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Dr. Morys Clynnog’s Invasion Projects of 1575–1576

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  16 September 2015

J. M. Cleary
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Extract

This paper deals with six documents concerning plans for the invasion of England which were put forward by Dr. Morys Clynnog in 1575 and 1576. First noted by Arnold Oscar Meyer, they have never been studied in detail. This is due in part to the lack of background material, for it is still possible to uphold Meyer’s verdict of half-a-century ago that “the diplomatic history of these plans of invasion is still far from being complete”. The Elizabethan exiles had no concerted plan of action, and each group pursued its own policies. Those that come within the scope of this survey are those of: Dr. William Allen and Sir Francis Englefield; Dr. Nicholas Sander; Thomas Goldwell Bishop of St. Asaph and Dr. Nicholas Morton; Prior Shelley, and Dr. Morys Clynnog together with Dr. Owen Lewis. The point may be illustrated by a document of 1572. Soon after the election of Pope Gregory XIII, Allen and twelve other English exiles wrote from Louvain to Cardinal Morone, the Protector of England, enclosing a memorial for the Pope, asking for Papal intervention to help English Catholics. They asked Morone to discuss the matter with Thomas Goldwell, Bishop of St. Asaph, Nicholas Sander and Nicholas Morton. Goldwell and Morton had been active in English affairs in the pontificate of Pius V. On the part of the exiles in the Low Countries, no mention was made of Dr. Owen Lewis, who as a canon lawyer was at this time pursuing a highly successful career in the diocese of Cambrai; nor did Allen suggest that Cardinal Morone should take the advice of Morys Clynnog, a Welsh exile in Rome who was high in his favour. These omissions suggest that the two Welsh exiles stood somewhat apart from Allen and his co-signatories in 1572. Clynnog, after the death of his patron Cardinal Pole in 1558, had attached himself to Cardinal Morone. He became involved in a violent quarrel in Rome with Morton in 1565, in which Morone’s support had enabled him to gain a victory over Morton and his followers in the English Hospice. There is evidence that this feud was still vigorous in 1579, and that Morton had as an ally Thomas Goldwell, Bishop of St. Asaph: and by that date Owen Lewis had ranged himself with Morys Clynnog. Lewis arrived in Rome in the summer of 1574, on legal business from Cambrai. In less than a year he had become a Papal Referendary, an office which gave him direct access to the Pope. He was thus well placed to play a leading part in the politics of the English exiles. The documents discussed in this paper lend support to the view that he embarked on his first essay in statecraft very soon after his arrival in Rome, and that the invasion-projects which now exist in the handwriting of Morys Clynnog were, in effect, proposals which had the backing of Owen Lewis, and which had among their objectives the conferring on him of a Cardinal’s hat.

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Articles
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British Catholic History , Volume 8 , Issue 6 , October 1966 , pp. 300 - 322
Copyright
Copyright © Catholic Record Society 1966

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References

Notes

1. Full transcripts of the six documents may be found in my thesis: Welsh Recusant Clergy, Liverpool University M.A. thesis, 1966.Google Scholar

2. For whom see Dictionary of Welsh Biography (London 1959)Google Scholar under Clynnog, Morys (or Maurice Clenocke); Gillow, I, p. 501.

3. Meyer, A. O., England and the Catholic Church in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth (London 1916), pp. 59 and 535.Google Scholar The document which I have designated C has recently been transcribed in full and published with a Welsh translation by Hopkins, T. J. and Bowen, G., “Memorandwn Morys Clynnog at y Pab, Gregori XIII yn 1575”, in The National Library of Wales Journal, XIV, i, Summer 1965, pp. 1–34.Google Scholar

4. Meyer, op. cit., p. 274. Knox, T. F., Letters and Memorials of Cardinal. Allen (London 1882)Google Scholar is not to be relied on for Allen's political activity before 1582; Kretzschmar, J., Die Invasionsprojekte der Katholischen Mächte gegen England zur zeit Elisabeths (Leipzig 1892)Google Scholar is limited to events after 1582; Fr. Pollen, J. H., in a chapter of his The English Catholics in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth, 1558-1580 (London 1920)Google Scholar, which is described by Mgr. Philip Hughes as “a closely documented account—the only account, so far as I know” (The Reformation in England (London 1954) III, p. 315), has a passing reference to Morys Clynnog's projects, but makes no further allusion to them. The most detailed study of the invasion-projects of the 1570's, that of von Törne, P. O., Don Juan d'Autriche et les Projets de Conquête de l'Angleterre, 1568-1578 (Helsingfors 1928)Google Scholar, does not seem to be aware of them at all. The political activity of Allen, Sander, Englefield, Owen Lewis and Morys Clynnog in 1575-1576 was, however, noted by Leo Hicks, Fr. in “Cardinal Allen and the Society”, The Month, vol. CLX, Dec. 1932, no. 822, pp. 529–530.Google Scholar

5. Allen and other exiles to Cardinal Morone, with a memorial to Gregory XIII, Louvain, 10th August 1572. P.R.O. 31/9/71, ff. 471-8. I am indebted to Miss P. Renold for this reference. The two documents will be found among the Addenda to C.R.S. vol. 58, which is in course of publication.

6. I am also grateful to Miss P. Renold for the loan of her transcript of Nicholas Morton's memorial to Cardinal Alexandrino [n.d., 1575 or later?], Parma, Archivio di Stato, Bib. Palatina, 651, n.2, from which it appears that Morton, “mediante Rmo. Assaphensi” sent a memorial to Gregory XIII in 1575 “de modo tenendo in reductione illius Regni”.

7. For whom see Dictionary of Welsh Biography, p. 558.

8. “Mihi vero alteram Polum essem ipse expertus”. Clynnog to Morone, Louvain, 6th December 1561, Arch. Vat. Arm. LXIV, t.28, f.51r.

9. Morys Clynnog's own account of this, in Bib. Vat. MS. Vat. Lat. 12159 f.139r, is the basis of Kenny's, Dr. A. summary in “From Hospice to College”, The Venerabile, vol. XXI, May 1962, p. 222.Google Scholar Some further details are in Westminster Cathedral Archives II, no. 25, pp. 105-110. Owen Lewis sent a bitter attack on Morton to Cardinal Morone, on 5th or 6th March 1579. Bishop Goldwell of St. Asaph, he said, was Morton's alter ipse, and Morton was also an agent of Prior Shelley. Bib. Vat. MS. Vat. Lat. 12159, f.155r.

10. “Romam veni 1574”. Owen Lewis to Morone, 1579, ibid., f.124. Cf. also C.R.S. II, pp. 23-24.

11. Naz, Cf. R., article “Référendaire”, in Dictionnaire du Droit Canonique, fase. XXXVIII, 1959.Google Scholar

12. “Zelus domus Dei, cui Sanctitas Vestra praeest vice Christi, me, in britannia atque Italia multis annis versatum, impulit nuper cum viro quodam deum timente et linguae continentis secrete communicari, et demum scripto com-plecti, quae mihi videbantur plurimum conducere ad miseram Angliam nostram, atque adeo ad totam ecclesiam dei restaurandam et tranquillandam”, Arch. Vat., Arm. LXIV, t.28, f.381r. [Document A].

13. “Statim ab accessu suo Romam, pro consuetudine illius gentis, summam inierat cum praedicto Maurilio Clenoco Wallo amicitiam”. Brevis Narratio de Origine ac Progessu Collegii Anglorum in Civitate Romana ab anno Domini 1578 usque 1582. Bib. Vat, MS. Vat. Lat. 3494, p. 20.

14. Cf. extracts from two letters of Owen Lewis to Prior Arnold, 11th Dec. 1587 and 2nd Jan. 1588, printed in R. Persons A Briefe Apologie … 1601, pp. 34r and 35r.

15. “Erat enim Mauritius … apud Cardinalem Moronem, nationis protector, a multo tempore nonnulla in gratia … Cardinalis … Mauritio quern diligebat”. Brevis Narratio, pp. 4v and 6.

16. Domesticali Difficulties, 1600, printed C.R.S. vol. II, p. 64.

17. Morys Clynnog's handwriting has been checked from: two letters, both signed, of 1561, Arch. Vat. Arm. LXIV, t.28, ff.51 and 68; a signature of 19th Jan. 1564, reproduced in the frontispiece of C.R.S. vol. II; a letter in Welsh to Sir William Cecil, Hatfield House, Cecil Paper 155/50, part reproduced in Cymmrodorion Transactions 1901-2, p. 114; and Bib. Vat. MS. Vat. Lat. 12159, ff.135-140.

18. Arch. Vat. Arm. LXIV, t.28.

19. Pollen, J. H., English Catholics, p. 273 Google Scholar, n.5.

20. “Sed quandoquidem Sanctitas Vestra portas Sanctae ecclesiae aperuit hoc anno sancto”.

21. “Ego quoque aliqua scripsi, quae Illustrissimae Dominationi Vestrae ostendi antequam ad Rempublicam Genuensium cum legationis munere proficisce-retur”. Arch. Vat. Arm. LXIV, t.28, f.214r.

22. Bernabei, Cf. N., Vita del cardinale Giovanni Morone (Modena 1885), p. 96.Google Scholar

23. Sea-faring was resumed towards the end of April. Braudel, Cf. F., La Mediterranée et le monde Méditerranéen à l'époque de Philippe II (Paris 1949), p. 212.Google Scholar

24. Pastor, Cf. L., History of the Popes (ed. Kerr, ), vol. XX, pp. 254–261, and Cal. S. P. Rome, 1572-78, nos. 523-543.Google Scholar

25. Printed by C.R.S., XIII, pp. 86 ft For Hugh, Owen see Dictionary of Welsh Biography, p. 697 Google Scholar, and A. J., Loomie, S.J., The Spanish Elizabethans (New York 1963).Google Scholar

26. This has escaped the attention of the transcriber of this document in National Library of Wales Journal, XIV, i, p. 10.

27. “Et classem instrueret in mari mediterraneo, militum saltern 6,000, suis expenses, et a regibus 4,000 adjici eorum expensis procuraret, et ab illis, in oris Galliae et Flandriae vicinis Angliae, impetraret subsidium quoque paratum semper, et naues ad transmittendum milites et Anglos catholicos iam exulantes, et ad suppetias, necessitate vrgente, ferendum: atque maiorem armorum quam militum numerum in illis nauibus imponeret, armaque ex Mediolano, et naues a Venetis, magno duce, Genvensibus, a regibus, et ab amicis Ecclesiae aliunde sumeret, quasi ad expeditionem contra Turcas vel barbaros: re prius cum utroque rege communicata et primo vere, aut in fine potius aestate quando Italia minus videbitur obnoxia periculis Turcicis, solverei ea classis, Duce aliquo magni nominis veluti Clarissimo Marco Antonio Colonna Sanctae Romano Ecclesiae Vassallo, aut alio viro celebri, versus fretum Herculeum: turn in Oceanum exiret: et auxilia regis Catholici et serenissimi quoque regis portugaliae in itinere circumeundo Hispaniam et Portugaliam, et regis deinde Christianissimi in oris Gallicanis secrete colligeret, et Hiberniam versus recta tenderei: ac mutata in medio cursu vellificatione in remotioribus demum Angliae partibus, quas Cambri seu Walli hodie incolunt, appellerei, vbi nec mari nec terra multum obsistere valet potentia Anglorum [ut in priori scripto dixi cancelled] et, ibi deposito in terra exercitu, per mediam Angliam vires porro eundo colligeret, confluentibus ad exercitum pontificium undequaque catholicis, et haereticam reginam, suis quoque viribus subiugaret, ac reginam Scotiae, in Anglia captivam, suo iuri in Anglia et Scotia ac Hibernia resti-tueret, et sibi ac ecclesiae Romanae tributariam redderet”. Arch. Vat. Arm. LXIV, t.28, f.364r.

28. “maiorem olim circuitum reges Angliae et Franciae peregerunt, quando in Palestinam navigarent ad terram Hierosolimitanam”. Ibid., f.364v.

29. vix unquam ex historiis constat Angliam frustra ab externo hoste tentatam”. Ibid., f.366r.

30. “7. Externae nationes, quae res Anglicanas ignorant, cum vident munitissimas illas Angliae classes bellicas, et ex hac parte Galliae, et Flandriae vicina, res maritimas Anglorum ita bene et fortiter compositas, et ipsum quoque mare Britannicum estuare plerumque, et procul aspicientibus terrorem incutere, cum opulentiam et superbiam Anglorum cernunt Londini (quo loco tota illorum gloria et pompa conspicitur) falso existimant vix ofbem universum posse illos subiugare: nec interim animadverunt et considérant quam nuda et aperta sunt omnia ex alia parte insulae versus Hiberniam, ubi nec classis nec navicula nec aliud quicquam impedit quo minus ibi exercitus in terra deponatur: nec vident populum Wallicum, qui illas occupât Angliae regiones, fìdei Catholicae addictissimum, et ad excipiendum auxilium externum ad res religionis restaurandas esse propensissimum, et exercitum ibi depositum per mediani Angliae continentem (ubi nec classis nec mare quidquam obesse potest) lubenter deduceret, sì rerum strenue perficiendarum spes certa afful-geret”. Ibid., f.364v.

31. “Nam vel unius anni redditus bonorum ecclesiasticorum, quae nullo iure sed sacrilege et impie occupant in Anglia haeretici, pecunias huic rei confìciendae sufficientes suppeditare possent”. Ibid., f.366r.

32. “Quae erigendis seminariis cleri Anglicani et instituendis Patrum Societatis Jesu et virorum religiosiorum collegiis abunde sufficerent”. Ibid., f.365r.

33. “et praeterea quoque Illustrissimis Italiae, hispaniae, Galliae, et aliarum pro-vinciarum viris principibus, veluti: Jacobo Boncompagno; Imperatoris filio; Regis Christianissimi fratri; Johanni Austriaco: vel aliis huiusmodi Christianae reipublicae floribus”. Ibid., f.365r. On f.366r. there is a cancelled reproduction of this paragraph, with the additional proposal that Jacopo Boncompagni might be rewarded with the estates of the Duke of Norfolk: “Sane si Illus-trissimus Dominus Jacobus Boncompagnus ecclesiae Romanae generalis et primus Capitaneus Romanae classi praeficeretur, posset suo labore dignum et perpetuum consequi praemium super xxxta. millia scuta annue sibi et suis haeredibus ex patrimonio Ducis Norfolciae nuper capite plexi in Anglia, qui haereticus mortuus est”. Ibid., f.366r.

34. “Postremo, sine onere camerae Apostolicae ex bonis haereticorum Anglorum non solum Illustrissimo Legato alicui de Latere quoque qui cum exercitu mitteretur, satisfieri posset, sed etiam omnibusque illis Anglis ob fidem Catho-licam exulibus, et aliis viris nobilibus, qui in Wallia et Cornubia multi sunt et potentes et catholici”. Ibid., f.366r.

35. “Expediret etiam ubi primum exercitus ad terram apelleret, excommunica-tionem per foelicis recordationis Pium Quintum decretam publicari per Legatum et Episcopos, additis nonnulh's clausulis: veluti 1°. quod, qui exercitui pontificio se adiungerent Indulgentias anni sancti, perinde ac si in persona Romae, iiijor. Sanctas Basilicas visitarent, consequantur. 2°. qui non fecerint, excommunicationem incurrant. 3°. qui contra fecerint, etiam bonorum omnium confiscationi et aliis periculis subiaceant 4°. Item quod capiantur omnes ministri et pseudoepiscopi falsae religionis, et committantur custodiae cum sequestratione bonorum. 5. Item publico edicto iubeantur omnes sub poena, quae lege militari habet executionem paratam se adiungere exercitui, et victualibus, ac aliis rebus necessariis milites ecclesiae iuvare, cum aliis clausulis necessariis, etc.” Ibid., f.365v.

36. “Et imprimantur excommunicationis, ac Iubilaei ac praedictorum multa exempla Latine, Anglice ac Britannice Romae: idque secrete”. Ibid., f.365v.

37. “Quantopere autem Catholicae religioni sit addicta, quantoque eius tuendae zelo ardeat tota illa aquilonaris Anglicae pars, Scotiae vicina, satis superque declarat sanguis multorum earn ob causam ibi nuper effusus”. Ibid., f.366v.

38. “Cambria tota (quam vulgo nunc Walliam vocant) quae regis est tertia fere pars regni Angliae: ubi vix inter mille vir unus inuenitur haereticus; Britannicus enim populus illius insulae indigena est, qui adhuc retinet, et priscam Britannorum linguam (quam Angli, ut ex Saxonia oriundi non intelligunt) et antiquam atque avitam quoque fidem catholicam quamuis nec missas audire, nec alia, quae catholicae religionis sunt officia exercere, et profìteri palam audeant, nimia principis potentia, et tyrannide oppressus”. Ibid., f.366v.

39. “In Cambria praesertim (ea mea patria est diarissima quae me genuit et aluit, quam partem Angliae antiqui et indigenae illius insulae Britanni hodie incolunt lingua adhuc ab reliquis Anglis distincti) vix ex mille unus aut ullus hodie inuenitur haereticus, et ibi, a tempore quod hominum memoriam antecedit, in ore omnium cantilenae quaedam et rithmi vernáculo suo idiomate celebrantur, quibus liberationem suam et omnia bona ex urbe Roma, et per classem ex urbe ad eas regiones ohm mittendam sibi polli-centur. Quae carmina, licet prophetiae fidem forte non merentur, illi tamen tanquam oracula quaedam prophetica passim amplectuntur. Et ideo, ad illorum ánimos exercitui [f.367v] pontificio coniungendos et conciliandos, satis habent momenti, et satis ostendunt illorum expectationem et desiderium quo Romanam classem in illis partibus exciperent, si eo appellerei, et ibi deponeretur, ut dixi, exercitus.

21. “Et sane nullo alio commodiori loco quam Monam (Angliseam hodie vocant Angli) classis Apostolica appellere posset [Document B, on f.349r, has quando ad portum Menai in Monam appellerei]: Nam neminem latere potest, qui illas regiones peragravit, aut novit, ita altissimis montibus et fluminibus duasillas Cambriae provincias, videlicet Insulam Monae, et Arfoniam Claudiet circumcingi; ut, ab Arce Harlech ad urbem Coneu, nemo possit ex illis provinciis exire nisi per quatuor angustos admodum et strictos additus seu transitus.

22. Et proinde haud esset difficile, positis ad illos transitus custodibus per viros eius loci principes, illas viarum angustias sic observare, ubi primum in conspectu esset classis Romana, ut nemini cuiquam posset patere exitus a dictis duabus regionibus, ad reliquas regni partes, ad certiorem reddendum reginam de adventu exercitus, qui multis diebus, antequam quidquam sciret remina, posset hac ratione se praeparare, et secretos nuntios, ac fidos et discretos cursores interim destinare per omnes Angliae provincias ad catholicos viros nobiles et amicos, ac etiam, si opus sit, trans mare in Franciam et Flandriam, ac ita demum omnibus paratis et compositis, posset exercitus tuto, ac collectis et auetis viribus, progredi et exire in mediam Angliam.

23. Modus autem claudendi iiijor praedictas angustias viarum hie videtur expeditus, si praemittatur aliquis vir in rebus huius modi agendis dextere versatus, qui catholicis aliquot nobilibus (quales sunt fere omnes illarum provinciarum) persuaderei, ut, ubi primum classis in conspectu apparerei, collocarent vigiles aliquot ad dictas angustias vias, qui omnibus perrnitterent intrare quidem, exire autem neminem sinerent, donec esset opportunum”. Ibid., ff.367r—367v.

40. “Nec contempuendum est quod antiquissima sit huius gentis Britannicae in vera fide et religione consensio et constantia, ut ex multis antiquorum et recentium scriptis apparet”. Ibid., f.368r.

41. Hugh Owen had helped to compile a list of Catholic sympathisers in North Wales in 1574. He had noted the distance of certain nouses in his part of Carnarvonshire from the sea (C.R.S. XIII, p. 108), doubtless in connection with an invasion-project. On June 23rd 1575 Sir Francis Englefield, writing from Cambrai to Sir William Cotton at Dunkirk, enclosed a note from Hugh Owen to Cotton saying “I purpose to see Rome ere long”. Cai. S.P. Dom. Eliz., Addenda, 1566-79, p. 484. His brother Robert Owen was in Italy from about August 1575 to May 1576. Cai. S.P. Rome, II, 1572-1578, nos. 417 and 518.

42. “Dominus Thomas Stucleus, nobilis Anglus rei militaris praecipue naualis peritissimus, qui iam Romae est … est recte hie vir divinitus hue ad afflictae ecclesiae dei solatium et auxilium missus, quern si Sanctitas Vestra dimittat, vix unquam alium ei per omnia inueniet parem et istis rebus pera-gendis aptiorem”. Arch. Vat. Ann. LXIV, t.28, f.365r.

43. Pollen, J. H., English Catholics in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth, 1558-1580, pp. 196–200.Google Scholar The paragraph on p. 196 ascribing Stukeley's favour with the Pope to Owen Lewis and Morys Clynnog is, I think, based on Fr. Pollen's knowledge of the Brevis Narratio 1582 (cf. n.13 above), which is very biassed against Lewis. The statement on p. 199 that Morys Clynnog and Owen Lewis “were described as persons of zeal” is a misapplication of a description that was actually bestowed on Allen and Englefield. Cf. von Törne, op. .cit, II, p. 77, where the phrase is shown to be a quotation from Stirling-Maxwell's summary of: Zufiiga to Philip II, 17th October 1575.

44. Cal. S. P. Rome, II, 1572-78, no. 409.

45. Stirling-Maxwell, W., Don John of Austria (London, 1883), vol. II, p. 112.Google Scholar

46. von Törne, op. cit., II, p. 82n.

47. Ibid., II, p. 77 and p. 65.

48. Cf. a spy's report of 7th July 1574 in Cal. S. P. Foreign, 1572-74, no. 1486.

49. “Non est tarnen consultum vili Anglorum, nisi sacramento silentii obstricto, et ex magna causa, istas deliberationes et huius consilii rationes aperire”. Arch. Vat. Arm. LXIV, t.28, f.368r.

50. “Vel parum vel nihil adhuc molitus est circa earn rem”. Ibid., f.214r.

51. “Si sua sanctitas vel nolit vel non possit exequi illud consilium quod ei turn suggessi de recuperatione Angliae, rogo Illustrissimam Dominationem Vestram in visceribus Christi ut ei persuadeat aliquid saltern tentare quod sine magnis expensis facere poterit … Sunt in Anglia multa loca, praesertim maritima, ipso situ suo naturali munitissima, quae nullis militibus praesidiariis custq-diunter, sed sine metu neglecta relinquuntur, ideoque facile a paucis militibus occupari subito et capi possunt, capta vero semel et occupata facillime muniri, et adversus omnem vim quantumuis magnam defendi et retineri possunt. Si talis unus locus aliquis subito in Anglia per milites pontificios occuparetur. Regina cum omnibus suis copiis non posset illud recuperare: et multi catholici eo quotidie confluerent; praesertim cum audirent ibi missas celebrai ritu catholico … [f.214r] Sunt hodie extra Angliam multi viri nobiles laici Angli, qui cum 600 aut 700 bonis militibus et capitaneis Italis aliquem huiusmodi munitum locum in Anglia possent occupare, et ea ratione Reginam cum suis complicibus in maximas difficultates et angustias coniicere atque vehementissime urgere, ut pro sua securitate vel ad catholicae ecclesiae Romanae redeat communionem, vel catholicis in Anglia liberam catholicae religionis professionem permittat … Erunt breui (ut quotanis fieri solet) aliquot naues onerariae in oris maritimis italiae, viz., apud Civitatem Veterem, Ligurniam etc., quae commode huic rei seruire poterunt, si hoc consilium Suae Sanctitati probaretur”. Ibid., ff.214n—214v.

52. “Videmus quantum regi Christianissimo nocet unius urbis Rochellae occupatio, et ibi haereticorum tutus et munitus quotidie accessus et concursus. Videmus quoque in quas magnas angustias hodie agitur rex Catholicus His-paniae per unum illud oppidulum Flussingam in Zelandia ab haereticis occupatum, unde, tanquam ex fonte permanat quicquid hactenus in belgica rebellionum exortum est et hodie continuatum. Et cur non similiter viri catholici, Deo Duce, pro religione catholica unum oppidulum vel castrum occupando in Anglia, longe facilius et foelicius simile aliquid faciant”. Ibid., f.214v.

53. J. H. Pollen, op. cit., p. 198.

54. von Törne, op. cit., II, pp. 68-69.

55. Ibid., pp. 72-80.

56. Cal. S. P. Rome, II, 1572-78, no. 435

57. Pollen, op. cit., p. 200. Pollen's footnote at this point increases the confusion. He says “Another letter was then sent (Dec. 24, 1575) which commended [Allen's] labours for the seminary of Douay, and said that Dr. Owen Lewis would explain more fully. Arch. Vat., Arm. xliv, xxviii, no. 106, Como's register”. There is in Cal. S. P. Rome, II, 1572-78, no. 463, a letter of 24th Dec. 1575 from Como to Allen which seems to be the one referred to by Pollen. It thanks him for the report presented by Audoenus on the progress of the seminary then being founded for the benefit of the English nation. The calendarist has added to the confusion by identifying “Audoenus” as Thomas Owen and the seminary as Rome, when nos. 407 and 408 in the same calendar make it clear that Douay is meant.

58. Cal. S. P. Rome, II, 1572-78, no. 489.

59. Sander to Como, Madrid, 31st March 1576. Ibid., no. 503.

60. von Törne, op. cit., pp. 80-86 and 215-222.

61. It was originally printed by von Törne in 1928, but with numerous errors. I am indebted to Miss P. Renold for a loan of her transcript. There is an English translation in my thesis, vol. II, pp. 128-131. It is curious that this document was omitted from Martin Hume's Calendar of State Papers Spanish, vol. II, 1568-1579.

62. “in ilio tractatu quern rudi Minerua scriptum anno superiori tradidi Sancissimo Domino Nostro”. Arch. Vat. Arm. LXIV, t.28, f.355r.

63. “Illud ergo muto quod aliis principibus haec Consilia communicari secrete debere suasi, et honores deferri nonnullis viris principibus in Gallia, Hispania, Lusitania etc. nec enim arbitror expediré alios principes, ut iam sunt res Christianae, vocari ad hanc deliberationem, aut conscios esse debere novum consiliorum, sed omnia solius summi Pontificis nomine authoritate Consilio, et opera esse facienda”. Ibid., f.358v.

64. “videtur autem satis consultum ut exercitus deponatur in terra non procul a civitate Chestriae loco captivae reginae vicino, et quasi medio inter Walliam et regionem Angliae aquilonariem (in qui bus duabus provinciis plerque omnes Catholici sunt) ita tarnen si aliqui illarum regionum nobiles praecipui pre-parentur per aliquos suos conterráneos, illis et apud eos gratiosos secrete illuc mittendos, qui mores, loca, et linguam illorum norint.” Ibid., f.361 v. A postscript, marked for insertion on f.356r.

65. “nisi enim id fiat nec 5000 militum ree decuplo plures sufficient.” Ibid., f.355v.

66. “Obiter vero illud adjicio, quod licet egregius iste vir militaris N. dicat constanter 5000 militum sufficere ad hanc rem conficiendam, timeo tarnen nimis exiguus sit ille numerus, et ne timeant catholici se adiungere tam parvo exercitui contra potentiam regiam.” Ibid., f.355v, where it is cancelled, but it is repeated on the following folio.

67. “Exercitui vero praesit non ullus Anglus, ad emulationem perniciosam vitandum, et propter alias rationes graues: sed aliquis [f.356v] Sanctae Romanae ecclesiae vassallus vir Celebris et honoratus ac rei militaris peritus.” Ibid., f.356r.

68. “vel mittendum esse cum exercitu, vel ex Flandria in Angliam traijcere debere cum illis nobilibus qui iam sunt in Flandria, ope, et auxilio Domini Cottoni, qui iam XXX naues habet, et in mari Britannico rebelles ac haereticos quotidie exercet.”. Ibid., f.356r. William Cotton received letters of marque from Requesens, the Governor of Flanders, on 11th April and 18th May 1575. C.R.S. XIII, p. 484. Cf. also the Nuncio in Germany to Como, Augsburg, 22nd August 1575, Cal. S. P. Rome, II, 1572-78, p. 423. These empowered him to man a fleet of privateers to cruise against the rebels in the Netherlands. Cf. also Hugh Owen to Cotton at Dunkirk, June 23rd 1575, Cai. S. P. Dom, Eliz., Addenda, 1566-1579, p. 484.

69. “nobilis Anglus rei militaris praecipue naualis peritissimus”, Arch. Vat. Arm. LXIV t.28 f.365r; “Thomas Stucleius omnium gentis nostrae peritissimus est rei navalis et militae terrestris, vir catholicus et fidus”, Simancas, Estado Leg. 927, ff.227-9.

70. “Multum quoque expedit, meo iudicio, immo pernecessarium est aliquem creare gentis nostrae Cardinalem, etiam iam antequam exercitus hinc decedat, qui hie maneat, etiam decendente exercitu, et suam Sanctitatem Consilio circa res Anglicanas iuuet, ac liberius et sine suspicione quotidie posset venire ad deliberationes istas instruendas, et contra occurrentes difficukates, ubi alii Angli aberunt, remedia commoda et Consilia Sanctissimo Domino Nostro suggerere possit, et magis convenit dignitati Sanctae Sedis Apostolicae ilium Cardinalem mittere postea in Angliam ad nes stabiliendas post primos belli impetus, quam ut sit in ipsa acie, ubi sufficit nuncius Apostolicus.” Arch. Vat. Arm. LXIV, t.28, f.356v.

71. “Hue accedit quod haeretici nihil periculi expectabunt prope et domi in Anglia quandu videbunt hie ilium Cardinalem manere in urbe. Unde interim possunt ex improviso capi.” Ibid.

72. Other interested parties were also promoting the candidature of their nominees, e.g. Dr. Nicholas Sander, who had the support of the Countess of Northumberland, Leonard Dacre and others in the Low Countries. Cf. Cal. S. P. Rome, II, 1572-78, nos. 103 and 156, and C.R.S. XXVI, p. 10.

73. So Charles Sledd, reporting a dinner-party in the English College, Rome, on 29th December 1579. C.R.S. LIII, p. 231.

74. Mgr. P. Hughes, Rome and the Counter-Reformation in England (London 1942), p. 163.

75. Knox, Allen, pp. 27 and 70.

76. Morys Clynnog attacks the policies of those who wish to put off action against England (f.369r) or who want to open negotiations with Queen Elizabeth (f.204v). Prominent among the latter was Prior Shelley, who went to Rome from Venice in June 1575 with a scheme to conciliate the Queen. Cai. S. P. Rome, II, 1572-78, nos. 384 and 406. A little later on, Owen Lewis tried to have Shelley put in the Inquisition ”as a frend or honorable spie for the Queene”. R. Persons, “Domesticali Difficulties”, C.R.S. II, p. 162.

77. This memorandum was endorsed in Welsh and Latin by Morys Clynnog “at y Pab. Cyngor i dal y dyernas yn y phyd i. Consilium i.” (f.362v). Cf. G. J. Williams, Gramadeg Cymraeg (Cardiff 1939), p. xli. This endorsement is erroneously described as the title-page of Document C (which is a year earlier) in National Library of Wales Journal, XIV, i, p. 1.

78. Cf. Fr. P. Ryan, S.J., “Correspondence of Cardinal Allen,” C.R.S. IX, pp. 12-105, especially Allen's letter to Owen Lewis, pp. 44ff.

79. Williams, W. Ll., “Welsh Catholics on the Continent”, Cymmrodorion Transactions, 1901-2, pp. 79 and 81.Google Scholar