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The Jacobite Chapel Royal at Saint-Germain-En-Laye

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  16 September 2015

Edward Corp
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Extract

The Jacobite Court was established at Saint-Germain-en-Laye at the beginning of 1689, following the successful invasion of England by William of Orange. At the time few people expected the Court to remain there for long, but after James II’s defeat in Ireland (1690), and the failure of his planned invasion of England (1692), it became clear that there was little hope of an immediate restoration. In the event the Stuarts were to remain at Saint-Germain-en-Laye for a quarter of a century. James II himself died there in 1701. His son James III stayed until 1712, when he was obliged to leave France by the terms of the Treaty of Utrecht (1713). The Queen, Mary of Modena, continued to live at Saint-Germain, and presided over the Court, until her death there in May 1718.

Type
Research Article
Information
British Catholic History , Volume 23 , Issue 4 , October 1997 , pp. 528 - 542
Copyright
Copyright © Catholic Record Society 1997

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References

Notes

1 For the Stuart Court at Saint-Germain, see La Cour des Stuarts à Saint-Germain-en-Laye au temps de Louis XIV, exhibition catalogue edited by Edward T. Corp and Jacqueline Sanson, (Paris, 1992); and the special number of the Revue de la Bibliothèque Nationale devoted to ‘Les Jacobites’, no. 46, winter 1992. Both of these are lavishly illustrated. There are also two relevant collections of essays: L'Autre Exil: les Jacobites en France au début du XVIIIe siècle, ed. Edward, T. Corp, (Montpellier, 1993);Google Scholar and The Stuart Court in Exile and the Jacobites, ed. Eveline, Cruickshanks and Edward, Corp, (London, 1995).Google Scholar

2 For the creation of the second and third chapels, which are not mentioned in any of the published works on the Château de Saint-Germain, see below. For the destruction of the little chapel, see Archives Nationales, Paris (AN) 0/1/1713, note by Galant, July 26, 1770. For the desecration of the large chapel during the French Revolution, see Saint-Germain-en-Laye à la fin du XVIIIe siècle, exhibition catalogue, (Saint-Germain-en-Laye, 1989), p. 20. After the French Revolution the Château was used as a prison, and then as a cavalry school. The royal apartments were not maintained.

3 There was no Anglican Chapel Royal at Saint-Germain-en-Laye, although there were many Anglicans (and Dissenters) at the Court. This was a condition laid down by Louis XIV. An Anglican Chapel Royal was established by James III in Lorraine after he left in 1712. For the position of Protestants at Saint-Germain, see the paper by the present author, ‘James II and Toleration: the Years in Exile at Saint-Germain-en-Laye’, in the series of Royal Stuart Papers.

4 Monique, Chabaud, ‘La Chapelle du Château-Vieux’, in Louis XIV à Saint-Germain, 1638–1682; de la naissance à la gloire, exhibition catalogue edited by Béatrix, Saule, (Saint-Germain-en-Laye, 1988), pp. 41–51.Google Scholar Unless otherwise shown, the description of the interior of the large chapel is all taken from this article, which also has a full bibliography.

5 Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris (BN.) Va. 78c, ‘Logement du Chasteau de St. Germain, ce qui est fait neuf y estant compris’, February 25 to March 14, 1685.

6 Musée du Louvre, Paris, inv. 592, 225 by 295 cm. (Reproduced in Louis XIV à Saint-Germain, p. 48).

7 Musée des Augustins, Toulouse, inv. Ro.375, 234 by 295 cm. (Reproduced in Louis XIV à Saint-Germain, p. 48).

8 AN. O/1/1714, Abbé de Brouains to Angiviller, February 22, 1781.

9 Musée des Beaux-Arts, Rouen, inv. 803–27, 136 by 102 cm. (Reproduced in Louis XIV à Saint-Germain, p. 47).

10 Eglise Saint-Jean, Bazas (Gironde), 140 by 104 cm. (Reproduced in Louis XIV à Saint-Germain, p.47).

11 Musée du Louvre, Paris, inv. 7283, 325 by 250 cm. (Reproduced in Louis XIV à Saint-Germain, p.40).

12 The painting is now lost.

13 For the expansion of the Château, see Pierre, A. Constant-Clement, ‘Les Châteaux de Saint-Germain: aménagements et transformations (1663–1685)’, in Louis XIVà Saint-Germain, pp. 118–124.Google Scholar

14 The plan of the royal apartments on the second floor is shown in Edward, T. Corp (ed.), L'Autre Exil: les Jacobites en France au début du XVIIIe siècle (Montpellier, 1993), p. 64;Google Scholar and Edward T. Corp, ‘The Jacobite Court at Saint-Germain-en-Laye: Etiquette and the Use of the Royal Apartments’, in The Stuart Courts, ed. Eveline Cruickshanks, (London, forthcoming).

15 The foundation was confirmed by Louis XIV on March 1, 1684. Full details, including the names of the priests and their duties, are in AN. O/1/608. From 1689, when the Stuarts arrived, until at least 1708 the Chaplain was Monsieur des Viviers, the Abbé de Beaumont. New priests were nominated in December 1691 and May 1696.

16 In this respect the Chapelle Royale at Saint-Germain was the same as the Chapelle Royale at Versailles. See Alexandre, Maral, ‘La Chapelle Royale de Versailles sous Louis XIV: Architecture, Institutions, Liturgie’, 5 volumes, Université de Paris IV doctoral thesis, 1997,Google Scholar vol. 3. The presence of the Lazaristes in the Chapelle Royale at Versailles was first emphasised by the researches of Dr. Maral, whose thesis supersedes all previous works on that subject.

17 The Lazaristes are listed as still serving in the chapel in AN. O/1/1716, ‘Etat des Reparations … dans les Chateaux de St. Germain en Laye’ of 1737; and AN. O/1/1717, ‘les details des objets qui ont été supprimés depuis 1737’, September 26, 1784.

18 See note 4. The principal source is Jules, Guiffrey, Inventaire Général du Mobilier de la Couronne sous Louis XIV, 2 volumes (Paris, 1885–86),Google Scholar taken from AN. O/1/3330–3336. The ‘ornemens et linge de chapelle’ were not reproduced by Guiffrey, but are listed in AN. 0/1/3333. I am very grateful to Michèle Bimbenet-Privat for helping me with my research at the Archives Nationales.

19 The painting is now lost.

20 Musée Municipal de Limoges, (on deposit from the Musée du Louvre, inv. 7966), 65 by 54 cm. (Reproduced in Louis XIV à Saint-Germain, p. 49).

21 These items were delivered on January 12, 13 and 15, 1689. (A.N. O/1.3306, ‘Journal du Garde Meuble’). The details of the silver are given in Guiffrey, op. cit., vol. 1: ‘Deux petits bénitiers et un goupillon d'argent blanc pour le service de Leurs Majestez Britanniques, à St. Germain-en-Laye, pesons ensemble 2 m(arcs), 5 o(nces), 0 g(ros)’ (p. 21, no. 121); ‘Trente six flambeaux pareils pour servir au Roy et à la Reine d'Angleterre à St. Germain-en-Laye, pesons ensemble 75 m., 6°., 3 g.’ (p. 100, no. 1181). Two of the ‘flambeaux’ were melted down in September 1708, the rest in 1709. (Ibidem, vol. 2, p. xi; and a marginal note not reproduced by Guiffrey in AN. O/1/3330, ‘Argent Blanc’, no. 1181).

22 AN. O/1/3306, ‘Journal du Garde Meuble’, March 13 and 15, 1689. Very detailed descriptions of all these ‘ornemens et linges de chapelle’, including all dimensions, are given in AN. O/1/3333, f.l65v-f.166r, nos. 109–129.

23 Further items were transferred from the chapel at Versailles in May 1698. (AN. O/1/3306, ‘Journal du Garde Meuble’; and AN. O/1/3333, f.170v, nos.193–195). In December 1690 the Abbé de Beaumont presented to the chapel ‘un vaze d'argent vermeil d'oré à mettre les saintes huilles, hault de 4 pouces, compris le croix qui est dessus le couvercle, gravé des armes du Roy … pesant 2 m., 4., 0 g.’. (AN. O/1/3306, ‘Journal du Garde Meuble,’ Guiffrey, op. cit., vol. 1, p. 21, no. 122).

24 AN. O/1/3308, ‘Journal du Garde Meuble’, January to April 1705; AN. O/1/3333, f.l71r–f.172v, nos. 208–230, 232–235, 241–242. The items transferred to Saint-Germain were all relatively new. Those from Versailles had only been in the chapel there since 1697, those from Marly since 1699.

25 AN. O/1/1710, ‘Mémoire pour les Reparations du Logement du Chapelain du Roy dans le Chateau Vieux de St. Germain en Laye’, May 3, 1751. (The robberies had taken place in 1648 and 1674).

26 AN. O/1/1711, Pointeau to Marigny, August 1, 1757.

27 AN. O/1/1711, ‘Requête des deux prêtres clercs de la Chapelle du Chateau de St. Germain en Laye a Son Altesse Royale, Monseigneur le Régent’, February 1722 (or 1723). A similar petition, asking for the return of their food and lodging, was sent to Cardinal Fleury in 1728 (no month given). It is clear from a later document that the second petition was successful: AN. O/1/1710, Perrain to Vandière, January 17, 1754.

28 AN. O/1/1714, Broiiains to Angiviller, October 17, 1780. This letter also specifies that ‘lors de l'etablissement de la Cour d'Angleterre, dans le chateau de St. Germain, on ordonna îe logement du sacristan au Lord Bulkeley (sic); depuis ce tems, il a été occupé par le fils de ce seigneur’. (Henry Bulkeley had been Master of the Household to both Charles II and James II at Whitehall. After his death in 1698 the apartment was used by his widow, Lady Sophia Bulkeley, and then by his son, Lt. General Francis Bulkeley).

29 AN. O/1/1714, Broüains to Angiviller, August 30 and October 11, 1780.

30 National Library of Scotland (NLS) MS. 14266, the diary of David Nairne. March 4, 1701: ‘The King had a fainting fit at Mass. … Ye sermon was put off till ye afternoon because of ye K's being ill’.

31 NLS. MS. 14266, Nairne's diary for January 1, 1697 (‘to Mass wth ye King in the little chappell’), and December 25, 1700 (‘I heard Mass wth ye King in ye little chappell’). Apart from Nairne's diary, the only references to the existence of the little chapel are in the archives of the ‘Bâtiments du Roi’ (see note 33), in the floor plans of the Château, and in the correspondence concerning the possessions of the Queen after her death (see note 37).

32 AN. O/1/1713, Galant to Marigny, July 26, 1770.

33 Comptes des Bâtiments du Roi sous le Règne de Louis XIV, ed. Jules, Guiffrey (CBR.), vol. 3, 1688–1695 (Paris, 1891), columns 321–326.Google Scholar

34 Philippe, de Courcillon, marquis, de Dangeau, Journal, eds. Soulié and Dussieux, 19 volumes (Paris, 1854–60), vol. 2, p. 387,Google Scholar May 14, 1689. See also the inventory drawn up for James III in Italy in November 1725, which includes ‘the rich prie dieu wch came from France’: Royal Archives, Windsor Castle, Stuart Papers ‘(RA. SP) Box 4, Folder 2/12.

35 The painting is in a private collection in Paris, 91 by 71 cm. (It is reproduced in La Cour des Stuarts à Saint-Germain-en-Laye, p. 137).

36 Brotherton Library, University of Leeds, MS. Dep. 1984/2/5. The inventory is dated July 22, 1703.

37 Historical Manuscripts Commission, Calendar of the Stuart Papers belonging to His Majesty the King, preserved at Windsor Castle (HMC Stuart), seven volumes (London, 1902–23), vol. 6, p. 486,Google Scholar James III to Middleton, Sheldon, Dillon and Dicconson, May 28, 1718; HMC Stuart, vol. 7, p. 194, Innes to James III, August 23, 1718.

38 For further details concerning the use of the apartments, see the forthcoming article by the presentauthor, referred to in note 14 above.

39 CBR., vol. 4, 1696–1705 (Paris, 1894), columns 754–759. We do know, however, that it contained a carpet which measured two and a half ‘lez’ by three and a half ‘aunes’, and four hassocks (one for each member of the royal family): AN. O/1/3307, ‘Journal du Garde Meuble’, November 1701.

40 See note 38.

41 Sizergh Castle, Cumbria, Strickland Collection R.4.

42 British Library, Egerton MSS. 2517.

43 This idea can be traced back to Anthony Hamilton, who wrote that there were ‘thirty of forty priests and Jesuits’ living in the Château. The allegation is to be found in the introduction to ‘Zeneyde’, published posthumously in Oeuvres mêlées en prose et en vers (Paris, 1731).

44 La Gourdes Stuarts ¿1 Saint-Germain-en-Laye, pp. 131–132.

45 Papers of Devotion, ed. Godfrey, Davies, (London, 1925), pp. 79–80.Google Scholar

46 La Cour des Stuarts à Saint-Germain-en-Laye, pp. 141–142 for the two Missals (in the National Library of Scotland, and at Stonyhurst College), and the 1690 and 1691 editions of the ‘Offices de la Semaine Sainte’ (at Stonyhurst College, and in the Royal Library). The editions of 1700, 1708 and 1715 are respectively in the National Library of Scotland, the Royal Library, and a private collection in Paris.

47 Maral, thesis cit., vol. 3, p. 70.

48 Very little is known about the music performed in the Catholic Chapel at Whitehall. There is a possibility that ‘Adeste Fidèles’ was originally sung there. The origin of this famous hymn is unknown, but there are two theories. The first is that both works and music were composed at Douai around 1740 by John Francis Wade. The earliest known manuscript dates from that time, and is in his hand. The other is that it was composed during the 1680s. Whichever theory is correct, ‘Adeste Fidèles’ is known to have originated as a Jacobite hymn. Indeed Wade's manuscript includes it immediately after a setting of ‘Domine, Salvum fac Regem nostrum Jacobum’, an obvious reference to either James II or James III (or both), depending on the dates of the works in the manuscript. If ‘Adeste Fidèles’ was originally composed in the 1680s, and merely copied at a later date by Wade, then it is probable that it was performed in the Chapels Royal at both Whitehall and Saint-Germain-en-Laye. The setting of ‘Domine, Salvum fac Regem’ in this Jacobite manuscript might consequently have been used there also. For full details, and a reproduction of the manuscript, see Dom, John Stephan, The Adeste Fidèles: a Study onits Origin and Development (Buckfast Abbey, 1947),Google Scholar generously communicated to me by David Baldwin. ‘Adeste Fidèles’ was also known as the ‘Portuguese Hymn’, so it might have originated in the chapel of Catherine of Braganza, or the Portugese Embassy, or even among the Portuguese priests who served Mary of Modena in England, and then been taken to Saint-Germain. (I owe this suggestion to David Baldwin).

49 Andrew, Ashbee, Records of English Court Music, vol. 2: 1685–1714, (Snodland, 1987), p. 16.Google Scholar

50 For the career of Innocenzo Fede, see Jean, Lionnet, ‘Innocenzo Fede et la musique à la cour des Jacobites à Saint-Germain-en-Laye’, Revue de le Bibliothèque Nationale, no. 46, winter 1992, pp. 14–18.Google Scholar

51 For details of music at the Stuart Court in exile, see Edward, T. Corp, ‘The Exiled Court of James II and James III: a Centre of Italian Music in France, 1689–1712’, Journal of the Royal Musical Association, vol. 120, part 2, 1995, pp. 216–231.Google Scholar Since the publication of that article, further information has come to light concerning Fede's return to Rome in 1719. He is mentioned in the account book of James III's Privy Purse as having received money in Rome ‘in charity’ on January 30 and April 4, 1720 (RA. SP misc. vol. 32), after which he was given a monthly pension (RA. SP box 3/81).

52 Prendcourt himself spent the 1690s in the Bastille, and was not replaced. See Edward, T. Corp, ‘Further Light on the Career of ‘Captain’ François de Prendcourt’, Music and Letters, vol. 78, no. 1, February 1997, pp. 15–23.Google Scholar

53 BN. Dept. de Musique Rés. 1681; Rés. F.1674, 1679, 1680, 1698, 1713; Bibliothèque de Versailles MS. Mus. 27, 58, 59; Bibliothèque Royale, Brussels, MS. Mus. II. 3847. The manuscripts of these motets are all discussed in the forthcoming article by the present author, ‘The Musical Manuscripts of ‘Copiste Z’: David Nairne, François Couperin, and the Stuart Court at Saint-Germain-en-Laye’, to bepublished in the Revue de Musicologie.

54 May of Modena was given two psalms by Louis XIV at Fontainebleau in 1692, and asked which one she would like to have set as a ‘grand motet’ by Delalande. The one she selected was ‘Usquequo Domine’. (Mercure Galant, October 1692, pp. 304–05).

55 The texts were actually written by Pierre Portes, and had been published in 1685. They were selected by Couperin because of their obvious suitability at Saint-Germain. See Kenneth, Gilbert, Davitt, Moroney and Orhan, Memed, Oeuvres Complètes de François Couperin, Vol. V, Musique Vocale, part 3, (Monaco, 1996), pp. 17–20.Google Scholar

56 Bodleian Library, Oxford, MSS. Mus. Sch. E.400–403; University of Chicago MS. 959; Bibliothèque Municipale de Lyon MS. 129949. The manuscripts of these trio sonatas are all discussed in the forth-coming article referred to in note 53. (I am very grateful to Andrew Ashbee for drawing to my attention the manuscripts at Oxford and Chicago, and to Robert Thompson for giving me full details of their contents).

57 The sonatas come from Corelli's Op. I and Op. III, Bassani's Op. V, and Krieger's Op. I. Ten of thesonatas by Finger are from his Op. I, which was specifically written for the Catholic Chapel at Whitehall. The Couperin sonatas are his six early, unpublished church sonatas. The Purcell sonatas include the so-called ‘Golden Sonata’, which was published in the posthumous set of 1697. The Bodleian manuscript, which is the earliest, also includes the works from Corelli's Op. II, which were actually ‘sonate da camera’, but these have been replaced in the Chicago manuscript by his Op. III ‘sonate da chiesa’. Among the other composers represented in these collections, mention might be made of John Blow, Giovanni Legrenzi, Carlo Manelli (a sonata called ‘La Fede’), and Giovanni Battista Vitali (from his Op. V).