked in the Durham district’ (vol. 1, p. 376) appears to be entirely without foundation.

¹¹² AAW A9, no. 13. And see note 79.

¹¹³ Copies at L.C.E. and elsewhere.

¹¹⁴ A&R 674. STC 25597.

¹¹⁵ See Anstruther, G., Vaux of Harrowden, 1953, pp. 399–401.Google Scholar

^115a DD3, p. 116.

¹¹⁶ PRO 31/19, 131, ff. 9-11 (from BV Barb. Lat. 8623). Weston signs with the alias by which he was known at the College: ‘Edouardus Williamsonus’, and is described as ‘Assistens’

¹¹⁷ PRO 31 /9,131, f 18 (from BV Barb. Lat. 8623). It is clear from this letter that the principal favour that Borghese had obtained for him from the Pope, on the recommendation of Bentivoglio, was his appointment as Professor of Theology and Assistant to the President at Douai. Weston expressed similar sentiments in the dedicatory epistle to Borghese in the book itself.

¹¹⁸ See Schrickx, W., ‘An Early Seventeenth-Century Catalogue of Books from the English Jesuit Mission in Saint-Omer’, Archives et Bibliothèques de Belgique (1975), pp. 592–618,Google Scholar especially pp. 598-600, citing documents at Brussels. Preston's Disputatio theologica is A&R 667, STC 25602. For Abbot's letters to Trumbull on the subject see HMC Downshire, vol.4, pp. 113-14, 194, and HMC Purnell's Transcripts (from uncalendared Downshire MSS.vol. 1, no. 20).

¹¹⁹ Abbot to Trumbull, 9 September 1613 (HMC Downshire, vol. 4, p. 194); same to same, 25 May 1615 (HMC Purnell's Transcripts, from uncalendared Downshire MSS., vol. 1, no. 20).

¹²⁰ Belvederi, vol. 2, pp. 309-13.

¹²¹ See Anstruther, vol. 1, p. 318; Hicks, Fitzherbert, pp. 23-24. Hicks is mistaken in thinking that Singleton remained in his post at Douai till 1620.

¹²² TD, vol. 5, p. 40.

¹²³ Belvederi, pp. 309-15.

… huomo inabilissimo al governare, e tanto incostante, che tall'hora apertamente si contradice in molte cose, che riesce poco sincere e verace, d'ingegno non punto dolce, e pacato, e molto facile a moversi ad ogni investigatione, essendo oltre a cio la sua dottrina oscura, e confusa, per il quai rispetto non e mai riuscita grata al Collegio.

¹²⁴ Copies at L, D, ST and elsewhere.

¹²⁵ Bentivoglio to Borghese, 31 August 1613 (Belvederi, vol. 2, pp. 298-9). Bentivoglio reported that he had interviewed Singleton twice: on the first occasion Singleton had been evasive but on the second he had spoken quite openly. The reason for his initial evasiveness was clearly, as the report shows, that he wanted to communicate with Becanus before revealing information that concerned the Jesuits.

¹²⁶ It seems that Singleton had been given to understand that the Pope's permission to publish the book had been obtained privately through the good offices of Thomas Fitzherbert at Rome. This, it appears, was not the case, though the book had, in fact, been shown to the Pope shortly before it was issued. It is not known how the misunderstanding arose, but Singleton can hardly be blamed for what happened after he had parted with his manuscript to Becanus. See Bentivoglio to Borghese, 31 August 1613 and (-) September 1613 (Belvederi, vol. 2, pp. 298-9, 316-17), and Borghese io Bentivoglio, 21 September 1613 (AV Borgh, I, 914 f. 621 r-v).

¹²⁷ Kellison to More, 3 November 1614 (printed in TD, vol. 5, pp. cc-cci).

¹²⁸ Kellison to More, 11 February 1615 (printed in TD, vol. 5, p. cci).

¹²⁹ Kellison to More, 8 September 1615 (printed in TD, vol. 5, p. ccii).

¹³⁰ This is stated by Kellison in his letter to More of 9 February 1616 (see note below).

¹³¹ Kellison to More, 8 September 1615 (see note 124).

¹³² Kellison to More, 9 February 1616 (printed in TD, vol. 5, pp. cciii-iv).

¹³³ Kellison to Creswell, (-) January 1616 (printed in TD, vol. 5, pp. ccii-iii).

¹³⁴ Printed in TD, vol. 5, pp. cciv-vii.

¹³⁵ … praeterquam quod ab omnibus pro nimia indiscretione, levitate, et animi praecipitatione, notetur, alio insuper vitio laborat, Illustrissimis vestris Nunciis praefatis satis noto, usque adeo ut eius in hoc Collegio vestro praesentia valde periculosa sit.

¹³⁶ … quo etiam … novi neminem qui subdola conversatione plus possit alumnis insidiari. Collegii honori apud alios detrahere, susurrationibus et sinistris informationibus nostrorum omnium pacem et quietem infestare ac perturbare, cuius in similibus officiis unica est felicitas et opera.

¹³⁷ See note 102.

¹³⁸ Creswell to the Nuncio at Brussels, 14 May 1616 (RA Gent, Jezuieten, 74, ff. 218-19). Another extract from this letter has already been quoted (see note 103).

Veni Insulas ad quaedam negotia peragenda cum P. Provinciali Societatis ubi me convenit Praeses Collegii Duaceni. Ex antiqua amicitia egi cum ilio pluribus de concordia cum doctoribus. Se paratum esse dixit sed non probatum ab aliis quod manerent in Collegio: causam non satis docuit. Processi usque Duacum ut fundum controversiarum capesserem. Pluribus conveni doctores Singletonum et Westonum sero vespere qui ingenue sese obtulerunt ad omnia quae ab illis iuste posset exspectare Praeses. Ilium volui ad concordiam adducere atque ut simul convenirent et exponerent utrimque quae possint deservire ad maiorem union-em animarum. Sed Praeses abnuit ne forte si omnino convenirent esset occasio de tenendi illos diutius in Seminario quod ab aliis (nimirum Anglicanis amicis) non probatum iri dixit qui eleemosinas non missuri erant Collegio quamdiu illi doctores hie manerent. Rationem non reddidit, quam aliunde audivi ab ipsius (ut dictum est) ore, quod non possent eleemosinae sine offensione status Anglicani mitti ad Collegium ubi alerentur ii qui scripserint contra iura Regis. Timere videtur Praeses concordiam ne illi vitio vertatur ab amicis. Hoc postremo effectum quod quamdiu Doctores ex arbitrio superiorum manserint in Collegio sit illis usurus humaniter. Illi vicissim spondent omnem Praesidi observantiam et per illos non stetit quo minus omnes discordiarum radices extirparentur. De praeteritis cupiebant rationem reddere et audire obiecta Praesidis: et quoad possum animadvertere sincere agunt et ex animo. Praeses ab alienis consiliis pendet qui nescio an propendeant ad pacem. Non possum singula scribere satis est quod spero sint amice et pacifice victuri, interim dum aliud de rebus Collegii per Illustrissimum D.V. statuatur. Sed perfectior cura esse debet. Video prospicere quo res tendent et remedio opportuno opus est: ne fiat seminarium seditionis. Video alios ab aliis moveri et hos ab aliis qui nimia familiaritate utuntur cum adversaries.

¹³⁹ These measures are referred to by Henry Mayler in his letter to Bennet of 9 February 1615 (see note 89).

¹⁴⁰ In spite of all this, the alms received by the College in the years immediately following were inadequate and, in October 1617, Kellison had an appeal printed and circulated among Catholics in England calling their attention to the desperate plight of the College (see DD3, p. 139).

¹⁴¹ Exemplar literarum a quodam sacerdote Collegii Anglorum Duaceni quondam alumnoex Anglia ad idem Collegium transmissarum. De martyriis quatuor eiusdem Collegii, Duaci, typis Petri Auroi, 1616. Copies at DAI, DE. This edition was followed by others printed atDouai and at Ingolstadt. The approbation to the first Douai edition is dated: 15 September1616, i.e. several months after Creswell had translated the same narrations into Spanish andprinted them at St Omer (see notes 152 and 153).

¹⁴² Gesualdo to Borghese, 7 May 1616. Only a summary of the letter appears to have survived (see note 101).

¹⁴³ DD3, pp. 136-7.

¹⁴⁴ He is so described on the title page of his later books. He had already settled at Bruges by 1624 when he published there The repaire of honour (A&R 884), in support of the Jesuits John Percy and John Sweet, in their controversy with Daniel Featley.

¹⁴⁵ On 4 December 1627 he gave his opinion that Richard Smith was exceeding his authority in requiring the Regulars in England to obtain his approbation for hearing the confessions of the laity (AAW A21, no. 1); on 29 August 1629 he pronounced an adverse judgment on the Oath of Allegiance (ARSJ Anglia, 33, II, nos 35 and 39. Microfilm at APSJ film 43).

^145a See An apologeticall answere of the Viscount Montague vnto sundrie important aspersions, p. 106. (Holograph MS. in C.R.S. archives.)

¹⁴⁶ Anstruther, vol. 1, p. 376.

¹⁴⁷ DD3, pp. 142-3, 145.

¹⁴⁸ See Hicks, Fitzherbert, p. 24.

¹⁴⁹ 28 August 1617. AAW, B47, no. 2.

¹⁵⁰ April 1619. DD3, p. 149.

¹⁵¹ Thomas Atkinson (11 March); John Thules (18 March); Roger Wrenno (layman, 18 March); Thomas Maxfield (1 July); Thomas Tunstal (alias Helmes, 13 July). See note 141.

¹⁵² PRO 31 /9,121 A, ff. 167-8 (from AV Borgh, II, 448). The PRO transcript indicates that the letter is addressed to Borghese. As the text is in Spanish this may be a copy of a letter originally written to Borghese in Latin or possibly a copy sent to him of a letter written in Spanish to someone else.

Estas relaciones son muy ciertas, las traduxe en Romance: por que las embio al buen Rey, para que anime a su Embaxador, y reciba gusto.

¹⁵³ ARSJ Anglia, 32, I, where it is bound up among the MSS. (item no. 9). Microfilm at APSJ, film 33.

¹⁵⁴ See Loomie, Spain and the Jacobean Catholics, vol. 2, p. 73 Google Scholar (also note 141 above).

¹⁵⁵ PRO 31 /9, 121B, ff. 131-6 (from AV Borgh, II, 448). In Spanish. This is a copy sent by Creswell to Borghese.

¹⁵⁶ See Stafford, Helen G., James VI of Scotland and the Throne of England (1940), pp. 26–40,Google Scholar 193-5. Henry VIII in his will (acting on the provisions of the Succession Act of 1534) had devised the crown, failing issue to his three children, Edward, Mary and Elizabeth, on the descendants of his younger sister Mary (the Suffolk line), to the postponement of those of his elder sister Margaret of Scotland (James's great grandmother), thus overriding the hereditary principle. The Succession Act of 1604 reversed the former Act, declaring James's title valid on the grounds of heredity alone. Although the Act of 1604 firmly rejected the claim of the descendants of the Suffolk line on the grounds of technical illegitimacy (arising from Catherine Seymour's marriage without royal consent), James's concern for his own title is evidenced by his fury over the clandestine marriage of William Seymour, the Suffolk heir, to James's first cousin Arabella Stuart.

¹⁵⁷ See Loomie, Spain and the Jacobean Catholics, vol. 1, p. xx.Google Scholar

¹⁵⁸ Creswell appears to have had in mind the Oath of Supremacy incorporated in Henry's second Succession Act of 1534 (26 Henry VIII, c. 2), but as far as we know this was never consistently imposed on members of the Commons. The situation described by Creswell really began to take shape with Elizabeth's Act of Supremacy, 1563. On this see Sir Holdsworth, W., A History of English Law (1903), etc., vol. 10, p. 551:Google Scholar ‘Elizabeth's Act of Supremacy (5 Eliz., c. 1) required members, before they took their seats, to take the oath of supremacy before the Lord Steward or his deputies; and in 1610 they were also required to take the oath of allegiance and abjuration (7 James, I, c. 6). Till these oaths were taken the person elected had no status as a member of parliament … and they effectively debarred Roman Catholics from membership of the House till the law was changed in 1828.’ Members were not required to take any oath of uniformity.

¹⁵⁹ For the situation in France in the years following the Edict of Nantes of 1598, and forthat in Germany after the Emperor Rudolf IPs Letter of Majesty of 1609 granting limitedtoleration to Protestants in Bohemia (including Moravia and Silesia), see Lecler, J., Tolerationand the Reformation (1960), vol. 2, pp. 147-55, and vol. 1, pp. 285–6.Google Scholar

¹⁶⁰ Quoted in Loomie, Spanish Elizabethans, p. 196.

¹⁶¹ See note 160.

¹⁶² PRO 31/9, 121B, ff. 141-4 (from AV Borgh, II, 448).

¹⁶³ See Gardiner, S. R., Prince Charles and the Spanish Marriage (1869), vol. 1, pp. 110–11.Google Scholar

¹⁶⁴ Twenty-six are named in the Privy Council order of 26 June (APC 1617-19, p. 197).

¹⁶⁵ PRO 31 /9, 122A, ff. 147-8 (from AV Borgh, but no volume no. given).

¹⁶⁶ HMC Purnell's Transcripts (Downshire MSS. vol. 1, no. 40).

¹⁶⁷ HMC Purnell's Transcripts (Downshire MSS., vol. 33, no. 18).

¹⁶⁸ A&R 303. STC 10809.

¹⁶⁹ PRO 31 /9, 123, ff. 213-6 (from AV Borgh, II, 448).

Comes de Gondomar quotidie fere prolixos sermones habet cum Rege, solus sine interprete, et bene sperat. Expecto ab eo in horas nuntium certum qui omnia referet; ut promittunt literae nudius tertius acceptae. Interim curamus ne decipiatur blanditiis et promissis aliorum. Regum corda in manu Dei sunt: et ab ipso expectandum si quid boni hinc vel aliunde sit accessurum Ecclesiae.

¹⁷⁰ A&R 748. STC 21676.

¹⁷¹ Quis diues saluus. Como vn hombre rico se puede saluar. Emprimido en Flandes, en el colegio de los Yngleses de Sant Omer, el ano de M.DC.XX. Por Ricardo Britanno impressor. The only copy so far found is in the Biblioteca Nacional, Madrid (pressmark 3-10704). ‘Ricardus Britannus’ was a Welsh employee at the press, Richard Floyd, who was afterwards dismissed. See Newdigate, C. A., ‘Notes on the Seventeenth Century Printing Press of the English College at St Omers’ (The Library [1919], pp. 179-90, 223-42), p. 186.Google Scholar See also HMC Purnell's transcripts (Downshire MSS., vol. 37, nos 115, 116).

¹⁷² Ref. as for note 169.

Praeclara multa suggeruntur a Salviano in libello adiuncto, quod in Anglico idiomate iam multis profuit in Anglia: nunc ad Hispanos transiit, Regisque et Principum manibus teritur, atque ut spero, non sine fructu.

¹⁷³ Y porque muchas personas principales en la casa y corte del Rey de Inglaterra y en todo el reyno, despues que se trata de estrechar mas la communicacion y buen amistad con España: se han dado al estudio de la lengua Castellana; los mismos que han gustado de oyr a Salviano hablar en su vulgar Ingles, han hecho instancia que se bolviesse tambien en la Castellana, para poder aprender la lengua juntamente con la doctrina saludable que en este libro se enseña.

¹⁷⁴ The letter cited in note 55.

¹⁷⁵ Cal. SP. Milan, p. 660, no. 1054.

Nollem remandan ultra in Anglia libros Catholicos, sed gratis distribui … Propter leges adversas et poenas vendunt in Anglia mercatores Catholicos libros rigurissimo praetio unde non perveniunt ad illorum manus qui illis maxime indigent. Huic malo licet tardius nunc tandem mederi conamur, si Deus opem tulerit.

¹⁷⁶ PRO 31 /9,121B, if. 145-8 (from AV Borgh, II, 448). This is the letter already cited in note 63.

Mitto adiunctum scriptum quod Illustrissima Dominatio Vestra mitti iussit de expensis typographiae, ut libri Cattolici distribuantur gratis. Ego puto fore utilissimas expensas et gratissimas Deo.

¹⁷⁷ PRO 31 /19, 123, ff. 213-6 (from AV Borgh, II, 448).

Sententia ilia Gratis accepistis, gratis date, quae praefigitur, significai ex condicto cum Catholicis Anglis, eiusmodi libros gratis distribuendos esse, et non posse (salva iusticia) vendi: ut coerceatur avaritia mercatorum, nullo alio modo superanda, qua extorquere solent supra omnem modum rigorosissimam solutionem pro libris piis et Catholicis, quos vendunt. Unde plerumque illis carent iis quibus maxime essent usui.

¹⁷⁸ The instruction ‘Quod gratis accepistis gratis date’ is taken from Rule 27 of the summary of the Jesuit Constitutions. I am indebted to Mr M. Walsh, librarian of Heythrop College, for calling my attention to this.

¹⁷⁹ See notes 170, 171, 186.

¹⁸⁰ Ref. as for note 177.

Impia haec diaboli fraus, et perversorum hominum nequitia … mihi investit turn pudorem turn etiam metum, ne in conspectu Divinae Majestatis segniores essemus ad tuendam veritatem, quam illi sunt as serenda mendacia. Quare inter maximas angustias exilii et persecutions, et in gravissimo aere alieno quo laboro, propter alias expensas necessarias, alendis operariis pro illa copiosa messe, coactus sum hoc etiam subire onus.

¹⁸¹ Dei spiritus ubi vult spirai. Apud quem non est alia nationum destinatio, praeter unam :electorum quos disponit ad gloriam, et reprobatorum quos expectat ad poenam.

¹⁸² For the life and the theological position of de Dominis, see Crehan, J. H., ‘The DalmatianApostate’ (Theological Studies, vol. 22, no. 1, March 1961).Google Scholar

¹⁸³ STC 6996.

¹⁸⁴ STC 6994.

¹⁸⁵ Copies at L.O.C. and elsewhere. Floyd concealed his identity under the pseudonym. Fidelis Annosus Verimentanus. The local approbation and privilege are dated 5 May 1617 and 8 May 1617 respectively.

¹⁸⁶ A&R 803. STC 23529.

¹⁸⁷ PRO 31/9, 121B, ff. 141-4 (from AV Borgh, II, 448). This is the letter already cited in note 162.

Putabam Illustrissimam Dominationem vestram accepturam fuisse, cum postremis meis Synopsim Apostasiae Marci Antonii de Dominis, quam discedens Antuerpia reliqui sub prelo. Sed cum Provincialis Societatis Provinciae Flandricae qui illic habitat, accepisset, nescio unde, aliquas de vita et moribus Apostatae quae nos consulto tacueramus, vir alioqui prudens et eruditus, sed in rebus Anglicanis minus versatus, curavit (nobis sero consultis) inseri importuno loco quae non erant ponenda. Quare necesse fuit unum aut alteram folium recudere, ut omitterentur ea quae fuerant addita contra scopum et propositum authoris, qui non volebat miserum hominem exagitare, sed reducere (si posset) ad sanam mentem.

¹⁸⁸ See the printer's note: ‘Typographus Benevoli Lectori’ on sig. 16v. The substituted passage begins on p. 48, 1. 6.

¹⁸⁹ A&R 331. STC 11116.

¹⁹⁰ Ref. as for note 187.

Alium etiam habeo, eiusdem fere argumenti, erudite scriptum in Anglia atque ad me trans-missum ut typis excudatur, quem cursim legi et tradidi iam revisoribus, ut quam primum absolvatur, omissis tamen vel limatis quibusdam, quae (ut in superiori libro) laudabilis zelus dictaverat, sed eodem Consilio videntur moderanda.

¹⁹¹ AV Borgh, II, 403 f. 180v (photocopy at APSJ).

¹⁹² Borghese to nuncio at Brussels, 18 November, 25 November and 23 December 1671 (AV Borgh, II, 428, ff. 42r-43v, 49v-50r microfilm at APSJ). The MS is decayed and in parts illegible. A very brief summary is given in Meerbeeck, pp. 196, 198, 211.

¹⁹³ Copies at L, O. and elsewhere. Floyd again uses the pseudonym Fidelis Annosus.

¹⁹⁴ Hoc opus … serius voto meo prodit in lucem, nec huius morae causas attinet dicere.

¹⁹⁵ PRO 31 /9, 122B, ff. 41-42 (from AV Borgh, II, 448).

¹⁹⁶ Nobis magno solatio est, et securitati, ut quae scribuntur Romae corrigantur, sed habet aliquid incommodi, quod interim haeretici gloriantur, et post diuturnam moram minus a vide leguntur quae fuerant diu dilata, praeter expensas exemplariorum, quae necesse duplicata esse debent, et vectura per tabellarium.

¹⁹⁷ See Vitelleschi to Creswell, 13 June, 19 September, 5 December 1620; Vitelleschi to Floyd, 20 June, 15 September 1620 (ARSJ Epist. Gen. Anglia, I, pp. 120-1, 125-6, 129 [Photocopiesat APSJ]).

¹⁹⁸ Reference as for note 197, letter to Creswell of 5 December.

Gratissimum mihi fuit videre ilia exempla literarum Illustrissimorum Cardinalium quibus facultas data fuit excudendi librum P. Ioannis Floidi antequam is Romae lectus esset non solum quod ex iis videam nihil sine facultate Summi Pontificis factum fuisse verum etiam quod haec mihi/utilia?/ futura sint si quis forte memor prioris voluntatis Summi Pontificis et huius facultatis nescius aut oblitus factum reprehendere tentare.

¹⁹⁹ Ceterum quod attinet ad difficultates et incommoda quae R.V. oriri ostendit cum tardius libri haereticorum a Catholicis refutantur, video quidem vereresse quae R.V. scribit sed illis non obstantibus cogitandum etiam sat cito illos refutari si sat bene. Ideoque [one word illegible] adhibendum ut ita cito respondeatur ut celeritas soliditati responsionis non officiat.

²⁰⁰ Copies at L², O, D, and-elsewhere.

²⁰¹ Reference as in note 195.

Gaudeo etiam, libellum non displicuisse, quern Illustrissima Dominatio vestra intelligat fuisse non inutilem Germanis, ex adiunctis Uteris Serenissimi Ducis Bavariae propria manu, ad quem (utpote amicissimum) aliquot exemplaria misi, inter Principes Germanos distribuenda. Vertimus iam in linguam Anglicam, et in illo regno distribuendam curabimus.

²⁰² A&R 579 (STC 13576); 559 (STC 18327); 260 (not in first edition of STC; 566 (STC 18443); 580 (STC 13577). The evidence for Verstegan's authorship of these tracts will be given in a forthcoming note in Recusant History.

²⁰³ (1) De spiegel der Nederlandsche elenden, 1621 (Petti 21a & b). (4) Anatomie van Calviniste calumnien, 1622 (not recorded by Petti; copy at Amsterdam University, photocopy at L).

²⁰⁴ See especially Vitelleschi to Blount, 8 October 1622, in which the General says he agrees that Creswell should be removed from Watten because of complaints about his exercise of office there (ARSJ Epist. Gen. Anglia I, 1, p. 163).

²⁰⁵ A&R 560. STC 22091.

²⁰⁶ See A. G. Petti, ‘A New Verstegan Letter’ (RH, October 1974), pp. 250-3.

²⁰⁷ Creswell to Borghese, 19 September 1616. PRO 31/9, 121B, ff. 188-90 (from AV Borgh, III, 45).

²⁰⁸ Creswell to a cardinal, 19 September 1616. PRO 31 /9, 121A, ff. 167-8 (from AV Borgh, II, 448). This is the letter already cited in note 152. It adds several details to those provided by the account of Wadsworth in DNB.

²⁰⁹ Creswell to Borghese, 22 February 1616. PRO 31 /9, 121 A, ff. 144-5 (from AV Borgh, II, 448). For Borghese's instructions to the Brussels nuncio, see Meerbeeck, pp. 25-26.

²¹⁰ Blackfan to Owen, 2 January 1614. Transcript at APSJ from ARSJ Anglia, vol. 37. Suppl (Bartoli's Collection, 1579-1624), f. 132v.

²¹¹ See Chadwick, pp. 98-99, 102.

²¹² On Smith's appointment, see A. F. Allison, ‘Richard Smith, Richelieu and the French Marriage’ (RH, January 1964), pp. 148-211. The evidence for the French political backing for William Bishop will be given in a future article in this journal.